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2 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Asif Bin Ali Sabbir Ahmed

Burmese Nationalism
Rohingya Crisis And Contemporary Politics

Borno Prokash Ltd.

Dhaka-1215
3 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Editors

Asif Bin Ali Sabbir Ahmed

Lecturer (Sociology) Professor
Eastern University, Dhaka Department of Political Science
and University of Dhaka
Editorial Team Member
The Daily Observer

Published in Dhaka, Bangladesh, by Borno Prokash Ltd.

Published in 2019

ISBN: 978-984-8029-32-9
Legal Information:
The Editor(s) (if applicable) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as
the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Design and Patent
Act 1988.
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed
by the editors, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned,
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service

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statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and
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The publishers, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice
and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of
publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give warranty,
express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein nor for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral
with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional
affiliations.

Cover design and illustration by Kh. Moshiur Rahman

Cover photo by Mohammad Rakibul Hasan
Page makeup by Md. Mamun Muktar Hossin
8 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.
viii
Contents

Page
Introduction: Politics of 11
identity and Rohingya crisis:
Actors, intentions and
consequences
Sabbir Ahmed

1 Buddhist nationalism and 29

making Rohingya Muslim
“other”
Asif Bin Ali

2 Paradox of Rohingya crisis: 51

A legacy of history
Md. Shamsuddoha

3 Rohingyas in the pre- 70

colonial period
Roaksana Firdaus Nigar

4 Rohingyas in colonial period 86

Md. Adnan Arif Salim

5 Rohingyas in post-colonial 98
Myanmar
Azrin Afrin
9
ix A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.
Contents

6 Realpolitik: India‟s backing 110

to Myanmar on Rohingya
issue
Sariful Islam

7 Rohingya crisis: China‟s 130

strategic vulnerability in the
Indian Ocean
Md Nadim Aktar

8 Unheard cries: The plight of 143

Rohingya children
Shucheesmita Simonti

9 Human rights and human 161

wrongs: How the world
failed the Rohingyas
Yashasvi Nain and Niyati
Singh

10 Abandoning precedent 178

Akshya and Baksheesh
Sachar

11 Floods, camps and floating 190

prisons: The environmental
consequences of the
Rohingya crisis
Saurabh Thakur
10 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.
x

Contents

Photo Chapter

Page

1 Rohingya exodus through lens 220

Mohammad Rakibul Hasan

2 Rohingyas locked in nowhere 229

Alamin Leon

3 September in Cox‟s Bazar 242

Sabina Yesmin

4 Rohingya women in lens 249

Azizur Rahman Sumon

Bibliography 254

Abbreviation 260

Index 262
51 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Paradox Of Rohingya Crisis: A Legacy Of History

Md. Shamsuddoha
Senior faculty member (Bangladesh
Studies)
BRAC Institute of Languages, BRAC
University, 66 Mohakhali, Dhaka,
Bangladesh

Abstract:

This chapter deals with the contemporary issues and incidents of the
Rohingya crisis with an aim to investigate the subject from the historical
and political point of view where it will be engaged in discussing the
historical paradox about Rohingya community along with shading light
on the different arguments. It will also address the contemporary history
of persecution against Rohingya community from a non-aligned
approach.

Keywords: Rohingya, refugee, history, human rights,

Bangladesh, Myanmar

R ohingyas are the inhabitants of historical Arakan (Rakhine

State) of Myanmar. Arakan shares nearly 171 mile-long
common border with Bangladesh. Its toatal area is 14,914 sq miles
which contains approximately 3 million population according to
52 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

the census of 2014. Out of this, there are around one million
Rohingyas in Arakan (Farzana, 2017, p. 2). It is a piece of land
along the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal from the Naaf river on
the border of Chittagong to cape Negaris. Topographically, it is
separated from the mainland of Myanmar by Yoma range in one
side and widely connected to the Bay of Bengal in the other side.
That is why it is known as the ‗Gate Way to the Far East‘ (Yunus,
1994, p. 7). Because of its geographical location, it started to atract
the seafarers from the very ancient period. It was one of the
maritime activities centre in the South Asia. With this Arakan grew
up with economic development and multi cultural environment.
However, because of the geographical condition, Arakan remained
as an independent entity from the very ancient period.

According to archaeological evidences, the earliest human

settlement in Myanmar dates back to 11,000 BC (Maw, 1995, pp.
213-220). In case of Arakan, antique relics have been found from
Indo-Aryan groups who arrived from the Ganges Valley to Arakan
as early as 3000 BC. And these people were basically from the
ancient India. Hence, the culture of Arakan was influenced by
India instead of mainland of Myanmar at least up to the 10th
century because of its easy access to the Gangetic land and the Bay
of Bengal instead of mountainous boundary on the other side. In
reference to H. H. Wilson (1817) and Pamela Gutman (2001),
53 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Map: Bangladesh-Arakan Border (Burma Campaign UK, 2018 )

Azeem Ibrahim (2016, p. 24) concluded that the culture of ancient

Arakan is not possible to be understood without understanding its
elementary assimilation with Indian and Bengali origin. Another
important component was the openness of Arakan to the Bay of
Bengal which brought it very close to the Arab, Mughal, Persian
and other cultures (Tahir, 2007). This is how, Arakan culture was
already deeply rooted here with its Bengali, Indian and Middle-
Eastern elements before the arrival of Rakhine crossing the
mountains of Arakan following the Burmese expansion in around
1000 AD (Hall, 1968, p. 389; Tucker, 2001, pp. 11-12). Till then,
Arakan was ruled by Chandra dynasty which was a Hindu dynasty
54 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

centring in Veisali. Despite a Hindu kingdom, Arakan had an

integration of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam.
According to Myanmar and other sources, Islam reached the shores
of Myanmar‘s Arakan (Rakhine State) as early as 712 AD, via
seafarer merchants, and in the form of Sufism (Skidmore &
Wilson, 2008, p. 177). Francis Wade also argued that Muslims
landed in Arakan at least more than a millennium ago (Wade,
2017, p. 23). Even the name ‗Arakan‘ was derived from Arabic
word ‗Rukn‘ meaning the pillar of Islam. Therefore, it is evident
that the arrival of Muslims in Arakan happened as early as 8th
century which was even before the Rakhine or Burmese arrival in
Arakan. This is how, Arab assimilation created a strong foundation
of Islam in Arakan which later worked as a precursor of Muslim
rule there in 1430, and it continued up to the Burmese conquest in
1784. Burmese king Badaw Paya annexed Arakan in 1784, and
ruled up to the 1825 British conquest (Erbert & White, 1923, pp.
104-105). During the reign of Badaw Paya, Arakanese people were
brutally tortured and massive numbers of Arakani Muslims were
driven out from Arakan to Bengal. However, Burma first came into
contact with Europe in 1519 (The Imperial Guide to India:
Including Kashmir, Burma and Ceylon, 1904). There was not any
British penetration before that, but Muslims used to live there. So,
the Burmese argument which implies that all Muslims and Bengali
people were infiltrated during the colonial period is surely rhetoric.
55 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Nevertheless, a good number of Bengali and Indian people were

employed in Arakan during the colonial rule, and this back and
forth migration happened more or less everywhere in the British
colony, but nowhere this confusion occurred. Notwithstanding, the
number of migrated Bengali people was not greater than early
Muslim settlers. Therefore, the argument which was developed
after the Independence of Myanmar saying ‗Arakani Muslims and
Bengalese are not the original people of Arakan‘ is intentional for
not allowing citizenship to Rohingyas.

The legacy of denial

As the discussion in the previous part of this chapter has already

proven the existence of Rohingya Muslim as one of the ethnic
group in Arakan, they are undoubtedly eligible to be the citizen of
Myanmar. But in the independent Burma, Rohingyas were
betrayed after the death of the founder of Burmese independence
Aung San on July 19, 1947 (Sarkisyanz, I965, p. 187). Afterward,
Burma never witnessed democratic practice rather always was
ruled by the military rulers until it‘s ‗so called‘ democratic
revolution. During this long period of autocratic rule in Burma, the
destiny of Rohingyas experienced state sponsored persecution
repeatedly under the ethnic cleansing strategy. United Nations
High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra‗ad al-Hussein told
56 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, ―The situation seems a

textbook example of ethnic cleansing‖ (OHCHR, 2017). The
current persecution and exclusion of the Rohingyas reflect over
forty years of state propaganda designed to ensure that most
Burmese now regard them as foreigners and as a threat to Buddhist
culture (Ibrahim, 2016, p. 24). We see the reflection of this during
the rule of Ne Win (1962-88). In 1977, he launched Operation
Nagamin or Dragon King which displaced more than 200,000
Rohingyas to Bangladesh. Most of them were repatriated later
under the negotiation of UN, but the sufferings of Rohingyas had
not ended. Finally, General Ne Win sealed all possibilities of
Rohingyas to become a citizen of Myanmar by passing a
Citizenship Act, and they became stateless in their motherland.

On 15 October 1982, the military passed the Citizenship Act,

establishing a three-tiered system of citizenship. Only Burmese
nationals, some selective indigenous ethnic groups and the people
who could provide the evidence that they used to live in Burma
even before the first Anglo-Burmese War in 1823 were considered
as the full citizen or genuine citizen (Steinberg, 2010, p. 72).
Section 2(b) of this Citizenship Act included the people from the
flowing Burmese races only, viz. Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin,
Burman, Mon, Arakanese and Shan (Razzaq & Haque, 1995, p.
28). According to the Citizenship Law of 1982, ‗135 Myanmar
57 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

races (subdivisions of 8 major ethnic groups) have the status as Tai

Yin Tha, or ‗original ethnic groups‘, i.e., those living in Burma
before the first British conquest in 1824 are entitled to citizenship
(Gravers, 2015). Thus, as a full citizen, they could be appointed as
government official; they could vote or could be elected as
representative or join in army, and were given National
Registration Card (NRC). The other two categories of citizens are
Associates citizens and Naturalized citizens. The people who
entered into Burma during the colonial rule are Associate and
Naturalized citizens. Those people who have been granted
citizenship on submission of application under the Union
Citizenship Act of 1948 (within 1948-50) were grouped as
Associate citizens. Those who could not apply and were not
granted citizenship under the Citizenship Act of 1948 were treated
as Naturalized Citizens (Karim, 2000, p. 122).

The partial citizens of 2nd and 3rd categories are excluded from
many rights, such as they cannot be given military or bureaucratic
positions, cannot vote or take part in the election, and are denied
higher education (Phillips, 2013). Rohingyas are the mostly
affected victim of the Citizenship Act 1982 because they were
excluded from the citizenship according to section 2(b) which
denied them as nationals of Myanmar. Rohingyas, being one of the
ethnic communities of Arakan, were not accepted as the nationals
58 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

eligible to hold NRC. Rather they were treated as a foreigner

giving Foreign Registration Card (FRC). It seems like Myanmar
took the land of Arakan but denied to accept its people. This is
how Rohingyas became alien in the land of their forefather. In
1988, Burma rose up with revolt known as ‗8888 Uprising‘. Mass
people started demanding to put an end to the military rule and to
arrange a democratic election. In response, Ne Win promised that
democracy would be revived and multi-party election would be
arranged. He resigned which showed a bit light to the pro-
democratic people but the military scrambled on the protestors.
They then banned most of the political parties and arrested many
leaders. On July 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest
(McGowan, 1993).
In 1990, election was arranged where Suu Kyi led National League
for Democracy (NLD) got 392 seats out of 485 but power was not
handed over (Chronology for Rohingya in Burma, 2004). In 1991,
she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. However, Myanmar
(renamed in 1989) started continuing under military rulers who
again started persecution against Rohingya community. This time,
more than 250,000 Rohingyas crossed the border and became
refugees to get rid of firing, rape, forced labour and religious
persecution done by Myanmar army. Under the international
pressure, again there was repatriation agreement between
59 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Bangladesh and Myanmar on which around 230,000 Rohingyas

returned to their homeland from 1992 to 1997 (Al-Mahmood,
2016).

Rohingyas were somehow repatriated but not given their expected

rights or any compensation. Furthermore, government of Myanmar
became enraged about Rohingya issue. In 2005, a Rohingya MP
was arrested for helping his community. In 2008, Myanmar‘s third
constitution was framed where there was nothing good for
Rohingya community because it actually reinstated the denial of
the constitution of 1982 (Ibrahim, 2016, p. 95). Moreover, state-
patronized anti-Muslim propaganda during past two decades made
Rakhine Buddhists most infuriated to Rohingya Muslims which led
to the massacre in 2012. In early 2012, tension increased between
Rakhine and Rohingya community blaming that a Rakhine
Buddhist woman was raped by a Muslim. On the contrary, 10
Muslims were murdered by Rakhine Buddhists. These incidents
triggered a severe clash, and caused a deadly communal riot
between Buddhists and Rohingyas on June which continued up to
October. In this riot, more than 200 people were killed and around
150,000 became homeless (Hunt, 2017). Subsequently, state of
emergency was declared in the Rakhine State.

The argument employed here is whether this persecution was state

patronized or not. President Thein Sein in his interview to the UN
60 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

said, ―The million Rohingya people in Rakhine state are simply not
welcome in Myanmar. They would be placed in camps or,
preferably, deported.‖ (Bahar, 2010). Therefore, it is clear that it
was a state-patronized systematic attempt to force the Rohingya to
leave the state where the main motive was ethnic cleansing
(Human Rights Watch, 2013). In 2014, Myanmar conducted the
first census in more than 30 years, but Rohingyas were excluded
(Ferguson, 2015). Furthermore, they were kept out of voting right
in the election of 2015. Even Suu Kyi refused any Muslim to
contest the election from the NLD platform (McPherson, 2015;
Ranjan, 2017). This is how, Muslims are treated in Myanmar.

On October 2016, Burmese state media claimed that 300

Rohingyas attacked on border posts in Rakhine State and killed 9
police. Myanmar military started scrambling on unarmed
Rohingyas which killed many Rohingyas and drove around 90,000
to Bangladesh. On 25 August 2017, Myanmar army started a series
of attacks as ―Clearance Operations‖ showing an allegation of a so
called attack of the ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) on
the military of Myanmar. But, different international
organizations‘ reports state that the persecution on Rohingya was
already underway even two weeks before the attack of the ARSA
(Rowlatt, 2017). However, the recent plight of the Rohingya
community has crossed all previous records. The violence in
61 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Rakhine State which began on 25 August 2017 has driven an

estimated 655,500 Rohingyas to Bangladesh (ISCG Situation
Report : Rohingya Refugee Crisis, 2018) increasing the total
Rohingya population residing in Bangladesh to some 800,000
(International Organisation for Migration, 2017).

Notwithstanding all these massacre and exodus Suu Kyi denied

any sort of violation of human rights in a television speech on 19
September 2017 (Amnesty International, 2017). But, there is a
complete violation of human rights in Myanmar. Rohingya
refugees in Bangladesh have shared their memories of persecution,
―Numerous memories associated with the denial of citizenship,
eviction from homes, arbitrary arrest, disappearance, unpaid forced
labour, excessive taxation, restriction on mobility, police
harassment and rape, family segregation, confiscation of property,
destruction of religious establishments, and …‖ (Farzana, 2017,
pp. 235-236). The violation of all sorts of human rights has also
been reflected in the report of the UNHR (OHCHR, 2017). Many
scholars termed the atrocity on Rohingya as a state patronized
crime and Genocide (Green, MacManus, & Venning, 2015). This
attitude of Myanmar authority proves they are not willing to let
Rohingya people live in Myanmar.
62 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

Chart: Author

The plight of the Rohingya somehow moves around the above

cycle. The persecution in 2017 was not new. Therefore,
international organizations should be more active to avoid a
makeshift solution. Because repatriation without solving the
problem cannot put an end to the Rohingya crisis, rather, uprooting
the cause of the problem can bring a sustainable and acceptable
solution to it.
If statelessness and persecution are considered as the two major
causes, then these should be solved first by giving citizenship to
Rohingyas and ensuring religious coexistence in Myanmar. Kofi
Annan Commission also recommended to ensure fundamental
rights for the people of Rakhine state (Annan, 2017). Only after
that, repatriation can be successful. Otherwise, it is not possible to
come out from this cycle. In this process, Bangladesh has to be
more active to initiate international consensus. This process may
63 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

not be that much easy for Bangladesh as per as geo-politics is

concern (Schendel, 2016). Bangladesh has to try her level best to
find out a permanent solution to this refugee-issue because it may
instigate threat to its economy and security. On the contrary,
Myanmar, as a new democratic country, should play wise role
while dealing with ethnic minorities.

Conclusion

Rohingya is one of the major ethnic groups in Myanmar.

Historically, it has been found that most of them arrived to ancient
Arakan or today‘s Rakhine state of Myanmar at least more than a
millennium ago (Wade, 2017). Nevertheless, they are deprived of
citizenship and other fundamental rights. They are viciously
tortured and brutally killed in their motherland which often turns
into a form of ethnic cleansing. Therefore, the return of the
Rohingya refugees to Myanmar never can be a solution because
they deliberately have become refugees considering their
homeland as unsecured for them. The violence in Rakhine State
which began on 25 August 2017 has driven an estimated 655,500
Rohingyas to Bangladesh. This (2017) was not the first time the
world community witnessed the largest influx within such a short
period of time from Myanmar to Bangladesh; rather it repeatedly
happened even before. After negotiation, usually, Myanmar
64 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

authorities agree to repatriate a number of Rohingya refugees but

not all. Therefore, international community and the UN should
negotiate with Myanmar to create a liveable situation where
Rohingyas would feel secured to be in Rakhine State. That might
be done by giving them citizenship considering their historical
attachment with Arakan, along with ensuring all fundamental and
human rights.
65 A.B. Ali and S. Ahmed, eds.

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