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E Infle 016 0095
E Infle 016 0095
E Infle 016 0095
Marc Tourret
In Inflexions Volume 16, Issue 1, 2011, pages 95 to 103
Publishers Armée de terre
ISSN 1772-3760
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most importantly, “great men”. Just what is the status of Charles de
Gaulle, footballer Zinedine Zidane or Harry Potter, to mention only
figures who have influenced recent imagination? It is easy for us to
see that the generic description “hero” covers people meeting very
different challenges.
Before looking at the great discontinuities in the history of Western
heroism, we need to take some methodological precautions in order
to precisely tackle the complex question of defining heroes 1.
1. To examine the points touched on in this article in greater depth, see the following works, which are backed up by an
extensive bibliography: Pierre Centlivres, Daniel Fabre & Françoise Zonabend (dir.), La Fabrique des héros (Paris,
Maison des sciences de l’homme, Ethnologie de la France. Cahiers No. 12, 1998), and Odile Faliu & Marc Tourret (dir.),
Héros, d’Achille à Zidane (Paris, bnf, 2007).
II WHAT HAVE HEROES BECOME?
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plinary field of those who use this, sometimes hackneyed, term. For
psychologists, such a person is above all a model for a child’s psychic
development, while for philosophers he is a moral incarnation of good,
and for anthropologists he is a legendary ancestor and a totemic figure.
With our love of classification, the hero in literature has become
synonymous with the main character in a work, involving a semantic
impoverishment that can be seen from the middle of the 17 century.th
Resistance and the Vichy authorities during the Second World War.
Her following is now in decline, and she is celebrated as a heroine
only at the local level and by the National Front. However, she could
well serve in the future as a figurehead for a feminist movement. The
Joan of Arc cult thus teaches us less about the real historical character
than about the ideological power struggle that exists in the contem-
porary era.
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individuals who were the subject of a heroic cult were founders of
cities, kings, ancestors with various degrees of mythical nature; some
had not necessarily achieved anything extraordinary, but they were all
dead and witnesses of a dark and bygone era.
That nostalgia for a heroic age reminds us that heroes carry out their
actions in a world of memory. Whether they come from the world of
fiction or from real history, they are reworked in our imagination.
The characters of Roland and King Arthur illustrate the extremely
permeable boundary between reality and fiction. There is only weak
evidence of their historical reality, but their legendary existence is
monumental. We are reminded of that by the journalist in The Man who
shot Liberty Valance: “When the legend becomes fact, print the legend.”
John Ford’s film marvellously dissects the problem of constructing a
hero, and the use of flashbacks illustrates the complexity of its various
time sequences.
The heroic image of a cavalry charge, which fed the Western imagi-
nation for centuries, is one of the finest examples of this power
wielded by romantic fiction. The strength of the cavalry myth can be
judged from the stories of charges from Agincourt to that—legendary
but tenacious—of Polish lancers against the panzers in 1939. In between
came the Charge of the Light Brigade, in the Crimea in 1854, and what
were called the “Reichshoffen” cavalry, in the Franco-Prussian war.
Another indicator is the liberties taken in representations of historical
and geographical reality. While the traditional cavalryman became
IV WHAT HAVE HEROES BECOME?
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from ordinary men, the world of heroes was incredibly heterogeneous.
There were demigods (Heracles and Theseus), warlords (Achilles),
founders of cities, former kings, ancestors, athletes and healers,
with most but not all the heroes being men, often achieving exploits
associated with war. In many cases, they made their mark through the
strength of their civilised values, in opposition to chaos and savagery.
The heroic cult that developed in Greece starting in the 8 century
th
Christian martyrs (who sought suffering), and then ascetic saints, who
came to compete with heroes. The first Fathers of the Church strove
to distinguish Hercules, who had become a very popular model of the
virtuous sage at the end of antiquity, from Jesus, whose life certainly
included episodes similar to those of the son of Zeus. In addition,
Tertullian said that Christianity was wisdom combined with heroism.
The Christians rejected the pagan heroes, who moved between human
and divine characteristics, and between reality and fiction. For them,
Jesus, like the saints, fought for the coming of the celestial city by
achieving exploits rooted in historical reality and not in myth.
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the processes of canonisation required (as they still do) the candidate
for sainthood to have achieved heroic acts, the virtues required were
more those of humility and asceticism. In particular, one became a saint
only through the exemplary nature of all or a large part of one’s life.
That was not necessarily the case with valiant knights and heroes
of aristocratic elites, who were progressively lumped together with
knights in the latter centuries of the Middle Ages. The term “hero”
did not appear in the French language until 1370, but valiant knights
were an equivalent in the usage of court society. Roland, the knight
celebrated in the chanson de geste written in the late 9 century, is the
th
the Nine Female Worthies, that has come down to us in the figures
on packs of cards, portrayed an idealised chivalry or knighthood that
looked to a mythical past in order to exorcise doubts that assailed its
role at a critical time of economic, social and military change.
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indicate the main character in a literary work. This freeing up of
fictional characters illustrates the desire to distinguish the imaginary
from the real, and to get rid of the medieval combination expressed
in marvellous phenomena. While cultural heroes proliferated in the
theatre, opera and popular literature, such heroes were questioned by
17 century moralists, who criticised the vain seeking for glory.
th
of media and in famous pictures and sculptures, with the press playing
an increasing role and the development of publishing assisting the
proliferation of exemplary figures with which the French could identify
with the coming of the nation-state. They showed the golden age of
Vercingetorix, Roland, Joan of Arc, Bayard, Hoche, Kléber and the
noble La Tour d’Auvergne family. In the “great novel of the nation”,
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their dazzling exploits can be seen alongside the patient achieve-
ments of “great men” such as Charlemagne, Sully, Colbert, Buffon,
Victor Hugo and Pasteur. Some went from one category to the other,
with the hero Bonaparte becoming “great man” Napoleon I (and De
Gaulle taking on that dual image in the 20 century). Together with
th
heroes on whom there was a consensus could be seen some who were
fought over (as we have seen with Joan of Arc) and characters who
were argued about. Examples are Jacques Cathelineau, a royalist
hero, and Louise Michel, the “Red Virgin”: one of the few heroines
among the mass of male heroes. These latter examples are all the
more malleable in having come from ancient families, embodying
the ideological conflicts that played out in 19 century France.
th
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as the most recent great national heroes. The fact that some of the
key figures, such as Pierre Brossolette, were partly forgotten, and the
late emergence of others, such as Jean Moulin, illustrate the unpre-
dictable nature of society’s memory of heroes. Why is the remarkable
Joseph Epstein, head of the ftpf (French Volunteers and Partisans)
in the Paris region, who was shot at Mont-Valérien in 1944, still
today less famous than his successor, Colonel Rol-Tanguy, or Missak
Manouchian, who was head of ftp-moi (Volunteers and Partisans—
Immigrant Workers)? Memories of the Resistance are a privileged area
of observation in the processes of hero-making and of condemnation
to oblivion. States, political parties, local and national associa-
tions, and the media are active—and frequently competitors—in this
construction of heroes, with the subjects’ celebrity measured by how
often they appear in street names. Women and foreigners have more
recently appeared in the pantheon of Resistance heroes, following the
immediate post-war period when those valued were primarily French
male combatants. As for the recent emergence of “just” figures, that
is a symptom of the attention given to victims.
New heroes
Recent decades have seen a proliferation of heroes; they have
certainly had worldwide reputations, but it has been more ephemeral.
WHAT IS A HERO? IX
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embody values which, without their actions, would remain abstract in
the Western world, which tries to isolate its wars as being in the past
or peripheral. The suspicion that has surrounded our heroes for half
a century reflects a decline in patriarchal and authoritarian values as
the counterpart of increased focus on virtues that are more democratic,
feminist and pacifist. The suspicion is accompanied by a change in
the heroes’ posture (which has become less dictated by religion) and
in their mission (which has become focused more on service than on
commanding authority), if we go back to the word’s original meaning.
Thus, the slow process of consecrating victims is enabling them
to acquire an identity while, in contrast, heroes are plunging into
anonymity. History textbooks, commemorative street-name plates and
official celebrations remind us that the duty of memory these days
essentially relates to victims. The heroes are becoming more humble
and discreet, and often more prone to disappear. As the subjects of
cults, they nevertheless continue to arouse passionate debate, as they
commit their bodies to defend values. Over time, however, they often
become part of the heritage of cultural heroes who, having become
the subject of a consensus, lose all their effectiveness as charismatic
models, whether political, social, civil or military.