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Brown 1989
Brown 1989
ALBERT GILMAN
Department of English
Boston University
ABSTRACT
INTRODUCTION
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
As speech acts (Austin 1962; Levinson 1983; Searle 1969), both speeches are
"directives" (Searle 1976) or attempts to induce the hearer to do something.
The most notable contrast in the two speeches lies in the efficiency of the
first and the politeness of the second.
Macbeth says just as much as, but not one word more than is necessary
to make his intention unambiguous. The order to the servant perfectly satis-
fies Grice's (1975) maxims of conversation. It is, however, brusque, as the
messenger's advice to Lady Macduff is not. The latter speech says more than
is strictly necessary and so sacrifices efficiency in order to accomplish some-
thing not mentioned in Grice's maxims. The messenger is concerned to be
polite, and politeness means putting things in a way that takes account of the
other person's feelings.
Where in the messenger's speech is politeness found? The salutation "Bless
you, fair dame!" is more than routinely warm, and "dame" is a form of
address for a woman of rank. Deference is expressed in the line "Though in
your state of honor I am perfect" and also in the self-deprecating "a homely
man's advice." There is delicate sympathy in the verb doubt of "I doubt
some danger does approach you nearly" whether doubt is understood as a
hedge on know or as fear. Finally, the request itself is not an action imper-
ative but an agentless passive (Blake 1983) which has no presumption in it.
Why should Macbeth's order to his servant be briskly Gricean and the
messenger's advice to Lady Macduff most thoughtfully courteous? An
answer could be given in terms of the unique particulars of each situation,
but we are interested in an abstract answer that renders the two cases com-
parable with one another and with infinitely many additional discourse
dyads. We must first consider social station (or status or power); the rank-
ing of speaker and hearer. Macbeth, the speaker, stands higher than his ser-
vant and so, as far as power considerations go, need feel no compulsion to
be polite. The messenger stands lower than Lady Macduff and so has rea-
son to be somewhat polite, even if station were the only consideration. Sec-
ond, we must think of the horizontal social distance between speaker and
hearer. Are they familiars or strangers? Familiars can be, and usually are,
more casual. There is less horizontal social distance between Macbeth and
his servant than between Lady Macduff and the previously unknown mes-
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE S TRAGEDIES
senger. Finally, we must ask how great a thing is requested in the two cases.
Both speakers intend actions to be taken, but the actions are differentially
disruptive for the two addressees. Of Macbeth's servant, only a routine ser-
vice is required. Lady Macduff is urged to take her children and flee the cas-
tle as soon as possible. The greater intrusion, even though it is in the hearer's
own interest, seems to require greater attention to the hearer's feelings.
The three variables postulated as determinants of the strong contrast in
politeness between the two speeches from Macbeth we shall call power (P),
distance (D), and ranked extremity (R). Brown and Levinson (1987) have
proposed that P, D, and R are the universal determinants of politeness levels
in speech acts though the ways in which P, D, and R are calculated are cul-
turally specific. In this article, we determine whether the Brown/Levinson
claim holds for Shakespeare's use of Early Modern English (1500-1700) in
Hamlet, King Lear, Macbeth, and Othello and, in addition, illustrate the
uses of politeness in drama.
There is, finally, something unsatisfactory in our analysis of the mes-
senger's speech. It is not only polite, not only politer than Macbeth's order
to his servant, it is one of the politest speeches in the play. Why should so
much consideration for Lady Macduff be necessary in advising her to flee
for her life? Speech act theory suggests the answer. The messenger's five lines
constitute not one but two speech acts: a directive and an assertion. The
sense of the directive baldly expressed in the messenger's next line is: "Hence
with your little ones." The sense of the assertion would seem to be: "Some
danger does approach you nearly," but it is more extreme than that because
it is already too late for the lady and her little ones to escape. The murderers
are almost immediately upon them. The assertion in the messenger's mind
is: "You are lost." And the politeness is there not just to make the directive
tolerable but from pity for Lady Macduff's terrifying plight.
POLITENESS THEORY
Politeness means putting things in such a way as to take account of the feel-
ings of the hearer. These feelings, in the Brown/Levinson theory, are of just
two kinds: those concerned with positive face and those with negative face.4
Positive face is every person's want (the authors' carefully chosen word) that
his or her wants be desirable to at least some others, not all others for all
aspects of face, but the significant ones for each aspect. Very exactly
expressed, what each person wants is that others want for him what he wants
for himself; for example: life, health, honor, a positive self-image. Negative
face is also a matter of wants: every person's want to be free from imposi-
tion and distraction and to have her personal prerogatives and territory
respected. The two speeches from Macbeth both threaten the hearer's neg-
ative face since the speaker intrudes upon the free self-determination of the
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
hearer. The messenger's speech also threatens the hearer's positive face since
the bad news delivered is that there are some who threaten the hearer's life.
The problem of politeness only arises, in the Brown/Levinson theory,
when there is a speech act to be performed, for some reason other than
politeness, which is however intrinsically face threatening (a face-threatening
act or FTA). Any directive or request, for example, is a negative FTA and
any criticism or insult is a positive FTA. The central goal of the theory is to
specify the circumstances in which each of five politeness strategies will be
selected.5 These strategies, ordered on a principle that is explained later,
are:
1. Do the FTA on record without redressive action, baldly.
2. Do the FTA on record with redressive action of the kind called posi-
tive politeness.
3. Do the FTA on record with redressive action of the kind called nega-
tive politeness.
4. Do the FTA off record.
5. Don't do the FTA.
Positive politeness is simply defined as any effort to meet positive face
needs. The phrase "Have a good day," renewed daily, is a quintessential act
of positive politeness: The speaker wishes for the hearer what the hearer
wishes for himself. Negative politeness is defined as any attempt to meet neg-
ative face wants, but negative politeness, unlike positive, is designed to
redress just the specific FTA that creates the occasion for politeness. On rec-
ord FTAs are speech acts for which the "speaker's meaning" or intention is
unambiguous. An FTA is off record when the speaker's intention is ambig-
uous and can only be worked out by inference. Because off record FTAs are
ambiguous, the speaker cannot be held accountable and any inferred mean-
ing is deniable.
Politeness theory holds that the selection of strategies is universally deter-
mined by just three variables. Two concern the relationship between speaker
and hearer: vertical social distance or power and horizontal social distance
or solidarity. These are the same dimensions that Roger Brown and Albert
Gilman used in i960 to describe the semantics of European pronouns of
address as typified by the French tu/vous (T/V) distinction and which have
been reported since i960 to be the dimensions underlying pronominal (and
other) address in at least 28 different languages, many of them unrelated
(Alrabaa 1985; Fang & Heng 1983; Friedrich 1966; Kempff 1985; Kroger,
Wood, & Kim 1984; Lambert & Tucker 1976; Levinson 1977, 1982;
Mehrotra 1981; Ogino 1986; Paulston 1976; Yassin 1975; and others).
Pronouns of address have relational rather than referential meanings and
in this way they are like kin terms. Just as it is not a property of a person
to be always addressed as dad or son, so it is not a property of a person to
be always addressed as T or as V; in both cases the form used varies with a
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
relation, the relation between speaker and addressee. The very important dif-
ference between kin terms and pronouns is that the former (unless "ex-
tended" or "fictive") serve to relate only some members of a social group
with some others, whereas the latter serve to relate each one to each other
one and so constitute a fully connected language of relationship. If the
dimensions governing such relational forms are universal across languages,
then such dimensions would seem to have a privileged fundamental status for
the analysis of social life. On present evidence they are universal and, in
politeness theory, they are called power and distance, symbolized as, respec-
tively, P and D.
There is a third variable that affects the choice of a politeness strategy and
this is the intrinsic extremity of the face-threatening act. In the culture and
situation in question, how much does the FTA interfere with self-determin-
ation (negative face) and approval (positive face)? The assumption made is
that there will be a fairly constant ranking of impositions in terms of expen-
ditures in time, expertise, and goods and also a ranking of threats to posi-
tive face in terms of desired attributes like honor, beauty, and generosity.
The necessary operations are not all at hand, but the idea is clear: Telling
someone that a certain lieutenant, newly met, drinks to excess (e.g., Iago to
Montano of Cassio) is less disruptive than telling a man his wife is guilty of
adultery (e.g., Iago to Othello of Desdemona).
Brown and Levinson combine additively the three variables affecting the
selection of a strategy into the formula Wx = D(S, H) + P(H, S) + Rx,6
which in words says that the weightiness or riskiness of FTAX is a function
of the social distance between speaker (S) and addressee (H) plus the power
of the addressee (H) over the speaker (S) plus the culturally ranked intrin-
sic threat (Rx) posed by the FTA. In crude operational terms, W should be
greater if H is a superordinate (e.g., Macbeth) than if H is a subordinate
(e.g., servant); W should be greater if S and H are long-separated country-
men (e.g., Ross and Malcolm in Macbeth) than if S and H are old friends
(e.g., Hamlet and Horatio); and W should be greater if R is an accusation
of murder and incest (Hamlet to the king) than if R is an accusation of
meddling (Hamlet to Polonius).
The overall claim is that the inclination to select a higher-numbered strat-
egy will increase with the intrinsic weightiness or perceived risk of the FTA.
For the lowest levels of risk, strategy (i): Do the FTA on record without
redressive action, baldly, will seem ideal since it is maximally efficient and
there is no risk. Such is the case with Macbeth's order to his servant. At the
highest levels of weightiness or risk, the right strategy will seem to be (5):
Don't do the FTA. Such is the case for Hamlet when he dare not accuse the
king of having murdered his father. Intermediate levels of perceived risk are
claimed to be associated with intermediate numbered strategies.
Brown and Levinson first published their politeness theory as a 300-page
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
article that was awkwardly packaged with a short essay on questions to make
a book entitled Questions and politeness (Goody 1978). In 1987, Cambridge
University Press reissued the article as a book, Politeness: Some universals
of language usage, which includes a new 50-page review (by Brown and
Levinson) of research inspired by the original article. The authors do not in
their 1987 book revise their theory but, rather, reprint exactly the 1978 arti-
cle. In their up-to-date critical review of research, they grant that recent work
has made them question several points in the 1978 theory even though it has
not convinced them of error on any point. New research has not, of course,
stopped with the 1987 review and we do not know how Brown and Levin-
son will respond to the more recent empirical findings and theoretical criti-
cisms (e.g., Holtgraves 1986; Holtgraves, Srull, & Socall, in press; Slugoski
& Turnbull, in press).
In this situation investigators who want to work with the Brown/Levinson
theory of politeness must pick a version. We have done this - after reading
most of what has been done and making our own critical evaluations. It
seems best not to defend our decisions in a detailed way but simply to set
them down, pointing out the differences from the original theory and tak-
ing responsibility for our judgments.
Our version of the Brown/Levinson theory is graphically represented in
Figure 1, using all the conventions of the original so as to make evident the
many points of identity and also two differences. The point of view is that
of the speaker. The mental processes modeled are hers and they are assumed
to be swift and unconscious though it is generally necessary in discussing
them to use words that suggest deliberation. The problem the speaker is con-
sidering is whether or not to perform some single face-threatening act, and
if the decision is to perform it, then how to perform it, in what way. The
FTA is addressed to the hearer (H) and taking account of the feelings of the
hearer is the problem of politeness. The relevant feelings concern positive
face and negative face.
There are four numbered strategies in Figure 1. These four strategies are
actually superstrategies since Brown and Levinson list 15 subvarieties of pos-
itive politeness and 10 subvarieties of negative politeness and say that even
these lists are not exhaustive. The principal empirical claim of this version
of the theory, as of the original, is that the superstrategies are ordered (as
in Figure 1) against a scale of lesser to greater estimated risk to face.
In the original (unmodified) Brown/Levinson theory there are five num-
bered super-strategies. Strategy (2) in Figure 1 is, in the original, divided into
(2): Do the FTA on record with redressive action of the positive politeness
kind; and (3): Do the FTA on record with redressive action of the negative
politeness kind. The original then claims that positive politeness and nega-
tive politeness are mutually exclusive strategies and are ordered relative to
one another and against the Wx as, respectively, (2) and (3). Our modified
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
Circumstances determining
choice of strategy:
Lesser
Many
(4) Don't do the FTA
Greater
Wx = D(S, H) + P(H, S) + Rx
Politeness increases as Distance goes up.
Politeness increases as Power of H over S increases.
Politeness increases as Risk of imposition goes up.
FIGURE i: Super-strategies of politeness ordered against estimated risk of
face loss (after Brown & Levinson (1978, 1987), but modified as
described in the text).
version (Figure i) does not make these claims but substitutes a single super-
strategy of redress in which acts of positive and negative politeness may be
mixed but need not be. Brown and Levinson, in their 1987 review of re-
search, discuss evidence and arguments (e.g., Baxter 1984; Blum-Kulka 1985;
Harris 1984) favoring the modification we have made and concede, with
qualifications: "we may have been in error to set up the three super-strategies,
positive politeness, negative politeness, and off record as ranked unidimen-
sionally to achieve mutual exclusivity" (17). We ourselves in deciding to col-
lapse positive and negative politeness into one super-strategy have been less
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
1. Be conventionally indirect.
Iago (to Othello): You were best go in. (I, ii, 29)
Banquo: Worthy Macbeth, we stay upon your leisure [convenience]. (I, Hi, 148)
2. Do not assume willingness to comply. Question, hedge.
Queen (to Rosencrantz and Guildenstern): If it will please you
To show us so much gentry [courtesy] and good will. (Hamlet, II, ii, 21-22)
3. Be pessimistic about ability or willingness to comply. Use the subjunctive.
Osric (to Hamlet): Sweet lord, if your lordship were at leisure, I should impart a thing
to you from his Majesty. (V, ii, 91-92)
4. Minimize the imposition.
Edgar (to Albany): Hear me one word. (King Lear, V, /', 39)
5. Give deference.
Othello (to the Duke and Venetian Senators): Most potent, grave, and reverend signiors,
My very noble and approved good masters. (I, Hi, 76-77)
6. Apologize. Admit the impingement, express reluctance, ask forgiveness.
Ross (to Macduff): Let not your ears despise my tongue for ever,
Which shall possess them with the heaviest sound
That ever yet they heard. (Macbeth, IV, Hi, 201-203)
7. Impersonate the speaker and hearer. Use the passive without agent.
Knight (to King Lear): your Highness is not entertained with that ceremonious affection
as you were wont. (I, iv, 58-60)
8. State the FTA as an instance of a general rule to soften the offense.
Gloucester (to King Lear): My dear lord,
You know the fiery quality of the Duke,
How unremovable and fixed he is
In his own course. (II, iv, 90-93)
9. Nominalize to distance the actor and add formality.
King (to Hamlet): But to persever
In obstinate condolement is a course
Of impious stubbornness. (I, ii, 92-94)
10. Go on record as incurring a debt.
Queen (to Rosencrantz and Guildenstern): Your visitation shall receive such thanks
As fits a king's remembrance. (Hamlet, II, ii, 25-26)
Source: After Brown & Levinson (1978, 1987), but much modified.
combined interaction and feeling in various ways and judged how given
remarks by one young woman (e.g., a literal insult or a literal compliment)
would be interpreted by the other. The important general finding is that dis-
tance and affect had to be treated separately and, for the problems pre-
sented, affect was the more important variable by far. We leave the Brown/
Levinson formula as they presented it but expect to find that our results call
for a revision of D.
From Macbeth we have had an example of super-strategy (i), and that is
Macbeth's on record, unredressed command to his servant. From the same
play we have had an example of super-strategy (2), which included both pos-
itive politeness and several kinds of negative politeness, and that was the
messenger's advice to Lady Macduff. Strategy (3): Do the FTA off record,
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
may be looked for in circumstances where the estimation of risk is very high
- almost high enough to forbid doing the FTA at all. Iago, in II, HI, of
Othello, is in just such circumstances. The intrinsically face-threatening com-
munication he has in mind is telling Othello (falsely) that Desdemona and
the honorable Cassio are secret lovers. This act would threaten Othello's pos-
itive face since it would besmirch the two people closest to his heart and by
implication himself - a cuckolded Moor. The threat (Rx) is extreme and the
power of the hearer (Othello) over the speaker (Iago) is great. No amount
of redressive politeness would make it possible to speak on record.
The point in going off record (strategy (3)) is to communicate an intention
with enough ambiguity so that you cannot be held strictly accountable. The
Brown/Levinson treatment (unmodified by us) is elegant. Since the hearer
must interpret what he hears, must go from what is said to something hinted
at, there must be a trigger to alert him to do more than the usual amount of
interpretive work. What should the trigger be? Some violation, the theory
proposes, of the Gricean maxims of cooperative conversation. The speaker
must say too little - or too much - must say something not clearly relevant,
must be vague or self-contradictory. A trigger is a signal to look for what
speech act theory calls an implicature or inference, something implied by
what has been said, together with the situation and the personalities
involved.
Finally, there is strategy (4): Don't do the FTA, which is the strategy to
adopt when the risk of speaking is prohibitively great. One might think it
impossible to provide an example since it is necessary to know not only that
something was not said but that it was thought and suppressed. This is where
the psychological soliloquies in Hamlet, King Lear, Macbeth, and Othello
are of inestimable help. Hamlet, in I, //, is asked by his uncle and now step-
father: "How is it that the clouds still hang on you?" and he answers: "Not
so, my lord, I am too much in the sun." For an attentive and well-prepared
audience, Hamlet's response is off record. We can infer the meaning: too
much in royal favor, with a pun on son. The king makes no response to the
speech and it is fair to suppose that it either seemed irrelevant or unwise to
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
acknowledge. When Hamlet's mother, the queen, urges "cast thy nighted
color off," Hamlet speaks only of the intensity of his grief. From what he
says to them, Claudius and Gertrude could not infer his thought:
O, most wicked speed, to post
With such dexterity to incestuous sheets! (I, //', 156-157)
which is expressed in the soliloquy that immediately follows upon their exit,
and which ends:
But break my heart, for I must hold my tongue. (I, ii, 159)
That is strategy (4): Don't do the FTA.
Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987) developed politeness theory with contin-
ual reference not only to British and American English, but also to Tamil
and Mayan Tzeltal and occasional reference to several other languages. It
cannot be said that they tested their theory on any language but, rather, that
they paid attention to a variety of languages in their constructivist task so
as to have a good idea what things might be universal and what things were
likely to be culture specific. In this article we extend the theory to Early
Modern English (1500-1700) and, to a limited extent, even test the theory
against this "new" language.
Why use Hamlet, King Lear, Macbeth, and Othello as the corpus for a
study of politeness in Early Modern English? Or - to put a prior question
- why use plays? Primarily because there is nothing else. There are letters,
but letters cannot inform us about the colloquial spoken language. The only
possible source is "the language written to be uttered as though spontane-
ously arising from a given situation which we find in dramatic texts." Salmon
(1987:265) said that in justifying her use of plays to work out the sentence
structures of colloquial Elizabethan English. If it is granted that plays are the
only possible source, the question is whether it is wise to use plays by Wil-
liam Shakespeare. Salmon did use them and her argument was: "the more
skilful the dramatist the more skilful he will be, if presenting the normal life
of his time, in authenticating the action by an acceptable version of contem-
porary speech" (1987:265). The word skilful points us toward Shakespeare,
and authorities (e.g., Blake 1983; Hulme 1962) are agreed that what made
his Early Modern English special was skill or genius rather than the use of
constructions not shared with his contemporaries. Still, one would hardly
claim that Hamlet, King Lear, Macbeth, and Othello constitute a represen-
tative sample. We claim, instead, that for a study of politeness theory, they
are just about ideal.
Politeness theory is a very psychological theory that cannot be tested with
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
tion; Othello is a Moor who has won the daughter of a Venetian Senator;
and even Claudius in Hamlet is a younger brother. There are two plotting
Machiavels, Iago and Edmund, whose schemes and true feelings can only be
expressed in soliloquy. There is an inept courtier, Osric in Hamlet, who
might have become the caricature he is from too much reading of courtesy
books. The four tragedies, in sum, seem ideal for our purposes because they
are "skilful" versions of colloquial speech in conjunction with subtle and true
representations of inner life for characters over a wide span of society in a
historical period of exceptional interest for politeness theory.
The tragedies are written in a combination of verse and prose. The norm
in these plays is clearly blank verse, and the authoritative figures - kings,
nobility, leaders - use it mainly. But these same characters sometimes use
prose, and lower-class characters sometimes speak verse. Hamlet speaks
prose to everyone but Horatio, the Ghost, and his mother in her closet; his
soliloquies are verse. Ophelia in her madness speaks prose, except for dog-
gerel verse; Lear in his "madness" speaks both prose and verse. Salmon
(1987), because she was trying to reconstruct the rules of colloquial speech
from dramatic texts, confined her study to the prose speeches. Burton (1973),
because she was interested in the expression of character in syntax, a stylis-
tic topic, used only the blank verse. We, because we are concerned with the
whole range of politeness phenomena and character creation, have used both
prose and verse, the full text. There is one major risk in this procedure and
we have tried to allow for it: The metrical aspect of verse might influence
lexical choices (e.g., an optional do auxiliary, an elided word), and these
choices must not be mistaken for politeness phenomena.
METHOD
The Shakespearean on the team (Gilman) concentrated on readings of
speeches, scenes, and entire plays in the critical literature and in available
film and stage productions. Gilman also worked at determining the polite-
ness values of titles, salutations, and indirect requests found in Shakespeare's
English, but not in contemporary American English. With which noble
ranks, for instance, are the titles my lord, your Grace and my dread lord
associated? What are the uses of singular thou and yel What of dame and
madam, sir and sirrah? In the tragedies, there are indirect request forms not
heard today. Can they be ranked in politeness, that is, in the degree to which
they soften the imperative? The principal tools for answering these questions
are Shakespeare glossaries, e.g., Onions (1986) and the Harvard Concor-
dance to Shakespeare (Spevack 1973), and linguistic descriptions of Early
Modern English generally (e.g., Abbott 1925; Barber 1976; Poutsma 1914)
or of Shakespeare's English specifically (e.g., Blake 1983; Burton 1973;
Doran 1976; Hulme 1962; Joseph 1966; Quirk 1987; Salmon 1987).
The psycholinguist on the team (Brown), in an effort to improve upon the
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
Distance (D) and extremity (R) are unchanged but since it is now
Albany who speaks, the P value for the hearer (Edgar) is now lower
than the value for the speaker. The politeness super-strategy is (1): On
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
record without redressive action. The command "Speak" says all and
only what is necessary to communicate the speaker's intention. Polite-
ness theory predicts that, for two FTAs matched with respect to D
and R but not P, the speech from the lower to the higher will be the
more polite. Edgar is much more polite than Albany and so this
example counts as one confirming case for politeness theory.
Passages matched with respect to everything but P are more frequent in
the plays than critical pairs that isolate D or R for the reason that a contrast
in P often involves only a switch in the persons speaking and hearing. How-
ever, clear cases of the other sorts are numerous enough to test politeness
theory predictions for distance (D) and extremity (R). Examples of D and R
contrasts are presented in the section called Results.
In assigning one point for any single deferential term and two points for two
terms, we are following Brown and Levinson's reasonable suggestion that
"the greater the number of compatible outputs the speaker uses the greater
the politeness he may be presumed to intend" (1987:143). In determining
what should count as honorific, we are guided by studies of Shakespeare's
language (e.g., Brook 1976; Quirk 1987; Replogle 1987; Salmon 1987), as
well as a Shakespeare glossary (Onions 1986) and the Oxford English Dic-
tionary.
We could make the scoring of address forms more differentiated if we
chose. We know, for instance that your Grace is addressed only to a duke
and that your Majesty, my liege, and the adjective dread were for the king
only (Replogle 1987). The scoring is, however, more sensitive than our sum-
mary statement indicates. For one thing, titles such as captain, general, and
lieutenant only count as deferential when used by a person of lower rank.
Another fine point: To address Prince Hamlet as Hamlet is certainly not
deferential, but neither is it neutral. Only the king, the queen, the ghost of
Hamlet's father and Laertes at the point of death use the Christian name,
and so this use was scored one point for positive politeness as an instance of
strategy (4): Use in-group identity markers. Finally, there is one form that
is neither neutral nor deferential but usually depreciative and that is sirrah,
said to an adult by a person of higher status; to a child, sirrah was affection-
ate. Use of sirrah to an adult caused us to subtract one point (-1) for (5):
Give deference.
Anyone reading Shakespeare, especially the speeches in blank verse, might
reasonably doubt that the many titles and especially the many reiterations of
the same title to the same person in a single conversation could possibly rep-
resent colloquial Elizabethan English. Certainly, most of the population
would have had no occasion in all their lifetimes to use the noble titles, but
we count it an advantage for our purposes that the tragedies represent speech
across the full social range from king to clown (rustic). With respect to the
nobility, Replogle (1987) says that, in everyday speech, it was the custom to
use first the form corresponding to the highest honor (of many) that a per-
son might claim and that it was good manners occasionally to repeat or ele-
gantly vary a title in a single conversation. In letters of the period there might
be as many as 11 forms, varying in length from a simple your lordship to my
honorable good lord. And that is just the way it is in the courts represented
in Macbeth, Hamlet, King Lear, and Othello.
Pronouns of address
In Elizabethan English and in Shakespeare's plays there were two possible
pronouns of address to a single person: thou and you. Thou was the nomina-
tive case form and thee, thy/thine were accusative (or oblique) and genitive.
Ye appears to have been a less common, free variant of you in either the
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
tively unfamiliar individuals will exchange a V-type pronoun (of which you
is one). A relationship between adult strangers that begins as a reciprocal
exchange of V may with time, and the discovery of mutual interests and lik-
ing or affection, progress to a reciprocal exchange of T. This is true for very
many languages, and the progression from V to T on the basis of positive
feelings resembles the expressive use of thou (for positive feelings) where you
would be expected in Elizabethan and Shakespearean English. There is, how-
ever, an important difference. When two speakers of French or German or
whatever language advance to mutual-T, they will never again say V to one
another or will do so only to sunder the relationship. The expressive thou
works differently. Malcolm (in Macbeth), when the emotional moment has
passed, resumes saying you to Macduff and there had been no falling out
between the two of them.
The identifying feature of an expressively affectionate pronominal shift,
as opposed to a relational shift to intimacy, is easy retractibility. There are
some good examples in the four tragedies. Hamlet, on first meeting and for
a short time afterward, addresses Horatio as you. Later on:
Hamlet: Give me that man
That is not passion's slave, and I will wear him
In my heart's core, ay in my heart of heart,
As I do thee. (Ill, //, 73-76)
In a less confidential mood, Hamlet returns to you and still later it is thou
again. Hamlet also moves back and forth between you and thou in his ad-
dress to Ophelia, as does Macbeth to his lady and Othello to Desdemona.
This kind of easy expressive shift, apparently responsive to fleeting moods,
is, so far as we can tell, very unusual among world languages.8
The status rule and the expressive rule in combination and very sympathet-
ically applied still cannot explain all instances of thou and you in Shake-
speare or even in just the four tragedies (Barber 1987; Byrne 1936). For
example, the two gravediggers in Hamlet, V, /, mostly say thou to one
another but each also says you once and, indeed, there is a shift within a sin-
gle speech. Someone really devoted to the principle that "motive-less any-
thing is un-Shakespearean" (Kittredge 1916:49) could perhaps think of subtle
gravediggerly moods that would explain these shifts, but that does not seem
to be the right way to go. We think it wiser to assume that a simple pair
involves a simple contrast (in this case, distance) and assign complications
to context.9 One form (thou) always expresses less distance, the other (you)
more, in relation to each other, but, in context, there are many uses we can-
not explicitly account for.
The fine tuning of thou and you in Shakespeare is analogous to something
we fine tune in English today: the definite and indefinite articles the and a.
We can explain the basic semantic contrast and illustrate it with clear cases,
178
POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
but there is also a large residue of cases on which native speakers agree but
which no one can explain to a non-native - to, for instance, a speaker of
Japanese. Shakespeare surely used thou and you with a confident intuition
that mirrored general Elizabethan usage, but it is not always possible to say
what the distance contrast is doing in a given case.
Thou and you are not very important in scoring speech for politeness. This
is partly because there are quite a few shifts that we cannot confidently
account for and it is partly because, in many of the clear cases that follow
the status rule, the pronoun of address, an obligatory aspect of speech, is
automatic and ever-present and so does not function to redress an FTA.
What we are left with is a small number of unusual uses and shifts that can
be confidently interpreted. An isolated thou of contempt scores — i; an iso-
lated deferential you scores +1 for negative politeness; and an isolated thou
of affection scores +1 for positive politeness (strategy (4): Use in-group iden-
tity markers). From this scoring it is necessary to exclude all speeches to and
from nonnatural beings (e.g., ghosts, apparitions, witches) as the practice
was invariably to employ thou.
Indirect requests
There are good studies of the forms and uses of the imperative in Elizabe-
than English (Poutsma 1914; Salmon 1987) and in Shakespeare (Abbott
1925; Burton 1973; Doran 1976; Hulme 1962; Hussey 1982; Joseph 1966;
Quirk 1987), but we have found no discussion that separates the grammat-
ical imperative from directive speech acts and so no discussion of politely
indirect requests. These turn out to be, at least in the tragedies, of high
interest for speech act theory.
Brown and Levinson (following Gordon & Lakoff 1971; Labov & Fanshel
1977; Sadock 1974) show that polite indirect requests can be derived in a sys-
tematic way from the simple imperative and claim: "Most of these ways of
making indirect speech acts appear to be universal or at least independently
developed in many languages" (1987:136). The indirect requests of the four
tragedies constitute an excellent test of the claim because the common forms
are not the same as those in English today and yet they are near enough to
us so that we can have good intuitions about their meanings.
Consider the simple imperative: Shut the door. It threatens to impose on
the hearer's negative face and, when expressed thus baldly and on record, the
threat is evident. English today is rich in circumlocutious alternatives: Could
you shut the door? Will you shut the door? Is the door open again? I wish
you would shut the door. Grammatically, these alternatives are not imper-
atives; they are syntactic interrogatives or declaratives.
The paradigmatic direct function of imperative syntax is to command or
request and the direct function of interrogative syntax is to question and the
direct function of declarative syntax is to assert. Each syntactic type has,
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
however, other possible uses, indirect uses, and so functions or speech acts
must be distinguished from syntactic types. When this distinction is made,
it turns out that the request or directive speech act can be unambiguously
made in many syntactically diverse ways. There is no doubt that the speaker's
directive intention is clear when she says: Could you shut the door? since Yes
or No, which are answers responsive to the grammar, would be either rude
or a joke. There is similarly no doubt of the intention behind the declara-
tive / wish the door were shut since Do you? or That's interesting are under-
stood to be playful. Even very young children do not make mistakes of this
kind.
Indirect requests in English today, in Tamil, Tzeltal, Malagasy, and other
languages are constructed in a principled way. The simple imperative Shut
the door will not accomplish its purpose unless certain contextual requisites
are satisfied: (i) the hearer should be able to shut the door; (2) the hearer
should be willing to shut the door; (3) the door should not be already shut;
(4) the speaker should sincerely want the hearer to shut the door; and so on.
If such circumstances are satisfied, then the world is ready for Shut the door
to have its intended effect. The circumstances that comprise a happy setting
for Shut the door are called felicity conditions (Searle 1969; after Austin
1962). Indirect requests more polite than the imperative are constructed by
questioning a felicity condition or calling attention to a felicity condition by
asserting it.
Could you shut the door? questions the hearer's ability to comply and
Would you shut the door? questions the hearer's willingness. Is the door
open again? asks about a necessary precondition in the world and / wish you
would shut the door asserts what the speaker wants. All polite forms by
questioning or calling attention to a felicity condition seem to leave the
hearer an out. Perhaps, after all, he or she simply cannot shut the door or
has a fixed objection to doing so or finds the door already shut or doubts
that the speaker really wants to have the door shut.
There seems to be a contradiction in the argument. Many indirect (not
imperative) requests are, in situational context, unambiguously interpreta-
ble as requests and never responded to as anything but requests. What can
it mean, therefore, to say that by calling attention to felicity conditions they
leave the hearer an out? It is the literal meanings, the grammatical meanings,
that do that, but the literal meanings cannot do that unless the hearer on
some level takes them in. There is now good evidence (Clark & Lucy 1975;
Clark & Schunk 1980) that hearers process both the literal meaning and the
directive or speech act meaning. It is clear why the directive meaning is
needed; it identifies the response to be made. Why is the literal meaning pro-
cessed? It adds the politeness.
In English today, indirect requests vary greatly in how much politeness
they convey. Brown and Levinson make the general suggestion that the more
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
elaborated the request is, the more polite it is, but this principle does not
make fine distinctions. Stanford psychologists Clark and Schunk (1980) had
subjects rate the politeness of 54 requests of 18 types. The speech act mean-
ing was the same in all: "Tell me where Jordan Hall is," but there were 54
varieties of literal meaning or politeness. The form rated most polite was
"Might I ask you where Jordan Hall is?" - a request fox permission. Least
polite was "Shouldn't you tell me where Jordan Hall is?" - a statement of
unexplained obligation. Fraser and Nolen (1981) asked native speakers to
rate for deference, rather than politeness, some 25 requests with the generic
speech act meaning "Do that." Most deferential was: "I'd appreciate it if
you'd do that" and least deferential: "You have to do that." It is worth not-
ing that "Might I ask?" and "Shouldn't you?" and "You have to" all ques-
tion or assert felicity conditions in the hearer: permission or obligation. "I'd
appreciate it," by contrast, asserts the sincerity of the speaker's wish. All
forms used are derivable from felicity conditions.
The world of Macbeth, Othello, Hamlet, and King Lear is far from Jor-
dan Hall. In the tragedies, indirect requests use such phrases as: I do beseech
you, I entreat you, I pray you, Pray you, Prithee, I do require that, So
please your Majesty, If you will give me leave, and "Get thee to a nunnery."
Completely absent from the tragedies are the polite forms most often heard
today, the subjunctive interrogatives such as Could you and Would you.
They were not invented until the 19th century (Millward, personal commu-
nication). If / do beseech you tell me where Jordan Hall is sounds odd, so
do Could you wake the king? and Would you a little disquantity your train?
In spite of the surface differences, however, Shakespeare's indirect requests
are created on the same principles as the indirect requests of English today,
and these principles may be universal.
One large set of indirect requests asserts the speaker's sincere wish that the
hearer do X and that is a major felicity condition for the direct imperative:
Do X. I beseech you, I pray you, Prithee, I would that, I require that, and
so on, though they vary in the amount of deference shown the hearer, all
essentially say: "Speaker sincerely wants hearer to do X." Also included in
this first class is a collection of what Burton (1973) calls optative imperatives,
' such as, from the tragedies: "Let not light see my black and deep desires"
(Macbeth, I, v, 51); "O that this too too sullied flesh would melt" (Hamlet,
I, ii, 129); "May his pernicious soul/Rot half a grain a day!" (Othello, V,
//', 152-153). Optative in grammar means expressive of wish or desire, and
an optative imperative asserts a speaker's wish. Whether the operative word
is may or let or that, the sense is always the same and, except for the levels
of deference expressed, equivalent to "I would that X be done."
There is a second large class of indirect requests in the tragedies and these
concern a felicity condition in the hearer. They ask not whether the hearer
could or would do something, but rather if the hearer is willing, sees fit, or
181
ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
sure now, if we were not before, that Hamlet's: "Get thee to a nunnery" is
not a softened command. Finally, there is what Burton (1973) calls the verb-
less imperative as in "Peace, Kent!" (King Lear), "Thy story quickly" (Mac-
beth), and "Peace, sirrah" (King Lear). We unhesitatingly agree with Burton
that these are not polite and not neutral but rudely brusque and we have
scored them, like sirrah, among forms of address, as - 1 .
We cannot, as Clark and Schunk (1980) did and as Fraser and Nolen
(1981) did, ask native speakers to rate Early Modern English indirect requests
in terms of politeness or deference. However, the Harvard Concordance to
Shakespeare (Spevack 1973) offered another possibility. Entering the book
with, for instance, the word beseech and starting at an arbitrary point in the
citations (which are ordered as the plays are ordered in the First Folio), we
selected the first one hundred entries having the sense of "I beseech some-
one to do X" and recorded the form of address, if any, that co-occurred with
the request in the entry. In the case of beseech, 40 percent of the entries
included some honorific title: your Majesty, your Grace, your Highness,
your lordship, my lord - down to sir and madam but not below. The remain-
ing 60 percent of the entries included no form of address. The pronoun in
96 percent of the cases was you rather than thee. Entering the book at
another random point with pray and examining the first one hundred entries
with the sense "I pray you," only 10 percent have co-occurring honorific
titles and these do not go higher than sir; the familiar pronoun thee now
accounts for 17 percent of all cases. Conclusion: "I beseech you" is more
deferential than "I pray you" and it seems to be reasonable to assign two
deference points for beseech you and just one for pray you. A comparison
of "I pray you" and abbreviated "Pray you" reveals no difference, and so
they are scored the same.
"By your leave" accessed with leave and "if you please" or "so please you"
accessed with please almost exactly match one another and beseech with
about 40 percent honorific address forms from sir to your Majesty, and so
these also were scored +2. Entreat in the sense of "I entreat you" was less
deferential than beseech but nearer beseech than pray, and so scored +2. "I
do beseech you" is automatically emphatic in English today and so one might
think it would be more deferential than the phrase without do, but it is not
clearly so, using the Concordance analysis. Authorities on Elizabethan English
agree that the auxiliary do did not reliably take on an emphatic sense until
later than the 17th century. We would not like to have had to score do forms
distinctively for the reason that metrical considerations could affect their
occurrence in blank verse and so we are glad that there is no reason to do so.
Before making a Concordance analysis of prithee, we thought the form
would be on a continuum with pray you but less deferential. It did not prove
to be so. The address forms with which prithee co-occurs are: boy, my son,
daughter, good friend, fellow student, shepherd, and various Christian
183
ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
names - not honorific forms at all but terms of friendship, affection, and
intimacy. We scored prithee for positive politeness strategy (4): Use in-group
identity terms.
The full procedure can now be summarized. The four plays were system-
atically searched for pairs of minimally contrasting discourse dyads where
the dimensions of contrast were power (P), distance (D), and the intrinsic
extremity of the FTA (R). Whenever such a pair was found, a pair contrast-
ing only in P or only in D or only in R, there would be two speeches to be
scored for politeness and a prediction from theory as to which of the two
ought to be more polite. The stretch of speech scored was to be long enough
to specify the full FTA but not so long as to include more than one speech
act. In scoring the politeness of a speech, belonging to super-strategy (2), one
point (+1) was usually given for each instance of any substrategy, positive
or negative. With negative politeness strategy (1) (Be conventionally indirect)
and strategy (5) (Give deference) the scores ranged from — 1 to +2. The total
politeness score for a speech was the sum of its points. If the speech in a pair
predicted to be higher turned out, in fact, to be higher, that counted as a
strongly confirming instance for the relevant aspect of politeness theory. If
the outcome was reversed, that counted as a strong contradiction, and if
there was no difference or a difference difficult to score but possibly con-
tradictory, that counted as a weak contradiction.
RESULTS
That is King Lear to daughter Goneril (I, iv, 258-260). "Come, swear it,
damn thyself" (Othello, IV, ii, 34). That is Othello to Desdemona, and this
is Roderigo to Iago: "O damned Iago! O inhuman dog!" (Othello, V, /, 62).
And Hamlet to his mother in her closet:
Nay, but to live
In the rank sweat of an enseamed bed,
Stewed in corruption, honeying and making love
Over the nasty sty—(III, iv, 92-95).
And Macduff, his lady and little ones slain, when at last he comes upon
Macbeth: "Turn, hell-hound, turn!" (V, viii, 3). We have not scored these
speeches for politeness.
Speeches produced in a rage, though dense with FTAs, are always baldly
on record. Politeness is wiped out. Everything goes, every last substrategy
- in-group identity terms, common ground, empathy, approval, reciprocity,
indirection, hedging, deference, apology - they vanish together. It is impor-
tant that the pieces move together since that is what should happen if they
are parts of one system, the politeness system. In the tragedies, politeness is
like a veil which lifts as a whole from the contorted face beneath. That is as
it should be if the details are all generated by a single deep concern: the feel-
ings of others; a concern felt no longer when enraged.
Furious speech is not shaped by P, D, and R values. It is not off record
and not redressed. If it were scored in the usual ways for politeness, it would
contradict the usual predictions. We exempt all such speech from scoring and
from tests of the theory. Does this decision make the theory impossible to
disconfirm? It would if the grounds for exemption were noncompliance with
the theory, but they are not. Furious speech is identified independently of
its relation to politeness in terms of content (e.g., "degenerate bastard") and
accompanying actions (e.g., Iago has just treacherously stabbed Roderigo).
This is a very easy thing to do with these great dramas because when some-
one is in a rage the reader knows it.
It is specifically anger and rage that disengage the machinery of politeness
and not emotion generally. Desdemona dying says: "Commend me to my
kind lord" (Othello, V, ii, 124). Cordelia, with pity and love, says to her
father: "How does my royal lord? How fares your Majesty?" (King Lear,
IV, v/7, 44). It is just those emotions that entail unconcern for the feelings
of others that erase politeness.
Madness. There is one other major circumstance in which a speaker is
unconcerned with the face needs of hearers and that is madness. In mad
speech, however, there is not the concern for efficient communication found
in urgent and angry speech. There is reason to expect the feelings of others
to be disregarded but no reason why mad speech should be consistently bald
and on record. The disturbance goes deeper, overthrowing the maxims of
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
lunacy. But always there is some reason in his madness. Some of his speeches
were excluded from scoring because they were spoken in fury or were ad-
dressed to the elements or to no one at all. In what is called the "joint stool"
scene (III, vi), Lear brings to phantasy trial his daughters Goneril and Regan
to find out what stuff their hearts can be made of, and his justices are the
Fool and Poor Tom. He addresses them reverently as "sapient sir" and
"robed man of justice." This is not a disconfirmation of politeness theory
but a world turned upside down.
Hamlet's madness is feigned. Polonius says: "Though this be madness, yet
there is method in't" (II, //, 207-208). Method not reason, as was said of
Lear's madness. It is a selective madness put on for the king and all who
serve him but never for Horatio or the Players, and a madness put on with
a purpose. The "mad" speeches are off record expressions of the accusations
he cannot make plainly. The fact that Hamlet speaks off record when the
face risk is great is what politeness theory predicts.
Contrasts of power (P) alone
Two speaker-hearer FT As are compared for politeness scores. The persons
are of clearly different power and they switch roles (speaker and hearer) in
the comparison cases, with D and R constant. For instance, Cordelia and the
doctor exchange directives in Act IV of King Lear.
Doctor: So please your Majesty
That we may wake the King; he hath slept long.
Cordelia: Be governed by your knowledge, and proceed
I' th' sway of your own will. (IV, vii, 17-20)
Both speeches are polite, but Cordelia, now queen of France, has the greater
power, and so politeness theory predicts that the doctor will be more polite
than she; and he is. The "So please . . . " indirect request scores +2 and
"your Majesty" scores +1 for deference; in addition, there is an inclusive
pronoun (we), which scores +1, and a reason why (positive politeness strat-
egy (13)), which scores another point, for a total of +5. Cordelia's response
scores +1 because it expresses respect for the doctor's knowledge and +1 for
the passive voice, making a total score of +2. Stripped of redress, the
speeches would reduce to: "May I waken the king?" and "Use your own
judgment." As spoken, with politeness added in unequal amounts, the
matched speeches yield a result that is congruent with politeness theory.
Table 3 reports the numbers of congruent outcomes, outcomes strongly
contradictory to theory, and outcomes weakly contradictory to theory. An
outcome is congruent when the person with less power speaks more politely.
An outcome is strongly contradictory when the person having greater power
speaks more politely. An outcome is weakly contradictory to theory when
the two persons, unequal in power, speak with what seems to be equal polite-
ness but might conceivably be read as unequal politeness. In short, there is
187
ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
Hamlet 10 2
King Lear 18 3
Macbeth 6 1
Othello 16 1
Total 50 4 3
a
The person with less power is more polite.
b
The person with more power is more polite.
c
The two persons of unequal power are equally polite.
Locations in text
(ordered by first citation in each matched pair)
Congruent with theory
Hamlet [1,(7,50-51/1,(7,62] [ I , ( 7 , 6 7 / I , I ; , 9 2 - 9 4 ] [I,/I,68/I,I7,76]
[I,IV,79/I,IV,80] [II,i,l-2/II,i,35] [11,(7,95/11,(7,96]
[II,li,174/II,ii,175] [11,17,242-243/11,(7,252]
[V,i,121/V,i,124] [V,i7,91-92/V,ii,94]
King Lear [1,1,28-29/1, i(,30] [ I , I , 1 2 2 / I , / , 1 2 3 ] [1,17,27/1,17,28-29]
[I,/v,41/III,(7,61-63] [I,iv,57-60/I,iv,76-77] [I,iv,99/I,/v,131]
[I,iv,H0-lll/I,/v,113] [I,iv,195/I,iv,225-229] [11,(7,66-67,11,(7,70]
[11,(7,142/11,iv,307] [II,iv,90-93/II,iv,97] [III,VH,73-77/III,VH,79]
[IV,v,16-17/IV,/v,17-18] [IV,v(,190-191/IV,/v,193] [IV,vi,234-235/IV,vi,238]
[IV,VI7,6-7/IV,VI7,8-1 1] [IV,vii,17-18/IV,vi,19-20] [V,/,38-39/V,i,39]
Macbeth [I,v,63-64/I,vi7,28] [III,iv,21/III,iv,32] [IV,i,137/IV,/,135]
[V,«,15-16/V,i,17-18] [V,iii,33/V,v,16] [V,v,29/V,v,30-32]
Othello [I,/,5-6/I,i,35] [I,i,75/I,/,94-95] [1,(7,29/1,(77,121]
[I,I7,35-37/II,III,1] [1,(7,59-60/1,(7,84-86] [1,(77,52/1,(77,106]
[I.iii, 176/1,111,178-179] [II,i,116/II,/,117] [II,(,160/111,(77,3]
[III,(77,31/111,ii7,32-33) [IV,i,242-243/IV,i,250] [IV,/,105/IV,(,106-107]
The number of outcomes in Table 3 is very much smaller than the num-
ber of speeches in the play that have some relevance to power and politeness.
An "outcome" is a minimal contrast in P, with D and R constant. In addi-
tion, both speeches must be FTAs. Furthermore, only the first such minimal
contrast for any pair of characters is scored. All of these constraints oper-
ate so as to select the most critically important instances to test, but such
instances are not, in the nature of things, very numerous. With respect to
power (P), and also D and R, all the relevant evidence supports the outcomes
we document.
The effect of the P variables is so consistently in agreement with theory
as to make one curious about the few strongly contradictory outcomes. One
of these is a speech King Lear addresses to Oswald, steward to Goneril, who
is entertaining the king with scant ceremony or affection.
Lear (to Oswald): O, you, sir, you! Come you hither, sir. Who am I,
sir? (I, iv, 79-80)
Our scoring system allocates +1 for each deferential sir and we (obtuse but
honest) assign it a total score of +3, whereas Oswald's reply scores no points
at all for politeness.
Oswald: My lady's father.
Oswald's reply is an FTA, a threat to positive face, because identifying a
king ("Who am I?") in terms of his relation to someone else is to make him
an appendage; an effect not lost on Lear.
Lear: "My lady's father?" My lord's knave, you
whoreson dog, you slave, you cur! (I, iv, 82-83)
It is, of course, a mistake to score Lear's sirs to Oswald as deferential.
Taking into account the mood established by what has preceded as well as
the extreme incongruity of a king's saying sir to a steward, we know for sure
that these sirs are not deferential but imperious and challenging and that is
the way an actor would pronounce them.
One other seemingly contradictory-to-theory outcome is actually a result
of insensitive scoring. Montano, governor of Cyprus, to Cassio, Othello's
lieutenant:
Montano: Nay, good lieutenant! I pray you, sir, hold
your hand.
And Cassio in reply:
Cassio: Let me go, sir, or I'll knock you o'er the
mazzard [head]. (II, Hi, 148-151)
The governor's speech is too polite and Cassio's is not polite enough. But
Cassio is drunk and that accounts for his incivility. However, drunkenness
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
Strongly Weakly
Congruent contradictory contradictory
Play with theorya to theoryb to theory0
Hamlet
King Lear
Macbeth
Othello
Total 0 0
a
ln the case marked by greater positive affect, speech is less polite.
b
In the case marked by greater positive affect, speech is more polite.
c
In cases differing in level of positive affect, there is no difference in politeness.
Locations in text
(ordered by first citation in each matched pair)
Strongly contradictory to theory
Hamlet [I,V,166-167/III,H,80-82] [III, j,115/III,/,122] [V,//,301/V,i7,314]
King Lear [I,i,306-309/V,i7i,67-69] [V,HI", 127/V,i"«, 168-169]
Macbeth [IV,ii7,26-28/IV,iii,114-117]
Othello [I,1,5-6/IV,H.198-199] [I,(,35-37/II,W,38O-381] [I,(.94-95/1,/, 177]
then speeches which can be matched except for fury, and such speeches are
numerous, count as evidence for the affect theory because high values of R
in politeness theory call for high levels of politeness, not its elimination.
Bad feeling so strongly implies the absence of politeness that when the two
are combined, the reader computes interesting speaker meanings. Regan (in
King Lear), unwilling to leave Goneril with Edmund, whom both love, says:
Regan: Sister, you'll go with us? (V, /, 34)
and
Regan: Tis most convenient [fitting]; pray you, go with us.(V, 1, 36)
This is clenched-teeth courtesy. Regan, seething with anger, couches a direc-
tive as a rare polite interrogative with in-group blandishments. The polite-
ness here is not primarily a matter of deference, but rather of demeanor, not
primarily a matter of what is owed to another but of what is owed to one-
self (Goffman 1956; Hymes 1983). Regan owes it to herself, with both Al-
bany and Edmund present, to maintain composure.
We have just nine good minimal contrasts, but they all come out the same
way, that is, not in accordance with D in the Brown and Levinson formula
but in clear accordance with the affect formulation of Slugoski and Turn-
bull. There is a good example in Macbeth. Malcolm, Duncan's son, first
reproaches Macduff.
Malcolm: Why in that rawness [unprotected condition] left you wife and
child. (IV, Hi, 26)
Then comes a lengthy test of Macduff's loyalty, which, being passed, we
have:
Malcolm: Macduff, this noble passion,
Child of integrity, hath from my soul
Wiped the black scruples [suspicions], reconciled my thoughts
To thy good truth and honor. (IV, ///, 114-117)
The FTA in this speech is the confession of unwarranted suspicions, and the
politeness level is very high as the extension of affection predicts.
In King Lear, we have a pair of speeches matched for R but not for R at
a low-to-middle level, as is usually the case, but at a rather high level. Edgar,
confronting at last the brother who has so greatly abused him, speaks to
Edmund.
Edgar: Draw thy sword. (V, Hi, 127)
Edgar here is intense but not furious. Then, having wounded Edmund unto
death, he speaks softly.
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
wife, close kin, good friends; and high distance relations, such as equal-
status contacts between near-strangers. Politeness theory predicts, probably
correctly, more politeness with high distance. There are in the tragedies sta-
ble low-D relations between man and wife, close kin, and friends, but where
are the high-D relations to contrast with them? For the most part, they
would be between the nameless supernumeraries - the lords and ladies, atten-
dants, gentlemen, soldiers, and officers, who are given no lines to speak and
so no opportunity to be either casual or formal. When one is given lines -
the porter in Macbeth, the first senator in Othello, the clown in Hamlet -
they speak with a principal character of higher or lower status than them-
selves. Tragedies have no use for the formal exchanges of near strangers, and
so Hamlet, King Lear, Macbeth, and Othello are not good sources for the
study of high-D politeness.
To summarize, in the tragedies we find nothing relevant to D except
changes of feeling that occur suddenly rather than gradually and are not
accompanied by changes of interactive closeness. The outcomes for the
changes of feeling exactly reverse the outcomes predicted by the D of polite-
ness theory, following instead the rule that increase of affection is associated
with increase of politeness and decrease with decrease. We conclude, in
agreement with Slugoski and Turnbull, that the Brown/Levinson model
requires an additional parameter - "relationship affect." No one as yet has
shown how such a new parameter ought to be fitted into the present model.
Strongly Weakly
Congruent contradictory contradictory
Play with theory" to theory6 to theory0
Hamlet 5 1
King Lear 8
Macbeth 3
Othello 2
Total 18
a
The more extreme face threat is more politely expressed.
b
The more extreme face threat is less politely expressed.
c
Two face threats, differing in extremity, are expressed with equal politeness.
Locations in text
(ordered by first citation in each matched pair)
Congruent with theory
Hamlet [I,/i,61/III,/,183-186] [I,/7,67/III,/7,240-241] [I,i7,192/V,i,267]
[II,/7,10-14/III,/,26-27] [III,/,93-94/IH,/,96]
King Lear [I,/7,27/I,/7,31] [I,/,70/II,iv,154-155] [I,//, 171-172/11,/,22]
[II,/v,137/II,/V,145-149] [III,v, 1S/III.v/i.7-8] [IV,v,16-17/IV,v,21-22]
[V,i,6-9/V>//7,75-79] [V,/7/,42-44/V,/7/,60-62]
Macbeth [I,///, 153-155/11,/,22-24] [I, v/,24-25/I, v/,28-29]
[IV>//7,193-195/IV,//7,201-203]
Othello [I,/7.6-9/II,//7.220-221 ] [I, /7,6-9/IH, 1/7,94-95]
Weakly contradictory to theory
Hamlet [I,/7,192-193/I,/v,81]
with Hamlet. These two minor figures are almost exhaustively characterized
by their odd politeness styles, but they appear only briefly and their scenes
are not central to the play. Kent in King Lear offers a contrast. He is a major
figure, characterized in part by a certain politeness style, and this style has
deep resonances in the play as a whole.
Hamlet: I think it be thine indeed, for thou liest in't. (V, /, 119-121, 124)
Hamlet's question could be intended to ask either about ownership or
future occupancy. "Who is the digger of this grave?" or "Who is to fill this
grave?" The linguistic ambiguity is there but, in context, it is clear that the
speaker is asking who will lie in the grave and that it is wantonly mischie-
vous of Clown to pretend otherwise. But there is no indication that Clown
has a face-threatening act in mind, no hint of any risky meaning. He is
pretending to find Hamlet's question ambiguous and so pretending that
Hamlet has been the first to violate the maxim of quality. It is a challenge
to a quick game of off record speech. It is as if he had tossed Hamlet a ball
to start a game of catch.
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
the politeness norm as are Hamlet's replies in which he mocks Osric's style.
Politeness theory picks up the special character of the affected courtier and
of Hamlet's parody but politeness is not identical with Elizabethan cour-
toisie. The primary goal of the courtier was to create a brilliant self that
would arrest the gaze and compel admiration. This is not politeness at all but
a face threat; it risks the self-esteem of the other. Politeness is required to
redress the brilliance, to make the self-presentation agreeable to the other or,
at least, tolerable. From the first, Osric is very polite but, from the first, his
politeness fails with Hamlet and with Horatio.
Osric's greeting is "Your lordship is right welcome back to Denmark,"
which is surely an agreeable salutation, and yet Hamlet's aside to Horatio
is: "Dost know this waterfly?" From this we may conclude that the way Osric
looks - his apparel, movement, and gestures - establishes him as a certain
type, lightweight and distasteful to Hamlet. Osric would have doffed his hat,
using his right hand, as prescribed, and executing the full gesture as the
courtesy books recommended. He would have bowed, probably more than
once, and the placing of his foot, the exact manner of drawing it back, the
angle of the torso would all have been calculated to add to the handsome-
ness of his person. But the performance must have been excessive or too
obviously practiced because it did not please.
There follows the comedy of the doffed hat.
Hamlet: Put your bonnet to his right use. 'Tis for the head. (V, ii, 94)
This is a sharp directive though the neuter his probably added a playful tone.
Wildeblood writes: "Following a salutation it was the accepted practice for
a superior to request his inferior to replace his hat, and it was not out of
place for the latter, in complying, to show some slight hesitancy in deference
to his superior" (1965:167). But the hesitancy ought not to be overdone.
Delia Casa (1958) used, as an example of absurd superfluity, a man who
could not comfortably put his bonnet back on his head while facing his supe-
rior, and Osric was such a one.
Osric: I thank your lordship, it is very hot. (V, ii, 95)
Which means: "Pray do not let the doffed hat trouble you; it is for my own
comfort."
Hamlet, the master of all language games, now entangles Osric in con-
tradictions of courtliness.
Hamlet: No, believe me, 'tis very cold; the wind is northerly.
Osric: It is indifferent cold, my lord, indeed.
Hamlet: But yet methinks it is very sultry and hot for my complexion"
[temperament].
Osric: Exceedingly, my lord; it is very sultry, as 'twere - I cannot tell how.
(V, ii, 96-102)
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
The problem is that the courtier must not disagree with his lord's reading of
the weather (a face-threatening act), but when contradictory readings are
issued in succession, it becomes obvious that the secondings are rule-governed
compliance, not sincere agreement. The effect is not brilliant.
The changes of the weather leave Osric no excuse for retaining his hat in
his hands and finally Hamlet gestures him to put it on.10
Osric: Nay, good my lord; for my ease, in good faith. (V, //, 106)
The poor gentleman is unable to put on his hat while talking with the Prince
of Denmark. That is, we shall see, a crucial defect in his performance. But
he goes on:
Osric: Sir, here is newly come to court Laertes - believe me, an absolute
gentleman, full of most excellent differences [distinguishing character-
istics] of very soft society and great showing. Indeed, to speak feelingly
[justly] of him, he is the card [chart] or calendar of gentry; for you shall
find in him the continent [summary] of what part a gentleman would
see. (V, ii, 107-112)
Nothing in Osric's long speech is to the point, the point being the chal-
lenge. Brown and Levinson write: "there is an element in formal politeness
that sometimes directs one to minimize the imposition by coming rapidly to
the point, avoiding the further imposition of prolixity and obscurity"
(1987:130). When speaking to a superior, we know that a few extra words
may be needed to express deference, but the preliminary "Sir" would here
suffice. To what end, then, the prolix praise of Laertes? It does not bene-
fit absent Laertes and it does not benefit Hamlet or Horatio. What is said
of Laertes is exactly what Osric fatuously believes to be true of himself. It
is self-praise, then, and Hamlet is subjected to all this prolixity so that Osric
may make a brilliant effect. The courtesy books enjoin the courtier to be
modest and warn that self-praise is only tolerable when very skillfully done.
Osric has sacrificed consideration of the hearer for self-presentation. He has
not been well or properly "demeaned" - in Goffman's (1956) sense.
The language Osric uses is a part of his self-presentation. He strives for
eloquence by using words in uncommon extended ways, inventing figures,
varying word order, but the effect achieved is only affectation. The word
continent is used in the sense of "sum and substance" not the familiar sense
"land mass." The Oxford English Dictionary gives 1590 as the date of the
first use in Osric's sense and the second citation (1604) is Osric's speech itself.
Probably then continent as "sum and substance" is to be taken in the play
as the courtier's invention. What would the point of it have been? Card
could mean "map" or "chart" and that suggests an intention to evoke the
"land mass" sense and make a kind of geography trope, but it is a trope
without purpose and calendar really will not fit in at all. The result is irritat-
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
ing redundancy - more words with no addition of meaning and a vague sense
of failed cleverness.
Hamlet's response is a glorious parody not only of Osric but of several
kinds of linguistic affectation common in the period. He begins: "Sir, his
definement suffers no perdition in you." Definement here means "definition"
and it is borrowed from French. Young people who had traveled abroad
liked to advertise their experience by introducing loan words - usually from
French or Italian. Perdition is simply a very long and rare word that can
mean "loss" but to use it instead of loss in this sentence is grotesque.
In saying: "Sir, his definition suffers no loss in you" Hamlet not only tells
Osric that he has described Laertes well but also says that Osric himself is
not a lesser gentleman, which was Osric's own vainglorious thought. The
parody is very broad, but Osric, too dull-witted to recognize a parody, con-
tinues in the same style: "Your lordship speaks most infallibly of him" (V,
ii, 122).
What was it that made Osric's performance as a courtier so poor and so
distasteful to a prince? It identified him as one of a breed "the drossy age
dotes on" who "only got the tune of the time." Osric may have studied
courtesy books and learned perfectly the rules in them but the rules alone
would never make an ideal courtier. His self-presentation was grossly bad.
However, it might have been much better and still lacked an essential qual-
ity: spontaneity or sprezzatura (Castiglione 1966). It was cruel of the
courtesy books to lay down all manner of rules and strategies to be learned
and then say (almost) that it was all in vain because the most perfectly pre-
pared performance had no value without effortlessness. And there was some
suggestion that effortlessness or sprezzatura might, just possibly, not be
teachable. In any case, it was a quality that came naturally to the aristocracy
and not easily to others. Presenting themselves as guides to achieved status,
the books laid on one requirement that might not be possible to achieve and
so there was some comfort in them for those having ascribed status - the
aristocracy. Sprezzatura seems to function as the essential quality of redres-
sive politeness if a brilliant self-presentation is to be made agreeable.
Kent's change from rash action and plain speech yielding, on the down-
fall of the king, to a kind of gentle dignity is in tune with the transforma-
tion of Lear himself and with Cordelia's outspoken tenderness. The changes
in Goneril, Regan, and Edmund are parallel with one another and are dis-
cordant with Kent, Lear, and Cordelia. All these reverberations make Kent's
manners integral to the play in a way that the styles of Osric and Clown are
not integral to Hamlet.
It is not too strong to say that King Lear makes a powerful comment on
verbal politeness in general. In Act I, those who feel the greatest consider-
ation for others, if we go by their words, are Goneril, Regan, and Edmund,
and those who seem to feel the least are Lear, Cordelia, and Kent. The true
case is otherwise: The polite speakers are bent on advancing selfish causes,
and those who are blunt, rash, and imperious are also those who love. The
play seems to say that politeness does not finally matter. It is deliberate
behavior that can be put on in the interests of greed, advancement, and
desire. It is also civilized behavior, a late tenuous human achievement that
can be overthrown in the instant by animal fury. Passions, the play seems
to say, rule men's lives.
But what in the end does anyone care about? Cordelia cares for her father,
Lear for his child, Edgar for Gloucester, and Kent for his master. Politeness
as a set of practices, as a way of putting things when making a criticism or
a request, has been shown to be trivial, but the generative core of politeness
- concern for the feelings of others - is itself a passion, and it is always able
to generate new, truer practices.
Sampling the scene of reconciliation (IV, v/7), we hear immense concern.
Cordelia: O, thou good Kent, how shall I live and work,
To match thy goodness? (1-2)
Kent: Pardon, dear madam. (8)
Cordelia: O you kind gods! (14)
Cordelia: O my dear father, restoration hang
Thy medicine on my lips.(26-27)
Kent: Kind and dear princess. (29)
Lear: I think this lady
To be my child Cordelia. (70)
Doctor: Be comforted, good madam. (78)
The words dear, kind, and good are all terms of positive politeness but,
among such terms, they comprise a special set. All of them either directly
express concern for another ("dear father," "dear princess") or else attribute
concern to another ("good Kent," "kind princess," "kind gods"). In this
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ROGER BROWN AND ALBERT GILMAN
scene, we have no worthy, valiant, honest, noble, or any of the other terms
that separate one person from another but only terms of concern. It is as if
an abused politeness system had returned to its wellspring. In this scene, and
again in Act V, we hear true politeness, which is as serious as formulas and
flattery are trivial. True politeness, because it is directly responsive to feel-
ing, needs no courtesy books to teach it nor any striving after sprezzatura.
CONCLUSION
Dramatic texts offer good possibilities for the study of politeness theory.
They offer wide social and characterological scope, and because the speech
is not elicited from informants but was invented by authors for purposes of
their own, dramatic texts can surprise analysts, as Shakespeare has surprised
us, into discoveries they had not envisioned. Studying a dramatic text with
politeness theory in mind has much in common with studying protocols of
spontaneous child speech with a grammar and a theory of acquisition in
mind. You do not control the flow of data. It pours over you and you must
cope as best you can. There are many deficiencies in such a naturalistic
approach. Data sets are often critically incomplete; analyses cannot be fully
objective; tests of statistical significance are seldom appropriate. We think
the methodologically looser naturalistic study is a valuable supplement to
controlled experimental methods. Both offer the analyst rich opportunities
to be deceived, but the naturalist is not likely, at least, to underestimate the
complexity of the topic.
NOTES
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POLITENESS THEORY AND SHAKESPEARE'S TRAGEDIES
threatens S's or H's face, the more S will want to choose a higher-numbered strategy" (Brown
& Levinson 1987:60). It is clear that the authors do not think of risk values as algorithms that
generate politeness levels, independently of all other considerations, or as stimuli automatically
eliciting responses. Empirical research attempting quantitative tests of politeness theory has some-
times used "overt behavior - how speakers actually use these strategies in interaction, in rela-
tion to P, D and R assessments - [and sometimes used] subjective ranking of perceived
politeness" (ibid., 17). Brown and Levinson, in their 1987 review of research, stress the neces-
sity of supplementing quantitative evaluations of polite redress with qualitative analysis, and
we have found this to be absolutely essential, because in Shakespeare's tragedies risk levels are
not the only important determinants of politeness. It is necessary to know, for instance, when
Hamlet is feigning madness and when Ophelia is actually mad, because both states throw off
the calibration of risk and politeness that operates in more usual circumstances. When sensi-
tive qualitative analysis precedes the quantitative, we believe, with Brown and Levinson, that:
"Controlled experimental tests of the model should, however, be possible, given the specific pre-
dictions it makes about the ranking of super-strategies, the ranking of politeness levels within
strategies, and the summative nature of P, D and R assessments" (ibid., 22).
6. In the formula for weightiness (W x ), the subscript for power (P) is written "h, s" and the
order of the terms is intended to signify that it is the power of the hearer (H) over the speaker
that increases the weightiness of the FTA. When the speaker is the more powerful person (Mac-
beth addressing his servant), the power variable would have a negative value and would lower
weightiness (W). The subscript for distance (D) is written "s, h" and this order is intended to
signify symmetry with S's distance from H equal to H's distance from S.
7. We are indebted to Dell Hymes for pointing out that a case can sometimes be made for
assigning degrees to both the vertical (power) and horizontal (solidarity/distance) dimensions
and summing them. In effect, this procedure creates a single underlying factor: degree of dis-
tance.
8. Friedrich (1966) has described subtle expressive shifts in 19th-century Russian novels.
9. We are indebted to Dell Hymes for reminding us of this principle, which is an improve-
ment over the endless proliferation of doubtful meanings to fit difficult cases.
10. The inclusion in the text of the stage direction. "Hamlet motions him to put on his hat"
is an editorial decision and in performance the director decides whether or not Osric does put
his hat back on. We think the text favors not putting it back on.
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