PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1996 3

Pp 3-28

ARTICLES

The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's

Reformed Anglican Theology on
the Formation and Development of
the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada
Peter Althouse
The Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada (PAOC) has had many sim-
ilarities with its United States counterpart, the Assemblies of God. In
fact, in its early years the PAOC was affiliated with the Assemblies of
God.1 Yet the PAOC was unique in that it had a friendly relationship
with the Anglican Church of Canada2 vis-à-vis the Toronto low-church
Anglican theological school, Wycliffe College.3 This relationship cen-
tered on one man, a Wycliffe College graduate and Anglican priest,
who was asked to be principal of the first Canadian Pentecostal Bible
school in 1925, a position he held until 1950. This man was James
Eustace Purdie, arguably the most influential person in the formation
and development of PAOC doctrine through the theological education
of Pentecostal ministers.4

'There were originally two Pentecostal organizations which eventually formed the
present Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada In 1919, eastern Canadian Pentecostals
applied for and received a dominion charter under the Pentecostal Assemblies of
Canada Western Canadian Pentecostals, who had closer ties with the Assemblies of
God, organized into the Western Canada District Council of the Assemblies of God
m 1919 as well In 1920, the PAOC affiliated with the Assemblies of God as the
Eastern Canadian District Council of the Assemblies of God, which brought eastern
and western Canadian Pentecostals into cooperation with the Assemblies of God
Using the dominion charter of the PAOC, the eastern and western Canadian confer-
ences united, and later, due to national considerations and policy differences, the
PAOC severed its union with the Assemblies of God However, a friendly affiliation
has since remained Gordon F Atter, The Third Force (Caledonia, Canada Acts
Books, 1962, reprint 1970), 95-96
technically, before 1955 the Anglican Church of Canada was the Church of
England m Canada, but for the purposes of this paper, Anglicanism or the Anglican
Church will be used See Stephen Neill, Anglicanism (London, England Mowbrays,
1958), 302
3
See Appendix 1 A Brief History of Wycliffe College
4
See Appendix 2 A Brief History of James Eustace Purdie
4 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

Purdie was an educated Anglican priest5 who embraced and was

embraced by early Canadian Pentecostals. He was so trusted that the
leaders of the PAOC invited him to oversee a critical position in the
organization, the education of a generation of Pentecostal ministers
He was also influential in the development of PAOC doctrine through
his Pentecostal catechism, Concerning the Faith, and his editing of the
PAOC doctrinal booklet, What We Believe. It would be plausible, there­
fore, that since Purdie developed the curriculum for the Canadian Bible
College,6 a curriculum which was modeled after Wycliffe College7 and
was later used in other PAOC schools, his Reformed Anglican roots m
Wycliffe College influenced the theological development and direction
of his teaching and, consequently, the theological development of the
Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada.
This paper will therefore explore the influence of the Reformed
Anglican theology of Wycliffe College on the development of PAOC
doctrine Purdie's writings will be compared with that of his Wycliffe
College professors, specifically James P. Sheraton and Dyson Hague,8
as a way of seeing the theological connections between Reformed
Anglican theology and PAOC doctrine. Purdie considered Sheraton to
be a "very able theologian . . . very Calvinistic . . . not hyper, but just
enough to make his teaching strong on the sovereignty of God." 9

5
Apart from his education at Wycliffe, Purdie obtained a Β D from Christian Union
in 1918, a D D from the Reformed Episcopal Seminary, Philadelphia, a Β A from
Temple Hall College and Seminary, 1946, and a ST D from St John's University, India
J E Purdie, Wycliffe College Record, Wycliffe College Archives, Toronto, Canada
Although Purdie held a number of degrees, his abilities as a student at Wycliffe College
were lacking, for he consistently placed in the bottom third of his class See Brian
Robert Ross, "The Emergence of Theological Education within the Pentecostal
Assemblies of Canada," (M Th thesis, Toronto, Canada University of Toronto, 1971),
94 η 4
6
First called the Central Canadian Bible Institute, later the Canadian Bible College,
and later still Western (Pentecostal) Bible College Ross, "Emergence," 63-64
7
After discussing his coursework at Wycliffe College, Purdie commented that he
used his Wycliffe education as the model for Western Bible College He patterned his
teaching after James Ρ Sheraton's lectures, though he remarked, "I didn't have any of
Dr Sheraton's notes but I remember it all, you see " J E Purdie, interview by Gordon
Franklin, transcript, 13,1973, PAOC Archives, Mississauga, Canada Also see appen­
dices 3 and 4 for a comparison of the Wycliffe and Canadian Bible College curricula
8
Purdie also cited Wycliffe professor, W H Griffith Thomas, in his eschatological
paper, J Eustace Purdie, "After the Thousand Years—What9" Papers read before the
American Society for Prophetic Study 1924 (Germantown, PA American Society for
Prophetic Study, 1925), 4, and recommended Thomas's Principles of Theology in his
sotenology lecture notes, J E Purdie, Systematic Theology III Lecture Notes
Sotenology, η d, 51, James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC Archives, Mississauga,
Canada
9
Purdie, interview, 12
The Influence of Dr J E Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 5

Sheraton was also "a wonderful man of God."10 While Purdie did not
specifically speak of Hague in his writings, Purdie's understanding of
Scripture as the Word of God paralleled Hague's. The comparison
between Purdie and his professors will be accomplished by examining
three theological areas: within thefieldof the doctrine of Scripture, the
issues of biblical authority, revelation, and inspiration will be examined
as they related to the emerging discipline of higher criticism; within the
field of soteriology, the areas of atonement, sanctification, and perfec­
tion will be explored; and in relation to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit,
Purdie's understanding of the Pentecostal blessing, an understanding
which he attempted to synthesize with his Anglican heritage, will be
analyzed. Following this analysis, some suggestions will be offered
regarding the implications of the dissemination of Purdie's Anglican
theology for Canadian Pentecostalism.

Doctrine of Scripture

In relation to the doctrine of Scripture, both Purdie and the faculty

of Wycliffe College held a conservative evangelical view.11 From its
inception, Wycliffe College was concerned about the way theological

10
Purdie, interview, 23 Elsewhere, Purdie spoke reverently of Sheraton as "a
strong spiritual Christian and a great scholar whose life, theology and deep biblical
teaching was later felt around the world " Purdie continued with the comment, "The
author of this article is most thankful to God to have had the privilege of taking his
theology from such a man of God " J Eustace Purdie, "The Anglican Church in
Canada," n d , TMs (photocopy), pp 18-19, James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC
Archives, Mississauga, Canada
1
evangelicalism has been difficult to define Donald Dayton argued that the term
"evangelicalism" has become convoluted and meaningless Sixteenth-century
Reformational theology, eighteenth-century pietism, and twentieth-century funda­
mentalism have all formed subsets of evangelicalism, but were all isolated and unre­
lated See Donald W Dayton, "Some Doubts about the Usefulness of the Category
'Evangelical'," m The Variety of American Evangelicalism, ed Donald W Dayton
and Robert K, Johnston (Downers Grove, IL InterVarsity Press, 1991), 245
However, David Bebbmgton offered a helpful working definition of evangelicalism
as those groups of Christians who emphasize conversion, activism, biblicism, and
crucicentrism (focus on the cross) D W Bebbmgton, Evangelicalism in Modern
Britain A History from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, England Unwin Hyman,
1989), 2-3 Wycliffe College emphasized all four, including conversion, which was
seen as "man's acceptance of the gift" of "regeneration " C V Pilcher, "The
Principles of Wycliffe College," in The Jubilee Volume of Wycliffe College 1877-1927
(Toronto, Canada University of Toronto Press, 1927), 131 Furthermore, Wycliffe
stressed evangelicalism and evangelism W E Taylor, "The Rev Canon Τ R
O'Meara, D D , LL D Second Principal of Wycliffe College An Appreciation," in
The Jubilee Volume of Wycliffe College 1877-1927 (Toronto, Canada University of
Toronto Press, 1927), 90
6 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

liberalism combined with modern higher critical methodologies placed

Christian doctrine in jeopardy. Dyson Hague, for example, argued that
the consequence of higher criticism was that it threatened the Christian
system of doctrine. The church—all denominations—was based on the
belief that the "Bible contains the truth, the whole truth and nothing but
the truth."12 This affirmation of Scripture was not to say that the pro­
fessors of Wycliffe College did not see value in the higher criticism,
just that they were concerned with the assumptions which lay behind
this interpretive method.
Principal Sheraton insisted on a balanced view of Scripture and
higher criticism In an address to the Wycliffe alumni, Sheraton argued
that an issue "vital and fundamental to the Christian life and to
Christian work . . . is that of the inspiration and supremacy of the Word
of God contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments "
Yet he admitted that the "questions raised by Higher Criticism cannot
be easily set aside."13 Speaking of the discipline of higher criticism,
Sheraton argued that there were some higher critics who opposed all
revelation but that there were others who held fast their evangelical
faith while adopting the methods and conclusions of higher criticism.
Concerning the latter Sheraton remarked, "I admire their scholarship
and their industry."14 Sheraton therefore contended that both the
human and divine elements of Scripture constituted its inspiration.
Furthermore, Sheraton argued that the supernatural facts of New
Testament miracles were essential to plenary inspiration. Miracles
were not appendages but attestations to the facts of the New Testament;
the a priori objection that miracles violated the laws of nature was sim­
ply unfounded 15 Sheraton's objection to the a priori exclusion of mir­
acles was, however, related to his objections to the antisupernatural
presuppositions in higher criticism espoused by those higher critics
who wished to destroy biblical authority. In "Our Lord's Teaching
Concerning Himself," Sheraton commented:

12
Dyson Hague, "The History of the Higher Criticism," in The Fundamentals A
Testimony to the Truth, vol 1, ed R A Torrey et al (Grand Rapids, MI Baker Book
House, 1917), 32-33
13
James Ρ Sheraton, The Inspiration and Authority of the Holy Scriptures An
Address to the Alumni (Toronto, Canada The J E Bryant Company, Ltd , 1893), 3-4
,4
Pnncipal Sheraton, The Higher Criticism, paper delivered to the Alumni
Association of Wycliffe College, 6 October 1903, (privately published, 1904), 3
Also see James Ρ Sheraton, The Higher Criticism of the Old Testament (Toronto,
Canada L S Haynes Printer, η d )
15
James Ρ Sheraton, Lecture Notes, James Ρ Sheraton Papers, Wycliffe College
Archives, Toronto, Canada Due to the deterioration of Sheraton's lecture notes,
some of the words were illegible However, I have tried to reconstruct his arguments
as best as possible
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 7

The critical spirit has too frequently degenerated into a sceptical spirit.
Critical methods have to a large extent been dominated by a philosophy of
history which seeks to eliminate the supernatural. Hence the motive that has
impelled many students of our Lord's life has been their hope and endeavor
to account for Christ on the basis of natural development without any super-
natural intervention, to find the secret of His power in the conditions of His
earthly life and to explain His person and His works in the terms of the laws
of psychological and historical evolution.16

Thus Sheraton was willing to accept certain aspects of higher criticism,

particularly its critical methods and the historical development of
Scripture, and he accepted certain aspects of evolutionary thought,17
but he was unwilling to allow higher criticism to denigrate the evan-
gelical faith.
Dyson Hague, best known for his contributions to The
Fundamentals, held views similar to Sheraton's, though he may have
been more fundamentalist in orientation. Hague stated that the study
of the literary structure of the books of the Bible was laudable, "But the
work of the Higher Critic has not always been pursued in a reverent
spirit nor in the spirit of scientific and Christian scholarship."18 The
conclusions of the higher critics were based largely upon their own
"subjective conclusions," their reliance on fanciful German theories,
and their "bias against the supernatural."19 Hague criticized the high-
er critics for their denial of the validity of miracles, the reality of
prophecy, and the validity of revelation.20 He also opposed the higher
critics' critique of Genesis as myth, for if Genesis were myth, it had no
doctrinal value; it would not be authoritative, true, or reliable; and
therefore it would not be inspired by God. Hague refused to accept this
position.21 Generally, Hague held a more conservative position than
Sheraton and seemed unwilling to accept any of the conclusions of
higher criticism.
Purdie's doctrine of Scripture seemed to follow Hague more than
Sheraton. As early as 1928, Purdie complained that "the extreme

16
James P. Sheraton, "Our Lord's Teaching Concerning Himself," Princeton
Theological Review (October 1903, January 1904): 2.
17
James D. Craig, "Out and Out for the Lord': James Eustace Purdie, An Early
Anglican Pentecostal," (M.A. thesis; Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto, 1995),
62.
18
Dyson Hague, Who are the Higher Critics and What is the Higher Criticism ?
(publisher unknown, n.d.), 2-5.
19
Hague, "History of Higher Criticism," 11-13.
20
Hague, "History of Higher Criticism," 19.
2
'See Dyson Hague, "The Doctrinal Value of the First Chapter of Genesis," in The
Fundamentals A Testimony to the Truth, vol. 1, ed. R. A. Torrey et al. (Grand Rapids,
Ml· Baker Book House, 1917), 274-275.
8 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

modernist has taken the God-breathed inspiration out of the Bible."22

Later, in a theological series for Pentecostal Testimony, Purdie argued
that with biblical inspiration:
The Holy Scriptures are therefore infallible as they came from the hands of
the writers m the original languages The authority of the Bible rests upon
its verbal plenary inspiration They are absolutely supreme and sufficient in
authority in all matters of faith and practice The Bible does not contain the
Word of God but it is in reality the complete revelation and very Word of
God inspired by the Holy Spirit23

Generally, Purdie's view of Scripture fell in line with the evangelical

position of verbal plenary inspiration and infallibility. Purdie's view
was more fundamental than Sheraton's position, and thus closer to
Hague's Also, implicit in Purdie's doctrinal expression was an under-
standing that Scripture was to be interpreted literally.
This analysis shows that while there was some similarity between
Purdie and Wycliffe, there were differences as well, due, in part at least,
to the diversity of thinking among Wycliffe professors. Sheraton
argued for the more orthodox view of the inspiration and supremacy of
the Word of God contained in Scripture, the Word of God being the rev-
elation of Jesus Christ. According to Sheraton the Bible was inspired,
but "it contains a revelation. All is not revealed but all is inspired."24
Jesus Christ was the "highest revelation of God" and "This revelation
took the form of an historical movement which culminated in the com-
ing of Jesus Christ . . . Such an historical revelation implies progress,
growth, and development."25 Conversely, Purdie argued a simpler
view that Scripture did not contain the Word of God but was the com-
plete revelation and very Word of God. Purdie's position was similar
to Hague's though In opposition to higher criticism Hague retorted,
"The Bible can no longer, according to the critics, be viewed in this
light It is not the Word in the old sense ofthat term. It is not the Word
of God in the sense that all of it is given by inspiration of God. It sim-
ply contains the Word of God."26
While the attempt to protect the doctrine of the authority and
supremacy of Scripture was laudable, Hague and Purdie adopted an
extreme biblicism which verged on an idolization of Scripture. They
seemed to miss the point that the Word of God was the revelation of

J Eustace Purdie, "Canadian Pentecostal Bible College," Pentecostal Testimony,

August 1928,5
2
J Eustace Purdie, "Great Truths of the Word of God, Part 1," Pentecostal
Testimony. October 1955, 6
24
Sheraton, Inspiration, 16
25
Sheraton, Inspiration, 18
26
Hague, "History of Higher Criticism," 28
The Influence of Dr J E Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 9

Jesus Christ and that Scripture was the apostolic record of that revela-
tion. Though following Hague in doctrine, Purdie's statement that
Scripture did not contain the Word of God but was the very Word of
God was a sentiment possibly intended to safeguard Pentecostals from
the subjectivistic assumptions in higher criticism. Higher critics
assumed that biblical authorship was rooted in the subjective religious
experiences of the writers and excluded divine inspiration. Possibly,
Purdie wanted to highlight the objective nature of biblical inspiration
to counteract the highly subjective nature of Pentecostal experience.
The danger was, presumably, that the subjective experiences of
Pentecostals combined with the subjective assumptions in higher criti-
cism could have led to an overemphasis on experience in
Pentecostalism As articulated, however, Purdie's position made the
mistake of confusing the revelation of Jesus Christ and the church's
records of that revelation, but it was a position which followed in the
footsteps of his theological mentor, Dyson Hague.

Soteriology

From its inception, Wycliffe College was established in an effort by

Anglican laity to oppose the clerical elitism and rising tide of
Tractarianism in the Toronto Diocese.27 This opposition took the form
of a re-emphasis upon the Reformational elements in the Thirty-Nine
Articles of the Church of England. Of the seven principles of the col-
lege, one addressed Scripture as the sole rule of faith, three stressed the
"Catholic," "visible," and "Apostolic" nature of the church, and three
addressed the objective and completed work of Christ on the cross as
the basis for salvation. These included:
2 Justification by Faith in Christ alone, in opposition to the sacramen-
tarían system
3 The Sole and Exclusive Priesthood of Jesus Christ, in opposition to
the sacerdotal assumption which would convert Christ's minister's into an
order of sacrificing and mediating priests
4 The Real Presence of Christ by Faith in the hearts of worthy recipi-
ents of the Holy Communion, in opposition to the figment of His presence

27
For a more detailed account of the struggles between high-church and low-
church Anglicans in the Toronto Diocese, see Alan Hayes, "The Struggles for the
Rights of the Laity in the Diocese of Toronto 1850-1879," Journal of the Canadian
Church Historical Society 26 (1984) 5-17, see also Alan L Hayes, "Repairing the
Walls Church Reform and Social Reform 1867-1939," and Richard E Ruggle, "The
Samts in the Land 1867-1939," in By Grace Co-Workers Building the Anglican
Diocese of Toronto 1780-1989, ed Alan L. Hayes (Toronto, Canada Anglican Book
Centre, 1989)
10 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

corporally or spiritually on the communion table, under the form of bread

and wine, after the consecration of the elements 28
Of course, Wycliffe College was reacting to the Tractarian biases of
high-church Anglicanism within the Toronto Diocese.
Nevertheless, the soteriological emphasis was both on the objective
reality and subjective appropriation by grace of Christ's atoning work.
In reference to the principle of justification by faith, C. V. Pilcher, a
Wycliffe professor from 1906 to 1930, argued that the cause of justifi-
cation was the merit of Jesus Christ which needed to be distinguished
from sanctification. "The Atonement is therefore not only 'subjective,'
it not only awakens an answering love in the heart of man, it is also
objective."29 In reference to the exclusive priesthood of Christ, Pilcher
asserted that
The offering of Christ once made, is the perfect redemption, propitiation,
and satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world, both original and actual,
and there is none other satisfaction for sin, but that alone But further,
the Holy Communion may be called a sacrifice in so far as it is a memorial
of a sacrifice, that is to say a memorial of the "full, perfect, and sufficient
sacrifice, oblation, and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world" which
Christ made "by His one oblation of Himself once offered "30
The objective nature of Christ's atoning death was stressed to counter-
act the Tractarian belief that in the mass Christ was offered as a con-
tinuing sacrifice and was present in the elements of bread and wine.
With some innovation, Purdie's writing on the atonement was
almost identical to the principles of Wycliffe College. According to
Purdie:
The offering, death and sacrifice of Christ, once made upon the cross of
Calvary, is the perfect atonement, redemption, propitiation, and completely
finished satisfaction for all the sins of the world, both original and actual,
and there is none other satisfaction for sin, but that alone
In the atonement, there was a transfer of guilt and condemnation of sin
from the sinner to Christ. The "work of the cross is completely fin-
ished. . . . No one now needs to propitiate God by works, gifts, or any-
thing he can do."32 When speaking of justification, Purdie saw it as
"an act of God's free grace by which we are not only pardoned but
28
W H Howland, The Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, Toronto (Toronto,
Canada Hunter & Co , Printers, 1879, microfiche) 2
29
Pilcher, "Principles," 109
30
Pilcher, "Principles," 111-112
31
J E Purdie, "Great Truths of the Word of God, Part II," Pentecostal Testimony,
November 1955, 10
32
J E Purdie, ed, What We Believe (Toronto, Canada Full Gospel Publishing
House, 1954), 10
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 11

declared righteous . . . the righteousness of Christ imputed to us which

is His perfect obedience, His sinless life, and His finished work of
Calvary:'33
Purdie's emphasis upon the "finished work of Calvary" was picked
up from the Reformed soteriological thought of Wycliffe College, but
where Wycliffe emphasized this element of Christ's atonement to com-
bat the Tractarian elements in the Anglican Church in Canada, Purdie
emphasized this doctrine in reaction to the more Wesleyan elements of
Pentecostalism.34
An examination of Sheraton's lecture notes reveals that he viewed
redemption as the grace of God administered by the Holy Spirit to rep-
resent Christ to the world and to the church. This grace was "super-
natural in origin," "reasonable in its nature," "dynamic in its opera-
tion," "sublime in its working," "inexplicable yet recognizable in its
effect" and "victorious in its power."35 He then explicated the various
elements of salvation such as adoption, sanctification, perfection,
assurance, good works, and perseverance, but it was his thoughts
regarding sanctification and perfection which revealed a certain affini-
ty in Purdie's teaching.
For Sheraton, sanctification considered negatively was the purifi-
cation from sin, considered positively the consecration of God's love.
"It is at once perfect and progressive," wrote Sheraton, "a principle of
dedication and a process of purification . . . which has its final result
and goal in our complete renewal after the image of God."
Sanctification as a principle of dedication was perfect and unchange-
able, for the Christian was ideally and completely sanctified by virtue
of Christ's perfect offering. It was also a progressive work: "The gen-
eral bias of the soul becomes more and more alienated from evil. There
is a perpetual weakening of the susceptibility to temptation."
Moreover, it was "a more complete indwelling of the Spirit."
Sanctification was thus an objective fact residing in Christ's atonement,
which was only realized in this life through a "progressive weakening
oftheoldman."36
Sheraton was unwilling to advocate a second blessing. This reac-
tion was abundantly clear in his discussion of perfection. He wrote:
Perfection can be nothing else than the complete sanctification of the whole
man, entire conformity to God's will and entire freedom from sin. But the
doctrine of the Reformed and Lutheran churches is that perfection is not

33
Purdie, What We Believe, 21.
34
Purdie may have been familiar with William H. Durham's "finished work of
Calvary" doctrine, but as far as I could ascertain Purdie did not mention Durham.
35
Sheraton, Lecture Notes.
36
Sheraton, Lecture Notes.
12 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

attainable in this life, for sanctification is never fully completed nor sin erad­
icated The most mature Christian has daily need to pray for the forgiveness
37
of sin

While perfection was objectively realized in the atoning work of

Christ, Sheraton was opposed to accepting the view that perfection was
possible in this life He rejected the idea of perfectionism After dis­
cussing the perfectionist positions of Arminianism, Romanism,
Oberlin, and Pelagianism, he dismissed them as unscriptural.
Pelagianism is the only consistent system of perfectionism, is essentially
anti-Christian, denies Scriptural teaching of full [transgressions7] of the
guilt of sin and the character of the law The Oberlin involves some of the
worst Pel features [sic] The Roman theory is closely connected with the
doctrine of merit and good works and is inconsistent with the true nature of
sin and the law of God The Wesleyan view makes an evangelical obedience
the ground of salvation, [by denying7] the claims of the law and by denying
that mistakes and infirmities have the nature of sin, is confused and illogical
in its definition of perfectionism 3 8

Thus it would seem that Sheraton did not accept the Wesleyan claim of
a second blessing of perfection, nor was he willing to accept the more
Reformed elements of Oberlin perfectionism. However, Sheraton
seemed to argue for a view similar to that of Keswick holiness teach­
ing Not only did Wycliffe look to England for much of its theology,
but Sheraton referred approvingly to Bishop Handley Moule, a
Keswick holiness leader.39
The life of holiness was an emphasis at Wycliffe College. The
Evangelical Churchman, the official magazine for evangelical,
Reformed-minded Anglicans in the Toronto Diocese, reported that
Those who were not living the full consecrated life of faith, can never real­
ize the depths of meaning of the promises of God and the principles of the
Christian to appropriate them The reason there are so few holy Christians
is that there are few who have joyously renounced allegiance to the world
and have come out faithfully and fully for Jesus 4 0

"Consecration" was a term used in Keswick circles,41 but more

37
Sheraton, Lecture Notes
38
Sheraton, Lecture Notes
39
Sheraton cited Bishop Moule in his work, The Higher Criticism of the Old
Testament (Toronto, Canada L S Haynes Printer, η d), 71 Also see Bishop of
Durham, "The Message Its Scriptural Character," in The Keswick Convention Its
Message, Its Method and Its Men, ta Charles F Harford (London, England Marshall
Brothers Keswick House, 1907).
40
"Consecration and Holiness," The Evangelical Churchman, 1 March 1883, 537-
538
41
W J Smith, a Keswick leader, spoke of "the completion of our own partial con­
secration", W J Smith, Record of the Convention for the Promotion of Scriptural
The Influence of Dr J E Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 13

importantly, terms such as "indwelling," "infilling," and "filled" with

the Holy Spirit were typical in Keswick thinking.42 While Sheraton
did not specifically refer to Keswick, he used similar language. In his
address to the graduating class of Wycliffe College in 1888, Sheraton
was reported as saying:
He pointed out the absolute necessity for the indwelling and illuminating of
the Holy Spirit, and made an earnest appeal that they all should make it the
subject of united prayer that Wycliffe College, its teachers, students and
graduates might be filled with the Spirit, and baptized anew with this Divine
Power and living energy 43

Other than the language he used, there was little to tie Sheraton
directly to Keswick thinking. However, other Wycliffe College pro-
fessors had connections to the Keswick holiness movement Thomas
R. O'Meara, who attended Purdie's ordination as deacon in 1906, was
an administrator at Wycliffe from 1888, and successor to Sheraton as
principal in 1906. O'Meara was "well known as a preacher in the pul-
pit or as a speaker on the platform, as at Keswick, Northfield and other
evangelical centres."44 O'Meara's association with Sheraton likely
influenced some of Sheraton's thinking. Furthermore, while O'Meara
was principal, he brought W. H. Griffith Thomas from England to teach
at Wycliffe This appointment was significant because Thomas was a

Holiness held at Brighton, May 29th to June 7th, 1875 (London, England S W
Partridge and Co , cl896), reprinted in "The Higher Christian Life" Sources for the
Study of the Holiness, Pentecostal, and Keswick Movements, vol 39, ed Donald W
Dayton (New York, NY Garland Pubhshmg,Company, 1985), 6 G Wade Robinson
commented in the same report that "In this state of consecration the baptism of the
Holy Ghost has become possible" (quoted in Smith, Record of the Convention, 443)
Furthermore, Hubert Brooke stated that in the early years of the Keswick
Conventions, there was "not only a release and deliverance from the penalty and
future punishment of sin, but that there is also in Him an ever present power to keep
from the recurring attacks of those sins " For Brooke, "they were the negative and
positive of the message cleansing and consecration, deliverance and dedication "
Hubert Brooke, "The Message its Method of Presentation," in The Keswick
Convention Its Message, Its Method and Its Men, ed Charles F Harford (London,
Eneland Marshall Brothers Keswick House, 1907), 78-79
42
Theodore Monod was typical of Keswick thinking when he said, "and above all,
having put away everything in our lives which grieved the indwelling Spirit, to await
and to receive a fresh and fuller anointing of the Holy Ghost" (quoted in Smith,
Record of the Convention, 66) Or Mr Christopher who claimed "Some have already
received great power from above Some have the Holy Spirit dwelling m them and
filling them with His blessed fruit" (quoted in Smith, Record of the Convention, 89)
Throughout Keswick writings, this type of language was common
43
"Wycliffe College," The Evangelical Churchman, 24 May 1888, 26
44
Taylor, "O'Meara," 100
14 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

known Keswick supporter and writer.45 Thomas was also influential

in some of Purdie's thinking, for in his "Soteriology Lecture Notes,"
Purdie recommended Thomas's Principles of Theology along with
Handley Moule's Outlines of Christian Doctrine as being "splendid."46
Nonetheless, both Wesleyan and Keswick theology emphasized an
evangelical holiness, but the Wesleyan position argued for an instanta-
neous removal of original sin as a second work of grace, while the
Keswick position maintained a Reformed view of depravity, sin could
only be subdued by a daily surrender to Christ. In the Keswick view,
perfection was completed in the atoning work of Christ, but was not
completely realized in this life, for sin could never be completely elim-
inated in this world. However, the Christian could live a victorious life
over sin in the process of a daily surrender to the Holy Spirit.47
This brief overview of Keswick holiness is important because
Keswick influenced Purdie's views of sanctification and perfection.48
Purdie hinted at the roots of his holiness beliefs in the Preface to What
We Believe He stated*

45
Thomas wrote an article for Harford on the Keswick Conventions entitled "The
Literature of Keswick," in The Keswick Convention Its Message, Its Method and Its
Men, ed Charles F Harford (London, England Marshall Brothers Keswick House,
1907)
46
Purdie, Systematic Theology III, 51
47
See Ralph W Thomas, "An Appraisal of the Keswick and Wesleyan
Contemporary Positions," Wesleyan Theological Journal 1 (spring 1966) 13-14
Also see David Bundy, "Keswick and the Experience of Evangelical Piety," m
Modern Christian Revivals, ed Edith L Blumhofer and Randall Balmer (Chicago,
IL University of Illinois Press, 1993), and David Bundy, The Higher Christian Life
A Bibliographic Overview (New York, NY Garland Publishing Company, 1985)
48
Throughout his M A thesis, James Craig argued that Purdie adopted a holiness
position of sanctification from the Wesleyan holiness movement, but he seemed to
have confused Wesleyan holiness with Keswick holiness Craig, "Early Anglican
Pentecostal," 83ff Possibly, this confusion was partly due to his reliance on the
works of Thomas Miller, who saw Canadian Pentecostal ism as the natural extension
of Wesleyan holiness Thomas W Miller, "The Significance of A H Argue for
Pentecostal Historiography," PNEUMA, The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal
Studies 8 (fall 1986) 120-158 For a less scholarly work see Thomas William Miller,
Canadian Pentecostals A History of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, ed
William A Griffin (Mississauga, Ontario Full Gospel Publishing House, 1994)
Craig also relied heavily on the work of Ronald Sawatski, but Sawatski made too
sharp a distinction between evangelicalism and fundamentalism when he defined fun-
damentalism as evangelicalism to which a premillennialist theology was added
Ronald George Sawatski, "'Looking for that Blessed Hope' The Roots of
Fundamentalism m Canada, 1878-1914," (Ph D diss , Toronto, Canada University
of Toronto, 1985), 10-11 There was a general emphasis upon holiness at Wycliffe
College, a holiness typical in evangelical circles, but Wycliffe was characteristic
more of Keswick holiness than Wesleyan
The Influence of Dr J E Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 15

In 1907, in All Saints' Evangelical Anglican Church in Sunderland, England,

the power fell in a similar way [at Azusa] The Rector of this Church was a
converted lawyer, and the congregation was made up of people who had
experienced the New Birth, and the joy of the Victorious Life as taught by
the Conference held in Keswick since 1875 49

Purdie placed this event on an equal setting as the Azusa Street

Revival, and as an Anglican seemed more willing to look to England
for his theology than to the United States. While pasturing in
Philadelphia, he gave his parishioners Keswick messages.50
Furthermore, not only did Purdie absorb the Keswick holiness of
Wycliffe College, but he had occasion to work with such Keswick lead-
ers as William Evans, R. A. Torrey, and G. Campbell Morgan.51 Like
Sheraton, however, Purdie was critical of the governmental theory of
the atonement preached by Charles Finney and the Oberlin school52
Purdie's articulation of sanctification was similar to Sheraton and
had Keswick tendencies:
Sanctification proceeds from Christ's atoning sacrifice on the cross of
Calvary, and has to do with victory over indwelling sin God's method of
dealing with indwelling sin is not by our trying to sanctify the old fallen
nature or the "old man," which took place objectively on the cross of
Calvary (Rom 6 6 ) 5 3

For Purdie, the power and authority of the cross accepted in faith sep-
arated the believer from the power and authority of sin.54 Yet Purdie
interpreted sanctification in a typically Pentecostal way. Because the
Pentecostal had been filled with the Spirit, there was a greater victory
over the power of sin:
It would seem evident that Spirit-filled believers, more than others, should
be able to readily enter into this spiritual provision and thus possess the pos-
sessions of Christ (I Cor 1 30) The fact and personal power of this truth
make it the most important truth in the New Testament from the standpoint
of a real victorious overcoming daily life 55

So while Purdie claimed the general need for holiness in the Christian
life, he rejected the Wesleyan understanding of a second blessing of
perfection and adhered to the Keswick understanding of the daily need

49
Purdie, What We Believe, 2
50
Purdie, interview, 81
51
Purdie, interview, 41, 68, 77
52
Earl Kulbeck to Donald Klan, 6 July 1977, 18, James Eustace Purdie Papers,
PAOC Archives, Mississauga, Canada
53
Purdie, What We Believe, 25
54
Purdie, What We Believe, 25
55
Purdie, What We Believe, 25-26
16 PNEUMA. The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

to surrender to the Spirit of God to gain the daily victory over sin, a vic-
tory already wrought by Christ on the cross.56

Doctrine of the Holy Spirit

Purdie's doctrine of the Holy Spirit, particularly in regard to the

Pentecostal blessing of speaking in other tongues, was unusual in that
he was hesitant to speak of this blessing as the baptism of the Holy
Spirit; rather, he spoke of the Pentecostal blessing as the infilling of the
Spirit. In Concerning the Faith, Purdie set forth his understanding of
the Pentecostal blessing: "The Infilling of the Holy Spirit means that
the believer, who already has a measure of the Spirit, is now filled and
empowered for service"57 More to the point, Purdie rejected the idea
of a second work of grace, either in terms of sanctification or infilling
of the Spirit. He asserted:
Q. 268 Can it be said that either the Infilling of the Holy Spirit or
Sanctification is doctrinally what is termed a "second work of Grace"
performed by God?
A No God does not need to accomplish any new act of grace when He
fills one with the Spirit or gives him the victory and cleansing that the New
Testament terms Sanctification

Q. 269 Why is this so?

A Because in the Finished Work of our Lord Jesus Christ on the cross of
Calvary, every provision was made for power for service and also for a vic-
torious overcoming life

Q. 270 What would be involved if we taught that doctrinally there is

such a thing as a second work of grace?
A It would limit the completeness and finality of God's work on Calvary
and also interfere with the completeness of His work in Justification, thus
leaving the faithful and sincere believer m an unsettled condition, wonder-
ing from day to day if all were well with him spiritually58
Purdie did speak of the infilling in terms of the baptism of the Holy
Ghost in a doctrinal series published in Pentecostal Testimony
Whether this terminology was an editor's change, or Purdie's deference
to the Pentecostal readership who more likely used the term "baptism
of the Holy Spirit," or used the terms interchangeably, is difficult to
determine. It was unlikely, though, that Purdie used the terms inter-
changeably in his own thinking. Though Purdie started the discussion

Purdie, Systematic Theology III, 9

57
J Eustace Purdie, Concerning the Faith (Toronto, Canada Full Gospel
Publishing House, 1951), 44
58
Purdie, Concerning the Faith, 46
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 17

with the term "Baptism of the Holy Ghost," he quickly reverted to

using the terms "infilling" and "filled with the Spirit," suggesting that
the opening sentence was an editorial change.59
The reasons for this articulation of the Pentecostal blessing are like-
ly rooted in Purdie's pre-Pentecostal phase as an evangelical Anglican
trained at Wycliffe College and his sympathies with Keswick theology.
Purdie saw himself standing in the faith of the Reformed Anglican
Church. Though he considered himself Pentecostal, he considered
himself Anglican at the same time. In fact, he never repudiated his
position as an Anglican priest and served as honorary priest at St.
Margaret's Anglican parish until as late as 1966. He also wore a cleri-
cal collar and used the liturgical calendar, unusual practices for a
Pentecostal. Furthermore, as has already been mentioned, Purdie asso-
ciated with a number of Keswick theologians and revivalists, such as
R. A. Torrey, G. Campbell Morgan, William Evans, and Wycliffe pro-
fessor W. H. Griffith Thomas. Purdie also preached Keswick messages
while he was an Anglican priest and used Keswick terms such as
"indwelling," "infilling," and "filled" when speaking of the work of the
Spirit, rather than holiness Pentecostal terms such as "second blessing
of perfection" or "baptism of the Holy Spirit."60
Purdie was also unwilling to stray far from the historic doctrine that
there was one baptism into the body of Christ, in which the sacrament
of water baptism and the Lord's Supper were "outward and visible
sign[s] (ordained by Christ) of an inward and spiritual grace."61 In
Anglicanism, baptism into the church was a baptism in which the Holy
Spirit was fully present. Because he was raised and educated as an
Anglican, Purdie was hesitant to speak of the subsequent experience of
the Holy Spirit as a baptism. He did modify his thinking, somewhat,
for in Anglicanism baptism into the church occurred in water baptism,
normally as an infant.62 However, Purdie adopted a more conversionist

59
J. E. Purdie, "Great Truths of the Word of God, Part V," Pentecostal Testimony,
February 1956, 5-6.
60
"Baptism of the Holy Spirit" was certainly a term commonly used by Reformed
Pentecostals, but it stemmed from the theological question in Wesleyan holiness cir-
cles of what was the second blessing. See Donald Dayton, Theological Roots of
Pentecostalism (Metuchen, NJ: The Scarecrow Press, 1987), 89-92.
61
Purdie, Concerning the Faith, 71.
62
0n May 22, 1923, Purdie preached a sermon in which he argued that there was
no scriptural reason to reject infant baptism and that there was no definite mode of
baptism. J .E. Purdie, "Confirmation Lecture, Infant Baptism," Sermon, 22 May
1923, TMs [photocopy], James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC Archives, Mississauga,
Canada. Note, however, that this sermon was preached after he received the
Pentecostal blessing, while he was rector of an Anglican parish, but before he start-
ed teaching at the Bible College.
18 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

position and saw the bestowal of the Spirit occurring concurrently with
salvation, specifically in the moment of conversion rather than in infant
baptism.63 He also adopted a position which saw the necessity of
repentance before water baptism was to be administered64 So Purdie
moved from his Anglican roots in adopting an understanding of con-
version as the initial entrance into the Christian faith, but he did not
move from the belief that there was only one baptism and that at the
moment of conversion there was a measure of the Spirit present with
the reception of Jesus Christ.
Since Purdie believed that there was only one baptism, using the
term "infilling" allowed him to speak of the Spirit in the life of the
believer commencing with speaking in tongues without referring to
multiple baptisms and without adopting a doctrine of subsequent acts
of grace. While Purdie emphasized the finished work of Christ
throughout his writings, suggesting that he may have been familiar and
in agreement with William H. Durham's "finished work" doctrine65 that
sanctification was objectively completed on the cross, Purdie and
Durham had differences in their understandings of the Pentecostal
blessing
Durham rejected the belief that sanctification was a second act of
grace, a position commonly accepted in Pentecostal holiness and
Wesleyan holiness circles. He concluded that there was "not even one
Scripture that teaches that sanctification is a second work of grace."66
Moreover, Durham refused to see the reception of the Holy Spirit, an
event he willingly called the baptism of the Holy Spirit, as a second act
of grace. Reception of the Holy Spirit was a "definite experience"
which was "accompanied by the speaking in other tongues as the Spirit
gives utterance," but Durham identified the baptism of the Holy Spirit

63
Purdie used the term "conversion," rather than "confirmation," to describe his
own salvation See J E Purdie, "My Own Pentecost," Pentecostal Testimony, June
1970, 4, and J E Purdie, "Principal of the Western Pentecostal Bible College for
Thirteen Years," May 1938, 17, James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC Archives,
Mississauga, Canada
64
In Concerning the Faith, Purdie stated that "Repentance, whereby they forsake
sin, and faith, whereby they steadfastly believe on the Lord Jesus Christ as their per-
sonal Saviour" was "required of persons to be Baptized " Purdie, Concerning the
Faith, 71
65
See Robert Mapes Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited The Making of
American Pentecostalism (New York, NY, Oxford University Press, 1979, reprint,
Peabody, MA Hendrickson Publishers, 1992), 166-75
66
Wilham H Durham, "Sanctification," Pentecostal Testimony, in Pentecostal
Testimony Files, 96, Assemblies of God Archives, Springfield, MO The Pentecostal
Testimony Files were articles written by Durham which were compiled without pub-
lication dates, issues or page numbering
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 19

as "the seal of a finished salvation in Jesus Christ."67 However,

Durham refused to believe that the Holy Spirit was "received" in the
moment of conversion. He wrote:
When we receive Christ we have Christ, but we have not the Holy Spirit, till
we receive him.... It could now be truthfully said of [the apostles Peter and
John] that they had two definite experiences, but not two works of grace. In
the first experience they received Christ and were made holy by Him. In the
second they received the Holy Spirit, and were sealed unto the day of
redemption.68

Although Durham believed in two definite experiences of conversion

and reception of the Spirit, which he spoke of as baptism and as seal,
he rejected any notion of subsequent acts of grace.
Purdie agreed with Durham's view that sanctification was realized
in the finished work of Christ, which was received in the moment of
conversion, and that the Pentecostal blessing was not a second act of
grace but an experience of the Spirit. However, Purdie saw the
Pentecostal blessing as the infilling of the Spirit, a measure of which
was already present in the moment of conversion. For Purdie, the
Spirit was fully present and received with Christ in conversion.
Furthermore, both Durham and Purdie believed that sanctification was
realized in a practical or personal sense by accepting in faith Christ's
completed work on the cross and the need to yield daily to the Spirit.
Durham argued that God "expects us to yield ourselves to the Holy
Spirit continually, that He will have full control of our faculties. God
makes use of our consecrated faculties when we remain yielded to
him."69 Purdie believed sanctification was realized in submitting "to
the power of the cross" and by keeping the old man "in the spiritual
coffin which God has provided for him in the comprehensive victory of
Calvary."70 Thus, while Purdie and Durham had similarities in their
arguments regarding sanctification and the Pentecostal blessing, they
had differences as well, specifically at what point the Spirit was
received and in the use of the terms "baptism" and "infilling" when
speaking of the Pentecostal blessing.
Hence Purdie's soteriological view and his position on the
Pentecostal blessing were Reformed and Keswick in their theological
articulation. This fact was further evident in the recommendations
Purdie made to his students. He suggested the works of Reformed the-
ologians Dr. Crawford of Edinburgh and Dr. Dale of Birmingham as

67
Durham, "Sanctification," 102.
68
Durham, "Sanctification," 103.
69
William H. Durham, "Some Other Phases of Sanctification," Pentecostal
Testimony, 7 July, 1912, 10, Assemblies of God Archives, Springfield, MO.
70
Purdie, What We Believe, 26.
20 PNEUMA: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No. 1, Spring 1997

"the finest exposition of the [atonement] from a Biblical viewpoint."

Purdie claimed that A. A. Hodge's work was "very scholarly and one
of the strongest books ever written on the Atonement but too extreme
on the Calvinistic standpoint. But by careful handling by a balanced
mind it is bound to be a helpful tonic." Also recommended were John
M. Armour's The Atonement and Law and Thomas Chalmers's
Institutes of Theology. Of the Reformed Anglican scholars, Purdie sug-
gested E. A. Litton's Dogmatic Theology, and, as already mentioned,
Bishop Handley C. G. Moule's Outlines of Christian Doctrine and W.
H. Griffith Thomas's Principles of Theology. Purdie stated that "On
the question of Calvinism and Arminianism [the last three] are well bal-
anced."71

Conclusion

By way of conclusion, let me offer some suggestions for further

discussion. First, while holiness played an important role in evangeli-
cal faith, Wycliffe included, articulation of holiness theology took two
paths. Wesleyan holiness argued, on the one hand, that perfection
occurred in a second act of grace known as the second blessing.
Keswick holiness, on the other hand, argued that personal holiness
occurred in the victorious overcoming of sin through daily reliance on
God. Perfectionism was not possible in the here-and-now, but it was
secured for the believer in the atoning work of Christ on the cross and
would be realized in the life-to-come. Oberlin holiness, in the revival-
ism of Charles Finney and Asa Mahan, was one articulation of Keswick
holiness. As we have seen, though, both Sheraton and Purdie were crit-
ical of Oberlin perfectionism as containing some of the worst of the
Pelagian heresy. Nevertheless, Wycliffe College had theological con-
nections to Keswick through O'Meara, Thomas, and possibly Sheraton,
suggesting that Keswick thinking made one way into Canada through
Wycliffe College. Might this mean that there were two diverging
streams of Keswick holiness being articulated in North America, one
through the Presbyterian heritage of Oberlin, the other through the
Anglican heritage of Evangelical Anglicanism?
Secondly, Pentecostalism has been broadly defined either as
Wesleyan holiness, with an emphasis upon "three acts of grace" (con-
version, perfection, and baptism of the Holy Spirit), or Reformed, with
an emphasis upon "two acts of grace" (conversion and baptism of the
Holy Spirit).72 However, this definition of Pentecostalism may be inac-
curate. Purdie, as well as Durham, refused to see the Pentecostal
71
Purdie, Systematic Theology III, 50-51.
72
Dayton, Theological Roots, 18.
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 21

blessing or sanctification as a second act of grace. For Purdie, the

Spirit filled the believer at the moment of conversion and to say that
there was a subsequent act of grace denied the sufficiency of the
Spirit's presence in that conversion. This analysis would suggest, then,
that there needs to be a re-examination of the generally accepted defi-
nition that Reformed Pentecostals held a "two acts of grace" theology.
Neither Purdie nor Durham believed in subsequent acts of grace.
Thirdly, there appear to have been tensions between Purdie's
Anglican heritage and his presence in the PAOC organization. Purdie
certainly had a prominent position in the PAOC, but some Canadian
Pentecostals were critical of putting an educated minister who had
Calvinistic tendencies in charge of the Bible school.73 Furthermore, a
little known fact of Purdie's work as a Pentecostal is that in the 1930s
he approached the Anglican Church in an attempt to return to parish
ministry.74 This exploration is curious because while he often preached
in Pentecostal settings, he did not pastor a Pentecostal church. If he
simply wanted to move into pastoral ministry, why did he not seek to
do so within the PAOC? There may also have been tensions between
Purdie and his fellow ministers during this time.75 The Bible College
in Winnipeg was closed in 1930 and moved to Toronto. In 1932, the
new Bible College in Toronto closed indefinitely. Meanwhile, in 1931
D. N. Buntain, an associate of Purdie in Winnipeg who did not transfer
to Toronto, opened another Bible College in Winnipeg. In 1932, after
the Toronto school closed, Purdie accepted the office of principal at
what was to become Western Bible College. Purdie later remarked that
it was "a serious mistake in loss of money in connection with the
move" to Toronto.76

73
Some Canadian Pentecostals were critical of having Purdie, an educated
Anglican with a Reformed background, who they believed taught eternal security, as
principal of the Bible College. Purdie, interview, 94.
74
Craig, "Early Anglican Pentecostal," 42-44.
75
There might have been tensions between Purdie and A. E. McAlister over the
administration of the Bible school. Although McAlister spoke of the school with
quiet reserve while it was located in Winnipeg, he spoke of it with enthusiasm once
it moved to Toronto. This tension may have been due to regional differences between
eastern and western Canada. Ross, "Emergence," 79-80. However, the tension might
have also stemmed from the theological differences between Purdie, who had a
Reformed perspective, and McAlister, who was Wesleyan in orientation. James
Craig, telephone conversation with author, 18 January 1996.
76
Ross, "Emergence," 77. Ross suggested that the decision to move the school
from Winnipeg to Toronto was not unanimous, though there was no official record of
dissension. He made this assertion because Buntain did not relocate to Toronto and
ended up opening a new school in Winnipeg (Ross, "Emergence," 73-84).
Furthermore, while Purdie was relocated to Toronto his family was not, suggesting
that for Purdie the move may have been temporary from the start. Craig, "Early
22 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1, Spring 1997

There is also a sense, though, in which Purdie saw the PAOC in

continuity with the historic "Catholic" church. He certainly regarded
evangelicalism as being faithful to historic Christianity and both the
evangelical party of the Anglican Church and the PAOC were evangel­
ical in orientation. He also made sure that his teaching at the Bible
school and his articulation of PAOC doctrine corresponded to the his­
torical creeds.77 In fact, Purdie argued that the Pentecostal movement
was part of the church because "the Church is anchored, in loyal accep­
tance, upon the basic reformed doctrines of the Reformation Settlement
which puts her on the same firm foundation as all orthodox evangelical
churches that stand for the faith once delivered to the saints."78
Furthermore, Purdie was quite willing to preach from the pulpit of any
church in any denomination, suggesting he saw the "Catholic" church
as transdenominational.
Consequently, Purdie's Anglican influence on the PAOC may have
made it less sectarian than its American counterpart. While it could be
argued that the "disinherited thesis"79 was applicable to Pentecostalism
in the United States, this might not be true for the PAOC. This argu­
ment is further supported by the fact that many early Canadian
Pentecostals were from well-to-do backgrounds, but they still saw the
charismatic elements of the Pentecostal movement as relevant to their
situations.80 However, if the "disinherited" thesis were interpreted
according to perceived rather than socioeconomic disenfranchisement,
then it may still be a relevant analysis. In other words, psychic disen­
franchisement may be just as powerful as socioeconomic disenfran­
chisement.
Fourthly, while not within the purview of this paper, other areas for
exploration suggest themselves. Did Purdie have a Reformed Anglican
understanding of the sacraments, and, if so, did this influence PAOC
doctrine? Purdie certainly spoke in terms of sacraments, but did his

Anglican Pentecostal," 43 Thus Ross argued that "An inexplicable factor in the
entire episode [was] that Purdie was not the primary force behind the decision of pol­
icy For the first time since 1925, the movement's superiors stepped in to direct this
episode in the College's history Purdie, recognizing the secondary nature of his role,
apparently was content to abide by their decision" (Ross, "Emergence," 77 η 2)
Purdie was not content, however, because he pursued the possibility of returning to
Anglican ministry (Craig, "Early Anglican Pentecostal," 42-44)
Purdie included the Apostles' Creed, the Nicene Creed and the Athanasian Creed
in the appendix of Concerning the Faith, 92-93
78
J E Purdie, "Introduction to History of Pentecostalism," TMs [photocopy], 1,
James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC Archives, Mississauga, Canada
79
See Anderson, Vision, 223-240
80
Miller, "Significance of A Η Argue," 153-154, also Craig, "Early Anglican
Pentecostal," 2
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 23

fellow Pentecostals pick up this doctrine? My sense is that Purdie saw

the sacraments as both signs and memorials, while many PAOC minis-
ters saw them as symbolic, but this issue is one for future exploration.
Also, did the evangelical Anglican understanding of the church have
any influence on the PAOC? I suspect that while Purdie had a high
view of the church, the PAOC had a relatively low view, specifically as
a voluntary fellowship of believers. However, these are suggestions,
not conclusions.
The Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada was thus influenced by the
Reformed Anglican theology of Wycliffe College through the Anglican
priest-turned-Pentecostal, J. E. Purdie. This paper has attempted to
show how this influence occurred by comparing the views of Purdie's
Wycliffe teachers with those of Purdie himself. One can see how
Purdie imbibed the Wycliffe view of Scripture and higher criticism,
how his soteriological views were similar to those of Wycliffe College,
and how his Anglican heritage influenced his articulation of the
Pentecostal blessing in terms of infilling rather than baptism, an unusu-
al expression in Pentecostal circles. Yet one has to wonder whether
Purdie was not also affected by the theological thinking of his fellow
Pentecostals, something which is more difficult to determine.
Nevertheless, J. E. Purdie has emerged as one of the premier Canadian
Pentecostals and certainly deserves further investigation.
24 PNEUMA: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No. 1, Spring 1997

Appendix 1: A Brief History of Wycliffe College

• 1877: The Protestant Episcopal Divinity School established in

Toronto by evangelical, Reformed-minded Anglicans in order to
combat the Tractarian influences within the Toronto Diocese.
• 1885: Name changed to Wycliffe College.
• 1889: Wycliffe College confederated with the University of Toronto
• 1916: Act passed by the Ontario Legislature allowed Wycliffe
College to grant degrees.

Professors at Wycliffe while Purdie was a student

• James Patterson Sheraton (principal, 1877—death in 1906)

• Thomas Robert O'Meara (financial secretary, 1888; principal
1906—death in 1930)
• Henry John Cody (professor, 1892—1916)
• Dyson Hague (dean and occasional lecturer until his death 1935)
• William Edington Taylor (professor, 1903—1935; 1923—1947)
• H. P. Plumptre (chaplin, 1901—1903; professor, 1936—1947)
• Charles Venn Pilcher (professor, 1906—1930)
• W. H. Griffith Thomas (professor, 1901—1919)
• W. T. T. Hallam (professor, 1904—1922)
• T. H. Cotton (professor, 1906—1918)
• George Wong (professor, 1883—1915)

Appendix 2: A Brief History of James Eustace Purdie

Biography

• 1880: June 9, born in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island

• 1889: March, converted (confirmed?)
• 1903—1907: Attended Wycliffe College
• 1903: Summer, student minister in Alberton, Prince Edward Island
• 1904—1906: Summers, student minister, Oberon Mission, Rupert's
Land (south of Neepawa, Manitoba)
• 1906: April 29, ordained deacon by Bishop Stringer
• 1907: April 14, ordained priest
• June 1907—September 1908: Incumbent at Roland, Manitoba, with
Miami, Manitoba
• November 1908—September 1911: Curate (assistant) to the Rev. R.
P. McKim, St. Luke's Church, St. John, Ν. B.
• 1909: October 13, married Miss Frances Emma Morrison (d. 1956)
• 1910: July 24, birth of Helen Frances
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 25

• September 1911—January 1917: Rector, Christ's Church,

Campbellton, N.B.
• 1913: June 28, birth of J. Arnold
• February 1917—September 1922: Rector, St. James Church,
Saskatoon, Saskatchewan
• 1919: Received Pentecostal blessing
• September 1922—July 1924: Rector, Church of the Atonement,
Germantown, Philadelphia, PA
• 1924: August, supplied St. Paul's, Charlottetown, Prince Edward
Island, and later held missions & Bible conferences in Prince Edward
Island, Nova Scotia, and Quebec
• November 1924—September 1925: Supplied St. John's Anglican
Church, Milton, Prince Edward Island
• 1925—1950: Principal, Western Bible College, Winnipeg.
• 1950—1966: Honorary assistant, St. Margaret's Church, Winnipeg
• 1950—1977: Preaching missions and Bible conferences across
Canada and the USA
• 1977: Died, March 20

Education

• 1907: B.D, Wycliffe College

• 1918: B.D., Systematic Theology, Christian University
• 1936: D.D., Reformed Episcopal Seminary, Philadelphia, PA
• 1946: B.A., Temple Hall College and Seminary
• 1950 STD St. John's University, India

Writings

• "After the Thousand Years — What?" Papers read before the

American Society for Prophetic Study, 1927. Germantown, PA:
American Society for Prophetic Study, 1925, 4-15.
• Assorted articles for the Pentecostal Testimony
• Concerning the Faith. Toronto, Canada: Full Gospel Publishing
House, 1951.
• What We Believe. Toronto, Canada: Full Gospel Publishing House,
1954.
This biographical history of J. E. Purdie has been compiled primari-
ly from the Wycliffe College Archives record of Purdie; Crockford's
Clerical Directory, 51st ed., 1920; and J. E. Purdie, "My Own
Pentecost," Pentecostal Testimony June 1970, 4, 9.
26 PNEUMA The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No 1. Spring 1997

Appendix 3: Wycliffe College Curriculum

First Year

• Hebrew
• Contents, Origin and Character of the Books of the Old and New
Testaments
• Gospels and Acts in Greek
• Principles in Interpretation
• Paley's Evidences
• History of the Apostolic Church
• Homiletics
• Thirty-nine Articles, English and Latin Text, with Scripture Proofs
• Elocution
Second Year

• Catholic Epistles and Apocalypse

• History of the Post-Apostolic Church of the Reformation
• Pearson on the Creed
• Thirty-nine Articles, with Boultbee
• Butler's Analogy
• Hooker, Book V; Jewell's Apology
• History of the English Prayer Book
• Homiletics (continued)
• Hebrew (continued)
• Elocution (continued)

Third Year

• Pauline Epistles
• Septuagint
• Reformation and the Church of England
• Thirty-nine Articles; Browne
• Pastoral Theology
• Composition and Delivery of Sermons
• Liturgies (continued)
• Hebrew (continued)

This outline of the courses offered at Wycliffe College is from

Jacob Jocz, "The Principalship of James Patterson Sheraton 1877-
1906," in The Enduring Word A Centennial History of Wycliffe
The Influence of Dr. J. E. Purdie's Reformed Anglican Theology 27

College, ed. Arnold Edinborough (Toronto, Canada: University of

Toronto Press, 1978), 13.

Appendix 4: Curriculum for Canadian Bible College

Systematic Theology and Doctrine

• Systematic Theology: including Christology, Incarnation, Humanity,

Deity
• Doctrine of God: including Theism, Cosmological Arguments,
Trinity
• Bibliology: dealing with the question of authority
• Bible Doctrines: including Origin of Man, Fall, Atonement,
Salvation, and its results
• Soteriology
• Ecclesiology
• Eschatology
• Anthropology

Pastoral

• Church History (three years)

• Homiletics (three years)
• Evangelism
• Music
• Child Psychology
• Bible Manners and Customs
• Life of St. Paul
• Life of Christ

Bible

• Pentateuch
• Historical (Joshua to Esther)
• Gospels
• Romans
• Wisdom Literature
• Prophets
• Corinthian Epistles
• Other Epistles and Revelation

This curriculum outline is found in J. E. Purdie, "The Biblical and

Theological Position of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada," TMs
28 PNEUMA: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Volume 19, No. 1, Spring 1997

[photocopy], 10-11, James Eustace Purdie Papers, PAOC Archives,

Mississauga, Canada; and in the transcript of Franklin's interview with
Purdie, 14-15 (see note 7 above).

PURITY AND POWER:

Revisionine the Holiness and Pentecostal
Traditions for the list Century

27th ANNUAL MEETING

Society for Pentecostal Studies
Held Jointly with the
Wesleyan Theological Society
Church of God School of Theology
Cleveland, Tennessee

March 12—14, 1998

First Vice President and Program Coordinator for SPS
Dr. Rebecca Patten Skaggs

Plenary sessions, papers, and special interest group sessions will

address issues on the theme of "Purity and Power" in the areas
of biblical studies, history, religion and culture, missiology,
praxis, and theology.

For a program brochure and registration materials for the

27th Annual Meeting of the Society for Pentecostal
Studies, please write:

Dr. D. William Faupel

Executive Secretary
Society for Pentecostal Studies
Post Office Box 23395
Lexington, KY 40523-3395
USA
 ^ s
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