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Branding New Zealand: the National Green-wash

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 Branding New Zealand:
the National Green-wash
CLAUDL\ BELL

Department of Sociology,
University ofAuckland,
PO Box 92019,
Auckland, New Zealand.

c. bell@auckland. ac. nz

Concerns about the potentially homogenizing effects of globalization

have exacerbated claims of a distinctive identity for New Zealand, on
behalf of citizens. The focus in this paper is the branding of New
Zealand: the expression of 'New Zealand' to external audiences, as a
strategy to attract trade, tourism and investment.

Branding is now recognised as a powerful marketing weapon. But

we are less confident in deciphering the relationship between
branding and culture. The ideological aspects of branding warrant
exploration. Both those who create the images, and those who
consume them, are in process of negotiation of texts about identity.
The terms 'clean and green,' and '100% Pure,' divert us from
unpicking attitudes to environmental damage in favour of supporting
promotional campaigns and commercial interests.

Keywords: Branding, National identity. Environment, Marketing,

Image making. Promotion

British Review of New Zealand Studies, Vol. 15, 2005/6, pp. 13-28
Published by the NEW ZEALAND STUDIES ASSOCIATION
14 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

Branding as buzzword

Branding is a busaword that is now applied to nations. A quick

Google search reveals nearly two million sites referring to 'nation
branding'; the term clearly has currency. The concept 'brand'
previously referred to products and services. But now 'branding' is a
deliberate process applied to the shaping of a nation's image and
reputation on the global stage (now plasma screen), in the heightened
global competition for ascendancy. One could suggest that every
nation is an already established brand name, in that we have instant
association and assumptions about any country when it is mentioned.
Attention in this paper is on the deliberate branding of nation for
foreign audiences: the expression of 'New Zealand' as a brand, in
strategies to attract trade, tourism and investment. New Zealand, like
many nations, has responded to the fact that self-fashioning,
commodification and advertising are current imperatives of
nationalistic self-expression.

Official, governmental and commercial programmes to raise New

Zealand's profile promulgate particular notions of nationhood to
external audiences. Inevitably these spill over to the nation's own
population, and become part of national identity constructs.
However, internal audiences are subjected to other campaigns as
well: commercial advertising that invites them to buy products
because of their association with familiar locations, people, and
details of way of life.

Nations are now promoted like other commodities. But branding

nation is more than a set of images to denote place. A brand carries
with it emotional dimensions: a set of qualities inviting trust and
respect from a global audience of potential consumers. As Kyriacou
and Cromwell write, we should consider a nation 'a highly
diversified international conglomerate, which trades internationally,
seeks international partners to grow its businesses and depends on its
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 15

reputation for business development... It strives to secure excellent

financial ratings, industry recognition and respect in the marketplace'

(http://www. ecistwestcoms. com/Corporate-Strategies-for-a-Nation 's-

Success.htm).

Nations articulate differentiation to contest consumer awareness

in a world of fierce brand rivalry. A perusal of just some of the
plethora of websites mentioned above includes many in which
branding experts are offering their services to market any product at
all - including nations. So in this new era of branding nations, we are
in an era when entire countries are now also clearly seen as products.
That product, the brand state, draws selectively from versions of its
history, the natural environment, and ethnic traditions to package
national identity. Branding includes dimensions of personality, eg.
New Zealand is 'friendly'. The state brand is the current stage of
development of versions of nationalism aimed primarily at external
audiences. Billig suggests that there is 'no readily available term to
describe the collection of ideological habits (including habits of
practice and belief) which reproduce nations as nations. It is as if the
term only comes in small sizes and bright colours.' And so he
introduces the term 'banal nationalism' to cover the 'ideological
habits which enable the established nations of the West to be
reproduced.... Daily, the nationalism is indicated, or 'flagged,' in the
lives of its citizenry. Nationalism... is the endemic condition' (Billig,
1995, p. 6). Banal nationalism meanwhile, lets us stay home and do
what we want with the flag, while NEW ZEALAND THE BRAND
strides out into the world, hoping - expecting - to leave not just
inconsequential dissolving footprints, but powerfully indelible
positive messages about New Zealand. NEW ZEALAND THE
BRAND offers the world a unified version of place, something that
does not happen in the realm of internal cultural and political debate
(as recent post-election political events show, where the new 2005
Labour Government made unexpected allies to form a coalition).
16 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

It is a long time since New Zealand was a docile, compliant

colony of a country somewhere else. Part of the post-colonial
condition is the necessity for assertion of nation, both as identity
reinforcement to residents, and to assure distinctive, valuable
qualities to foreigners. Globalization and the digital media revolution
make citizens increasingly self-aware in relation to other comparable
- or non-comparable - brand states. To achieve visibility, and to
express uniqueness, aggressive branding is now deemed to be
crucial. Indeed, branding is something of a substitute for cultural
discourse on national identity, as the identity-formulation task is
taken up by ad-men, commissioned to create slogans and logos that
become the new discourse. These offer simplified versions of nation;
versions that can be quickly recognised and assimilated. Branding
has become a substitute for institutional and cultural discourses of
national identity; branding is far less contested than other types of
cultural expression. The discourse of branding constructs a single
image of New Zealand, something which could never happen in the
realm of cultural and political debate. Those messages about a
unified New Zealand that are conveyed to the world are barely
challenged by internal observers. Various forums for projections of
ourselves to the wider world, are now subsumed in the branding
exercises, which take place on behalf of all of New Zealand (for
instance, at World Expo 2005 in Japan; and in Tourism New
Zealand's 100% PURE campaign).

van Ham explains that 'the traditional diplomacy of yesteryear is

disappearing. To do their jobs well in the future, politicians will have
to train themselves in brand asset management. Their tasks will
include finding a brand niche for their state, engaging in competitive
marketing, assuring customer satisfaction, and most of all, creating
brand loyalty. Brand states will compete not only among themselves
but also with super-brands such as the EU, CNN, Microsoft, and the
Roman Catholic Church (boasting the oldest and most recognised
logo in the world, the crucifix). In this crowded arena, states that lack
relevant brand equity will not survive. The state, in short, will have
become the State®' (van Ham, 2005).
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 17

Indeed, in New Zealand a recent theme for debate has been the
apparent loss of brand loyalty in some sectors of the population: the
deluge of brain drainees; those expatriates fmding the new 'Right'
place for themselves on the Gold Coast, Queensland; student
refugees of the tertiary study loans scheme; and sportsmen who can
harvest gold if they sell their skills elsewhere.

Since World War Two the crucial geopolitical determinant,

Vaknin reminds us, is economic power rather than military power:
'The resilience of a country is measured by its inflows of foreign
investment and by the balance of its current account - not by the
number of its tanks and brigades. Inevitably, polities the world over
- regions, states, countries, and multinational clubs - behave as only
commercial businesses once did. They actively market themselves,
their relative advantages, their history and culture, their endowments
and assets, their mentality and affiliations. In short, they aggressively
promote their brand names' (Vaknin, httpJ/samvaktripod.com/nat
ionbranding.html). In the contemporary consumerist era, it should no
longer surprise us at anything can be commoditised. It follows, then,
that anything can be promoted; including entire nations, as if they are
consumables. We know that a vast proportion of the world's wealth -
about one third - is owned by corporate brands. That extreme level of
success is inspiring to the branders of nations. Branding the nation in
the globalised world is a form of positioning; a strategy or tool in the
competition for attention and wealth; and a tool of self-affirmation.
To an extent we can see this as a case of both new urgency and new
language for old processes. Twenty-first century technology ensures
that this story is told with more authority, to a greater audience, and
faster than ever before. In short, branding New Zealand as '100%
Pure' is intended to be a way to accelerate the commercial progress
of the nation.

Extremely concise history of New Zealand as a brand

In New Zealand current branding is on a continuum from promotion

projects to invite settlers to this country, and to market early exports.
18 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

It is important to remember New Zealand's inheritance and uptake of

European cultural and intellectual positions. At the time of European
settlement of New Zealand, European landscape values were well
established in popular culture, and were therefore automatically
imported as ways of seeing and appreciating the landscape here (Bell
and Lyall, 2002). 'Scenic Wonderland' was an early campaign
catchphrase.

Sites that were early tourist attractions became part of New

Zealand iconography of cultural and national identity, and featured
on some of the world's first pictorial postage stamps, issued in 1898
(Lyall, 2003). The very stamps to stick onto some of those first New
Zealand pictorial postcards - pretty pictures of landscape - issued in
1897! (Main and Jackson, 2005). Postcards themselves were mobile
advertisements for selected versions of national identity.

Thomas Cook and Company brought tours to New Zealand from

the 1880s. Tourism was a political agent to promote and reinforce
colonisation: tourism as a facilitator of the selection of places in
which to rapidly develop infrastructure and commercial centres. The
class-based interests of those groups involved in this branding
directed the representation of the New Zealand landscape (Ateljevic
and Doorne, 2002).

Today we see two parallel sets of branding that promote nature

and national 'character': that aimed at outside consumers; and that
used as backdrop for commodities aimed at the local market, eg.
cheese, beer, cars. The latter uses long-standing stereotypes, in
particular, male figures in sublime landscapes who perpetuate
versions of New Zealand as a nation of macho tough-guys who
heroically brave the elements, wearing swandris and boots. This can
be described as a kind of retro-spectrum of nostalgic kiwiana,
drawing from a fictive collective (pakeha) history. This is not the use
of actual history as an analytic system for understanding time and
space, but a series of socially constructed concepts that invite instant
recognition: nation as nostalgic comfort zone (Bell, 2005).
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 19

Telling others and informing ourselves

Go to the '100% Pure' website, and be enticed by romantic versions

of New Zealand as a holiday destination. I quote: 'cushioned in a
pillow of blue Pacific Ocean, New Zealand is a feeling as much as it
is a country. Freedom, excitement, escape, peace, amazement and joy
are the kinds of emotions you will find here' (http://www. travelprom
otions.com/?productid=22S). This looks pretty easy for copywriters;
just revisit a century's worth of cliches, and tack them onto fabulous
photographs.

In the branding of nations, 'brand states' replace geographic

places. The 'clean green' slogan, and the '100% Pure' campaign:
these have proved an extremely useful conceptual organisation of the
landscape, which totally avoid issues of environmental degradation,
and land contestation. The apparently innocent slogans are a
flattering - or at least benign - reflection of self-image, claiming
distinction and superiority in the international contest for attention.
These images are projected outwards to an international audience,
including potential immigrants and tourists, all of whom must be
persuaded that what they will find in New Zealand will fulfil their
lifestyle and emotional needs. New Zealanders, aware of these
images, can rejoice the apparent success of our nation. Whatever dire
events are happening internationally, the beauty of our mountains,
lakes, forests and farmland provides constancy and continuity.
Nature is positioned as 'good'.

These assertions of distinctiveness, expressed through nature, are

reminders of the centrality of nature in the formulation of national
identity to internal consumers. Landscape as a metaphor of identity
naturalises the nation state, and renders it as indisputable and
timeless, despite the relatively recent and controversial historic
origin of the nation (Hayrynen, 1994, p. 2). Nature underpins the
idea of the nation state as an organic entity. The manner in which the
environmental discourse is positioned within the national sphere
coupled with its influences on brand formation indicates that New
20 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

Zealand the brand is much more complex than a simple logo. '100%
Pure' is an example of a brand which highlights not only the
aesthetic features of the country, but also raises important issues on
social positioning of the environment in cultural discourses. The
space that is created by 100% PURE is effectively an indigene-free,
ecology-free resort, overlaid onto the terrain of the fragile natural
environment. With identity projected to the exterior in an apolitical
style, it is easy for internal consumers to take on board the same
values, which over-ride other considerations about the meaning of
the natural environment in New Zealand.

Ideological aspects of branding

Branding has been described as 'one the most powerful marketing

weapons available to contemporary destination marketers... it has
become the basis for survival within a globally competitive
marketplace.' (Morgan, Pritchard and Price, 2002, p. 11). As Anholt
explains, 'the idea that countries behave like brands is now fairly
familiar to most marketers, and to many economists and politicians,
too...its values are... fairly well understood' (Anholt, 2002, p. 43).

But we are less confident in deciphering the relationship between

branding and culture. To the everyday citizen, is branding just about
admen and about politicians partying together on very large expense
accounts? Most published material on branding refers to the
marketing impact of various strategies, with limited attention to
sociological implications.

The ideological aspects of branding warrant exploration. We have

an incomplete analysis of a powerful political and cultural process
(Morgan and Pritchard, 1998, p. 142). Branding the nation needs to
be analysed not just in relation to the prevailing economic wisdom,
but also as a political process with social outcomes. The expression
and meaning of promotional imagery and messages are constructed
and mediated within the wider ideological context.
Nation branding is not simply an exercise in 'selling' a nation, but
in framing the perception, response and experience of a country.
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 21

Both those who create the images, and those who consume them, are
in a process of negotiation of texts about identity. The image
producers know they are producing images. The consumer has some
inkling that they are consuming a showcased version of nation
(possibly mirroring their own aspirations, eg. as tourists). In tourism
promotion. New Zealand nature is repositioned as a consumer item; a
quality product, to be trusted and consumed for pleasure. In current
promotions we see 'commitment, corroboration and synergy' among
the main purveyors of the country's image in the global media
(Anholt, 2002, p. 43). Entrepreneurs construct an economically
viable 'tourist space' within the nation, particularly designated to
facilitate these forms of consumption. The claimed uniqueness is
now the particular constructed landscape in which commercially
profitable activities take place, and the unique activities themselves;
not the truly unique bio-diversity of that actual place. The moral,
ecological and political impacts of adopting this mindset can be
readily critiqued.

New Zealand as Middle-Earth expands the consumer potential of

New Zealand's natural environment. As Jutel explains, 'New
Zealand as Middle-Earth actualises the construction of the
landscape... True to the spirit of the blockbuster, the mythic journey
has translated into the embrace of consumer culture. To navigate the
cartography of Middle-Earth, a number of commercial projects offer
both entry points and guide books, all available for a price.... As
these promotional campaigns and feature articles demonstrate, it is
New Zealand as film set which is valued as a tourist destination,
through the space of Middle-Earth: a mixture of the actual and the
imaginary' (Jutel, 2004, pp. 61-62). Those processes of both
incidentally and deliberately marketing landscape have helped
energise identity and national pride {Lord of the Rings won eleven
Oscars! It was as if these were won by everyone in New Zealand).

The choice to co-opt landscape in this way reveals much about

New Zealand culture. The simple phrases 'clean and green' and
'100% PURE', and beaming pride in the use of landscape in Peter
22 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

Jackson's Tolkein trilogy, divert us from unpicking attitudes to

environmental damage in favour of supporting commercial interests
and green-washing. The new film by New Zealand director Andrew
Adamson, The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, is very likely to be
utilised to further extol the landscape in national promotion
campaigns.

Branding co-opts myths

In New Zealand branding the processes co-opt national myths.

Mythologies inherent in notions of national identity, in particular the
nature myth, provide a readily recognised basis for new advertising
projects. As Jutel explains, 'images of the landscape have been so
readily transposed to pander to a global media spectacle' (Jutel,
2005, p. 60). An investigation of this commercial image-making
process reveals that branding imagery works not just for economic
interests. Branding is subsumed into popular notions of the
construction of place, in the interests of particular sectors of society.
It is therefore a political process, encoding and affirming the
dominant ideologies of commercial culture, tourism culture and
travel capitalism.

This is inevitably a political process that encodes and affirms the

dominant ideology of the branders themselves, or their nostalgic,
simplistic or cynical take on their own nation. The nature-based
myths are such encodings. These notions are a short cut to describe
New Zealand; yet for most of our citizens, their experiences are built
on concrete in cities, and may well contradict such a descriptor. Plus
they know that under the Treaty of Waitangi, land is a contested
issue in New Zealand.

Roland Barthes in his classic work Mythologies wrote of 'myths'

as systems of communication, with their own semiology system,
containing meanings, concepts and signs. To represent a nation-state,
recognisable symbols (meanings, concepts, signs) need to be
constructed to imply unity within: a secure place to invest capital,
for instance. The landscape and "New Zealand' have merged in
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 23

branding campaigns. 'Clean and green' and 100% PURE are

formulaic summaries, which make us look good: not just
aesthetically, but politically and morally, as they assert superior
environmental sensitivity and a powerful conservationist ethos and
practice. The messages suggest a land with little or no industrial
pollution, successful conservation of indigenous species, no
problems of over-population or traffic congestion, quiet, peaceful, no
urban decay: an absence of environmental problems.

The use of Middle-Earth imagery is a more literal imposition of a

famous fantasy upon the landscape, for commercial purposes. The
voluntary uptake of Peter Jackson's temporary evocations of
Tolkein's landscape reflects nostalgia for the imported British
pastoral Arcadia, one of pakeha New Zealand's foundation myths
(Fairbum, 1989; Bell, 1996).

Now those same landscape features are pressed into service to

stand for the pastoral gentility of Hobbiton, the rolling grasslands of
Rhoan; the majestic kauri forests are not now Gondwanaland, but
Fangom Forest; the stark and forbidding landscape of Mordor is
mapped onto the Volcanic Plateau. Local pride in the achievements
of film director Peter Jackson, and the pleasure of recognising local
sites in his films, make Middle-Earth a highly acceptable strand to
add to national promotion campaigns. Middle-Earth, as amplified
with Jackson's extraordinarily high production values, lines up
nicely beside Scenic Wonderland, clean and green, 100% PURE, and
nuclear free. Ironically, while Tolkein's fantasy characters are
favoured arrivals, actual immigrant groups are excluded in this
nationalistic discourse, as they are omitted from collective memory
and experience.

Sustaining the myths

Green-ness may not be sustainably implemented; but the green myth

is infinitely sustainable: an ongoing project of spin. New Zealanders
can probably go on constructing themselves as remote, exotic, clean
24 BRITISH REVIEW OF NEW ZEALAND STUDIES

and green, forever. As I noted in Inventing New Zealand in 1996, 'a

wonderful thing about having nature as the main promotional
imagery for a country, is that, if protected, the value of dramatic
mountains and steep untouched bush or raging rivers cannot be
depleted. In fact, as development proceeds elsewhere and many of
the world's wilderness areas are destroyed, untouched nature
becomes rarer and so more valuable' (Bell, 1996, p. 33). So the
evidence is there to apparently support the myth; to provide proof to
connect nature, national identity and tourism. '100% Pure' restates
nature yet again.

MacCannell, in Empty Meeting Grounds, states that the

promotion of global tourism 'is not just as aggregate of merely
commercial activities; it is also an ideological framing of history,
nature and traditions; a framing that has the power to reshape culture
and nature to its own ends' (MacCanneli, 1992, p. 1). New Zealand's
promotion projects based on 'clean and green' mythologies are
perfect illustrations of this rapidly accelerating process of ideological
reframing.

But toss aside that spin, and see that green-ness itself requires
enormous work. The robust contestation under the Treaty of
Waitangi of control of land, forests, and fisheries: these are part of a
far more challenging debate about the environment; along with
issues of conservation, forestry, agribusiness, genetic engineering,
wild harvesting, organic farming, and so on. So we are taking the
easy option, continuing the proven viability of the green-washing of
the nation.

Constructing a green myth about sustainability is monovalent,

with a casually consensual audience. Getting a consensus on a green
and sustainable future of the country is multivalent, highly contested,
and it is not immediately apparent that it will be as profitable. It will
require lifestyle changes.

Even the government is confused. The Ministry of Agriculture

and Fisheries (MAF) is very confused. At Auckland Airport,
BRANDING NEW ZEALAND 25

incoming people arriving at customs will see not only cute little
sniffer dogs, but MAF sponsored posters of cute little sniffer
puppies. Text on the posters tell us that these wee puppies are future
sniffer dogs; ''future protectors of our clean, green image'. Not of the
'clean green country, or 'clean green land', or 'clean green
environment,' but of the 'clean green image'. This poster does not
suggest that the agenda is to rigorously police potential
environmental damage. It suggests that priority is given to police
damage to the brand. MAF knows that 'a country's brand image can
profoundly shape its economic, cultural and political destiny'
(Anholt, 2002, p. 44). Here we see evidence of the subsumption of
the discourse of advertising in even this area of officialdom.

Clean and green maybe look near enough to true for most New
Zealanders, who see green from their car windows whenever they
leave the cities. While we are casually satisfied with the image - even
proud of it - this green-wash must be addressed. Are we over-stating
spin, at the expense of under-resourcing green? Frankly, in the
process of promoting our brand, are we kidding ourselves, to the
detriment of our environment? // is branding itself that can be the
infinitely renewable resource.

Acknowledgement

Thank you to John Lyall for discussing various versions of this

paper.

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