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1. Business cycles are:
A) regular and predictable.
B) irregular but predictable.
C) regular but unpredictable.
D) irregular and unpredictable.

2. Short-run fluctuations in output and employment are called:

A) sectoral shifts.
B) the classical dichotomy.
C) business cycles.
D) productivity slowdowns.

3. Recessions typically, but not always, include at least ______

consecutive quarters of declining real GDP.
A) two
B) four
C) six
D) eight

4. Over the business cycle, investment spending ______ consumption

spending.
A) is inversely correlated with
B) is more volatile than
C) has about the same volatility as
D) is less volatile than

5. When GDP growth declines, investment spending typically ______ and

consumption spending typically ______.
A) increases; increases
B) increases; decreases
C) decreases; decreases
D) decreases; increases

6. Okun's law is the ______ relationship between real GDP and the ______.
A) negative; unemployment rate
B) negative; inflation rate
C) positive; unemployment rate
D) positive; inflation rate

Page 1
 7. The version of Okun's law studied in Chapter 10 assumes that with no
change in unemployment, real GDP normally grows by 3 percent over
a year. If the unemployment rate rose by 2 percentage points over a
year, Okun's law predicts that real GDP would:
A) decrease by 1 percent.
B) decrease by 2 percent.
C) decrease by 3 percent.
D) increase by 1 percent.

8. Long-run growth in real GDP is determined primarily by ______, while

short-run movements in real GDP are associated with ______.
A) variations in labor-market utilization; technological progress
B) technological progress; variations in labor-market utilization
C) money supply growth rates; changes in velocity
D) changes in velocity; money supply growth rates

9. Leading economic indicators are:

A) the most popular economic statistics.
B) data that are used to construct the consumer price index and the
unemployment rate.
C) variables that tend to fluctuate in advance of the overall economy.
D) standardized statistics compiled by the National Bureau of
Economic Research.

10. A decline in the Index of Supplier Deliveries is typically an indicator of

a future _____ in economic production, and a narrowing of the interest
rate spread between the 10-year Treasury note and 3-month
Treasury bill is typically an indicator of a future _____ in economic
production.
A) increase; slowdown
B) increase; increase
C) slowdown; increase
D) slowdown; slowdown

11. The index of leading indicators compiled by the Conference Board

includes 10 data series that are used to forecast economic activity
about ______ in advance.
A) 1 month
B) 6 to 9 months
C) 1 to 2 years
D) 5 to 10 years

Page 2
12. Measures of average workweeks and of supplier deliveries (vendor
performance) are included in the index of leading indicators, because
shorter workweeks tend to indicate ______ future economic activity
and slower deliveries tend to indicate ______ future economic activity.
A) stronger; stronger
B) stronger; weaker
C) weaker; stronger
D) weaker; weaker

13. Most economists believe that prices are:

A) flexible in the short run but many are sticky in the long run.
B) flexible in the long run but many are sticky in the short run.
C) sticky in both the short and long runs.
D) flexible in both the short and long runs.

14. A 5 percent reduction in the money supply will, according to most

economists, reduce prices 5 percent:
A) in both the short run and the long run.
B) in neither the short nor the long run.
C) in the short run but lead to unemployment in the long run.
D) in the long run but lead to unemployment in the short run.

15. Monetary neutrality, the irrelevance of the money supply in

determining values of _____ variables, is generally thought to be a
property of the economy in the long run.
A) real
B) nominal
C) real and nominal
D) neither real nor nominal

16. A difference between the economic long run and the short run is that:
A) the classical dichotomy holds in the short run but not in the long
run.
B) monetary and fiscal policy affect output only in the long run.
C) demand can affect output and employment in the short run,
whereas supply is the ruling force in the long run.
D) prices and wages are sticky in the long run only.

17. The aggregate demand curve is the ______ relationship between the
quantity of output demanded and the ______.
A) positive; money supply
B) negative; money supply
C) positive; price level
D) negative; price level

Page 3
18. If an aggregate demand curve is drawn with real GDP (Y) along the
horizontal axis and the price level (P) along the vertical axis, using the
quantity theory of money as a theory of aggregate demand, this curve
slopes ______ to the right and gets ______ as it moves farther to the
right.
A) downward; steeper
B) downward; flatter
C) upward; steeper
D) upward; flatter

19. The assumption of constant velocity in the quantity equation is the

equivalent of the assumption of a constant:
A) short-run aggregate supply curve.
B) long-run aggregate supply curve.
C) price level in the short run.
D) demand for real balances per unit of output.

20. Along an aggregate demand curve, which of the following are held
constant?
A) real output and prices
B) nominal output and velocity
C) the money supply and real output
D) the money supply and velocity

21. According to the quantity theory of money, when velocity is constant,

if output is higher, ______ real balances are required, and for fixed M
this means ______ P.
A) higher; lower
B) lower; higher
C) higher; higher
D) lower; lower

22. According to the quantity equation, if the velocity of money and the
supply of money are fixed, and the price level increases, then the
quantity of goods and services purchased:
A) increases.
B) decreases.
C) does not change.
D) may either increase or decrease.

Page 4
23. For a fixed money supply, the aggregate demand curve slopes
downward because at a lower price level, real money balances are
______, generating a ______ quantity of output demanded.
A) higher; greater
B) higher; smaller
C) lower; greater
D) lower; smaller

24. Assuming velocity is constant, the aggregate demand curve tells us

possible:
A) combinations of M and Y for a given value of P.
B) combinations of M and P for a given value of Y.
C) combinations of P and Y for a given value of M.
D) results if the Federal Reserve reduces the money supply.

25. When an aggregate demand curve is drawn with real GDP (Y) along
the horizontal axis and the price level (P) along the vertical axis, if the
money supply is decreased, then the aggregate demand curve will
shift:
A) downward and to the left.
B) downward and to the right.
C) upward and to the left.
D) upward and to the right.

26. When the Federal Reserve reduces the money supply, at a given price
level the amount of output demanded is ______, and the aggregate
demand curve shifts ______.
A) greater; inward
B) greater; outward
C) lower; inward
D) lower; outward

27. The relationship between the quantity of goods and services supplied
and the price level is called:
A) aggregate demand.
B) aggregate supply.
C) aggregate investment.
D) aggregate production.

28. A short-run aggregate supply curve shows fixed ______, and a long-
run aggregate supply curve shows fixed ______.
A) output; output
B) prices; prices
C) prices; output
D) output; prices

Page 5
29. In the long run, the level of output is determined by the:
A) interaction of supply and demand.
B) money supply and the levels of government spending and taxation.
C) amounts of capital and labor and the available technology.
D) preferences of the public.

30. When a long-term aggregate supply curve is drawn with real GDP (Y)
along the horizontal axis and the price level (P) along the vertical axis,
this curve:
A) slopes upward and to the right.
B) slopes downward and to the right.
C) is horizontal.
D) is vertical.

31. The vertical long-run aggregate supply curve satisfies the classical
dichotomy because the natural rate of output does not depend on:
A) the labor supply.
B) the supply of capital.
C) the money supply.
D) technology.

32. If the long-run aggregate supply curve is vertical, then changes in

aggregate demand affect:
A) neither prices nor level of output.
B) both prices and level of output.
C) level of output but not prices.
D) prices but not level of output.

33. The natural level of output is:

A) affected by aggregate demand.
B) the level of output at which the unemployment rate is zero.
C) the level of output at which the unemployment rate is at its natural
level.
D) permanent and unchangeable.

34. If all prices are stuck at a predetermined level, then when a short-run
aggregate supply curve is drawn with real GDP (Y) along the
horizontal axis and the price level (P) along the vertical axis, this
curve:
A) is horizontal.
B) is vertical.
C) slopes upward and to the right.
D) slopes downward and to the right.

Page 6
35. If the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal, then changes in
aggregate demand affect:
A) level of output but not prices.
B) prices but not level of output.
C) both prices and level of output.
D) neither prices nor level of output.

36. In the aggregate demand朼 ggregate supply model, short-run

equilibrium occurs at the combination of output and prices where:
A) aggregate demand equals long-run aggregate supply.
B) aggregate demand equals short-run aggregate supply.
C) aggregate demand equals short-run and long-run aggregate
supply.
D) short-run aggregate supply equals long-run aggregate supply.

37. The short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal at:

A) a level of output determined by aggregate demand.
B) the natural level of output.
C) the level of output at which the economy's resources are fully
employed.
D) a fixed price level.

38. The short run refers to a period:

A) of several days.
B) during which prices are sticky and cyclical unemployment may
occur.
C) during which capital and labor are fully employed.
D) during which there are no fluctuations.

39. If the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal and the long-run
aggregate supply curve is vertical, then a change in the money supply
will change ______ in the short run and change ______ in the long run.
A) only prices; only output
B) only output; only prices
C) both prices and output; only prices
D) both prices and output; both prices and output

40. In the aggregate demand朼 ggregate supply model, long-run

equilibrium occurs at the combination of output and prices where:
A) aggregate demand is greater than long-run aggregate supply.
B) aggregate demand equals short-run aggregate supply.
C) aggregate demand equals short-run and long-run aggregate
supply.
D) short-run aggregate supply equals long-run aggregate supply.

Page 7
41. If a short-run equilibrium occurs at a level of output above the natural
rate, then in the transition to the long run prices will ______, and
output will ______.
A) increase; increase
B) decrease; decrease
C) increase; decrease
D) decrease; increase

42. If the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal and the Fed
increases the money supply, then:
A) output and employment will increase in the short run.
B) output and employment will decrease in the short run.
C) prices will increase in the short run.
D) prices will decrease in the short run.

43. Assume that the economy starts from long-run equilibrium. If the
Federal Reserve increases the money supply, then ______ increase(s)
in the short run, and ______ increase(s) in the long run.
A) prices; output
B) output; prices
C) output; output
D) prices; prices

44. Monetary neutrality is a characteristic of the aggregate

demand朼 ggregate supply model in:
A) both the short run and the long run.
B) neither the short run nor the long run.
C) the short run but not in the long run.
D) the long run but not in the short run.

45. The economic response to the overnight reduction in the French

money supply by 20 percent in 1724:
A) confirmed the neutrality of money because no real variables were
affected by this nominal change.
B) confirmed the quantity theory by leading to an immediate 20
percent reduction in the price level.
C) confirmed that money is not neutral in the short run because both
output and prices dropped.
D) contradicted Okun's law because decreases in output were not
associated with increases in unemployment.

Page 8
46. When the French money supply was reduced by 45 percent over a
period of seven months in 1724, the only values in the economy that
adjusted fully and instantaneously were:
A) prices in grain markets.
B) real wages.
C) foreign exchange rates.
D) interest rates.

47. Stabilization policy refers to policy actions aimed at:

A) reducing the severity of short-run economic fluctuations.
B) equalizing incomes of households in the economy.
C) maintaining constant shares of output going to labor and capital.
D) preventing increases in the poverty rate.

48. Which of the following is an example of a demand shock?

A) a large increase in the price of oil
B) the introduction and greater availability of credit cards
C) a drought that destroys agricultural crops
D) unions obtain a substantial wage increase

49. If the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal, and each

member of the general public chooses to hold a larger fraction of his
or her income as cash balances, then:
A) output and employment will increase in the short run.
B) output and employment will decrease in the short run.
C) prices will increase in the short run.
D) prices will decrease in the short run.

50. Holding output, Y, fixed, a reduction in the demand for money is the
equivalent of a(n) _______ in velocity and will shift the aggregate
demand curve to the _____.
A) increase; right
B) increase; left
C) decrease; right
D) decrease; left

51. Starting from long-run equilibrium, if the velocity of money increases

(due to, for example, the invention of automatic teller machines), the
Fed might be able to stabilize output by:
A) decreasing the money supply.
B) increasing the money supply.
C) decreasing the price level.
D) increasing the price level.

Page 9
52. Exhibit: Shift in Aggregate Demand

In this graph, initially the economy is at point E, with price P0 and

output Ȳaggregate demand is given by curve AD0, and SRAS and LRAS
represent, respectively, short-run and long-run aggregate supply.
Now assume that the aggregate demand curve shifts so that it is
represented by AD1. The economy moves first to point ______ and
then, in the long run, to point ______.
A) A; D
B) D; A
C) C; B
D) B; C

53. Exhibit: Shift in Aggregate Demand

Assume that the economy is initially at point A with aggregate demand

given by AD2. A shift in the aggregate demand curve to AD0 could be
the result of either a(n) ______ in the money supply or a(n) ______ in
velocity.
A) increase; increase
B) increase; decrease
C) decrease; increase
D) decrease; decrease

Page 10
54. A supply shock does not occur when:
A) a drought destroys crops.
B) unions push wages up.
C) the Fed increases the money supply.
D) an oil cartel increases world oil prices.

55. A favorable supply shock occurs when:

A) environmental protection laws raise costs of production.
B) the Fed increases the money supply.
C) unions push wages up.
D) an oil cartel breaks up and oil prices fall.

56. An adverse supply shock ______ the short-run aggregate supply curve
______ the natural level of output.
A) raises; but cannot affect
B) raises; and may also lower
C) lowers; but cannot affect
D) lowers; and may also lower

57. If the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal, an increase in

union aggressiveness that pushes wages and prices up will result in
______ prices and ______ output in the short run.
A) higher; lower
B) lower; higher
C) higher; higher
D) lower; lower

Page 11
58. Exhibit: Supply Shock

In this graph, assume that the economy starts at point A, and there is a
favorable supply shock that does not last forever. In this situation,
point ______ represents short-run equilibrium, and point ______
represents long-run equilibrium.
A) B; C
B) B; A
C) E; D
D) E; A

59. Exhibit: Supply Shock

Assume that the economy is at point B. With no further shocks or

policy moves, the economy in the long run will be at point:
A) A.
B) B.
C) C.
D) D.

Page 12
60. Exhibit: Supply Shock

Assume that the economy is at point E. With no further shocks or

policy moves, the economy in the long run will be at point:
A) A.
B) B.
C) C.
D) D.

61. Exhibit: Supply Shock

Assume that the economy starts at point A, and there is a drought that
severely reduces agricultural output in the economy for just one year.
In this situation, point ______ represents the short-run equilibrium
immediately following the drought, and point ______ represents the
eventual long-run equilibrium.
A) B; C
B) B; A
C) E; D
D) D; A

Page 13
62. In the short run, a favorable supply shock causes:
A) both prices and output to rise.
B) prices to rise and output to fall.
C) prices to fall and output to rise.
D) both prices and output to fall.

63. Stagflation occurs when prices ______ and output ______.

A) fall; falls
B) fall; increases
C) rise; falls
D) rise; increases

64. The dilemma facing the Federal Reserve in the event that an
unfavorable supply shock moves the economy away from the natural
rate of output is that monetary policy can either return output to the
natural rate but with a ______ price level or allow the price level to
return to its original level but with a ______ level of output in the short
run.
A) higher; higher
B) higher; lower
C) lower; lower
D) lower; higher

65. If the Fed accommodates an adverse supply shock, output falls ______,
and prices rise ______.
A) less; more
B) less; less
C) more; less
D) more; more

66. Starting from long-run equilibrium, without policy intervention, the

long-run impact of a temporary adverse supply shock is that prices
will:
A) be permanently higher, and output will be restored to the natural
rate.
B) return to the old level, and output will be restored to the natural
rate.
C) be permanently higher, and output will be permanently lower.
D) return to the old level, but output will be permanently lower.

Page 14
67. Starting from long-run equilibrium, if a drought pushes up food prices
throughout the economy, the Fed could move the economy more
rapidly back to full employment output by:
A) increasing the money supply, but at the cost of permanently
higher prices.
B) decreasing the money supply, but at the cost of permanently lower
prices.
C) increasing the money supply, which would restore the original
price level.
D) decreasing the money supply, which would restore the original
price level.

68. If a change in government regulations allows banks to start paying

interest on checking accounts, this will:
A) increase the demand for money.
B) decrease the demand for money.
C) have no effect on the demand for money.
D) increase the demand for currency but decrease the demand for
checking accounts.

69. If the demand for money increases, but the Fed keeps the money
supply the same, then in the short run output will:
A) fall, and in the long run prices will remain unchanged.
B) remain unchanged, and in the long run prices will fall.
C) remain unchanged, and in the long run prices will remain
unchanged.
D) fall, and in the long run prices will fall.

70. If the Fed reduces the money supply by 5 percent and the quantity
theory of money is true, then output will fall 5 percent in the short
run, and:
A) prices will remain unchanged in the long run.
B) output will fall 5 percent in the long run.
C) prices will fall 5 percent in the long run.
D) output will remain unchanged in the long run.

71. Making use of Okun's law, if the Fed reduces the money supply 5
percent and the quantity theory of money is true, then the
unemployment rate will rise about:
A) 5 percent in both the short run and the long run.
B) 2.5 percent in both the short run and the long run.
C) 5 percent in the short run but will return to its natural rate in the
long run.
D) 2.5 percent in the short run but will return to its natural rate in the
long run.

Page 15
72. If the Fed reduces the money supply by 5 percent, then the real
interest rate will:
A) rise in both the short run and the long run.
B) rise in the short run but return to its original equilibrium level in
the long run.
C) rise in the short run but fall below its original equilibrium level in
the long run.
D) be unaffected in both the short run and the long run.

73. If Central Bank A cares only about keeping the price level stable and
Central Bank B cares only about keeping output at its natural level,
then in response to an exogenous decrease in the velocity of money:
A) both Central Bank A and Central Bank B should increase the
quantity of money.
B) Central Bank A should increase the quantity of money, whereas
Central Bank B should keep it stable.
C) Central Bank A should keep the quantity of money stable, whereas
Central Bank B should increase it.
D) both Central Bank A and Central Bank B should keep the quantity
of money stable.

74. If Central Bank A cares only about keeping the price level stable and
Central Bank B cares only about keeping output at its natural level,
then in response to an exogenous increase in the price of oil:
A) both Central Bank A and Central Bank B should increase the
quantity of money.
B) Central Bank A should increase the quantity of money, whereas
Central Bank B should keep it stable.
C) Central Bank A should decrease the quantity of money, whereas
Central Bank B should increase it.
D) both Central Bank A and Central Bank B should keep the quantity
of money stable.

75. Assume that the long-run aggregate supply curve is vertical at Y =

3,000 while the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal at P =
1.0. The aggregate demand curve is Y = 2 ? M / P, and M = 1,500.
a. If the economy is initially in long-run equilibrium, what are the
values of P and Y?
b. What is the velocity of money in this case?
c. Suppose because banks start paying interest on checking accounts,
the aggregate demand function shifts to Y = 1.5 ? M / P. What are
the short-run values of P and Y?
d. What is the velocity of money in this case?
e. With the new aggregate demand function, once the economy
adjusts to long-run equilibrium, what are P and Y?
f. What is the velocity now?

Page 16
76. Assume that the long-run aggregate supply curve is vertical at Y =
3,000, while the short-run aggregate supply curve is horizontal at P =
1.0. The aggregate demand curve is Y = 3 ? M / P, and M = 1,000.
a. If the economy is initially in long-run equilibrium, what are the
values of P and Y?
b. Now suppose a supply shock moves the short-run aggregate
supply curve to P = 1.5. What are the new short-run P and Y?
c. If the aggregate demand curve and long-run aggregate supply
curve are unchanged, what are the long-run equilibrium P and Y
after the supply shock?
d. Suppose that after the supply shock the Fed wanted to hold output
at its long-run level. What level of M would be required? If this
level of M were maintained, what would be long-run equilibrium P
and Y?

77. The principal method the Federal Reserve uses to change the money
supply is open-market operations. Use the aggregate
demand朼 ggregate supply model to illustrate graphically the impact in
the short run and the long run of a Federal Reserve decision to
increase open-market purchases. Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii. the
curves; iii. the initial equilibrium values; iv. the direction the curves
shift; v. the short-run equilibrium values; and vi. the long-run
equilibrium values. State in words what happens to prices and output
in the short run and the long run.

78. The advent of interest-earning checking accounts in the early 1980s

led many households to keep a larger proportion of their wealth in
checking accounts. Use the aggregate demand朼 ggregate supply
model to illustrate graphically the impact in the short run and the long
run of this change in money demand. Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii.
the curves; iii. the initial equilibrium values; iv. the direction the
curves shift; v. the short-run equilibrium values; and vi. the long-run
equilibrium values. State in words what happens to prices and output
in the short run and the long run.

79. Suppose that droughts in the Southeast and floods in the Midwest
substantially reduce food production in the United States. Use the
aggregate demand朼 ggregate supply model to illustrate graphically the
impact in the short run and the long run of this adverse supply shock.
Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii. the curves; iii. the initial equilibrium
values; iv. the direction the curves shift; v. the short-run equilibrium
values; and vi. the long-run equilibrium values. State in words what
happens to prices and output in the short run and the long run.

Page 17
80. Suppose that laws are passed banning labor unions and that resulting
lower labor costs are passed along to consumers in the form of lower
prices. Use the aggregate demand朼 ggregate supply model to
illustrate graphically the impact in the short run and the long run of
this favorable supply shock. Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii. the
curves; iii. the initial equilibrium values; iv. the direction the curves
shift; v. the short-run equilibrium values; and vi. the long-run
equilibrium values. State in words what happens to prices and output
in the short run and the long run.

81. Suppose you are an economist working for the Federal Reserve when
droughts in the Southeast and floods in the Midwest substantially
reduce food production in the United States. Use the aggregate
demand朼 ggregate supply model to illustrate graphically your policy
recommendation to accommodate this adverse supply shock, assuming
that your top priority is maintaining full employment in the economy.
Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii. the curves; iii. the initial equilibrium
values; iv. the direction the curves shift; and v. the terminal
equilibrium values. State in words what happens to prices and output
as a combined result of the supply shock and the recommended
Federal Reserve accommodation.

82. The long-run and short-run aggregate supply curves reflect

fundamental differences between long-run and short-run
macroeconomic analysis.
a. Graphically illustrate the long-run and short-run aggregate supply
curves. Be sure to label the axes.
b. What determines the level of output in the long run versus the
short run?
c. How do prices behave differently in the long run and the short run?

83. The economy of Macroland is initially in long-run equilibrium. A

severe drought causes an adverse supply shock.
a. What happens to prices and output in the short run?
b. What would happen to prices and output in the long run if there is
no policy accommodation?
c. If the Central Bank of Macroland wants to prevent the short-run
changes in price and output, what policy action could it take? How
would the results of this policy action differ from the prices and
output that would result in the long run with no policy action?

Page 18
84. A central bank reduces the money supply in an economy initially in
long-run equilibrium.
a. What will happen to output and prices in the short run?
b. What will happen to unemployment in the short run?
c. What will happen to output and prices in the long run?

85. An oil cartel effectively increases the price of oil by 100 percent,
leading to an adverse supply shock in both Country A and Country B.
Both countries were in long-run equilibrium at the same level of
output and prices at the time of the shock. The central bank of
Country A takes no stabilizing policy actions. After the short-run
impacts of the adverse supply shock become apparent, the central
bank of Country B increases the money supply to return the economy
to full employment.
a. Describe the short-run impact of the adverse supply shock on
prices and output in each country.
b. Compare the long-run impact of the adverse supply shock on
prices and output in each country.

86. Explain the meaning of monetary neutrality and illustrate graphically

that there is monetary neutrality in the long run in the aggregate
demand朼 ggregate supply model. Be sure to label: i. the axes; ii. the
curves; iii. the initial equilibrium values; iv. the direction the curves
shift; v. the short-run equilibrium values; and vi. the long-run
equilibrium values. Explain in words what your graph illustrates.

87. You are given information about the following leading indicators. For
each indicator, explain whether the information suggests that a
recession or expansion should be expected in the future.
a. Average initial weekly claims for unemployment insurance rise.
b. New building permits issued increases.
c. The interest rate spread between the 10-year Treasury note and
the 3-month Treasury bill narrows.
d. The Index of Supplier Deliveries falls.

88. Monetary policy can be either a stabilizing influence on the economy

or a source of instability. Give an explanation for both possibilities.

89. What are the defining features of a recession?

90. What is the relationship between unemployment and real GDP?

91. What is the difference between the short run and the long run?

Page 19
92. What is aggregate demand? Why is the aggregate demand curve
downward sloping?

93. Why is the aggregate supply curve vertical in the long run and
horizontal in the short run?

94. Explain the concepts of shocks in aggregate demand and aggregate

supply.

95. What is stabilization policy?

Page 20
Answer Key

1. D
2. C
3. A
4. B
5. C
6. A
7. A
8. B
9. C
10. D
11. B
12. C
13. B
14. D
15. A
16. C
17. D
18. B
19. D
20. D
21. A
22. B
23. A
24. C
25. A
26. C
27. B
28. C
29. C
30. D
31. C
32. D
33. C
34. A
35. A
36. B
37. D
38. B
39. B
40. C
41. C
42. A
43. B
44. D
45. C
46. C
47. A
48. B

Page 21
49. B
50. A
51. A
52. C
53. A
54. C
55. D
56. B
57. A
58. D
59. A
60. A
61. B
62. C
63. C
64. B
65. A
66. B
67. A
68. A
69. D
70. C
71. D
72. B
73. A
74. C
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.

Page 22
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
8
In speaking of Doris, Herodotus says: Ή δὲ χώρη αὕτη ἐστὶ
μητρόπολις Δωριέων τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ. That the land had a
Dorian population in the fifth century b.c. is undoubtedly the case;
but its claim to be metropolis of the Dorians of the south was in all
probability set up by the Spartan authorities, as affording a
convenient pretext for interference in Greek affairs north of Isthmus.
It is probable that this corner of Greece, of which the Malian plain
was the centre, contained patches of various peoples which had in
different ages traversed the peninsula, or which had been driven into
its mountain fastnesses by the passage of invaders:⁠—Dorians,
Œtæans, Trachinians, etc., were probably such remains of larger
tribes.
9
Herodotus seems from his language to assume (viii. 31) that the
whole army had come south by the Dorian route. That is, either a
mistake; or, more probably, the impression his language gives is due
to a mere omission. Few details are given of any part of the route of
the army.
0
The position at Delphi, from a military point of view, is by no means
weak, provided Amphissa be occupied, and the great pass from the
north be thus closed. Under those circumstances, unless the
assailant is in a position to land troops at the head of the Krissæan
gulf, the only line of attack is along this easily defensible path from
the west. It is imaginable that Xerxes, knowing it to be an open town,
under-estimated the difficulty of its capture.
Pogon is an almost land-locked harbour between the island of
Kalauria and the mainland.
2

A Comparison of the Lists of Vessels at Artemisium and

Salamis respectively.
T. = trireme; P. = pentekonters.
Artemisium. Salamis.
 Artemisium. Salamis.
{127 T.
Athenians (some Platæans in crews at
53 T. later} 180 T.
Artemisium)
180 T.
Corinthians 40 T. 40 T.
Megareans 20 T. 20 T.
Chalkidians in Athenian ships 20 T. 20 T.
Æginetans 18 T. 30 T.
Sikyonians 12 T. 15 T.
Lacedæmonians 10 T. 16 T.
Epidaurians 8 T. 10 T.
Eretrians 7 T. 7 T.
Trœzenians 5 T. 5 T.
Styreans 2 T. 2 T.
Keians 2 T.; 2 P. 2 T.; 2 P.
Opuntian Locrians 7 P. —
Hermionians — 3 T.
Ambrakiots — 7 T.
Leukadians — 3 T.
Naxians — 4 T.
Kythnians — 1 T.; 1 P.
Krotonians — 1 T.
Malians — 2 P.
Siphnians — 1 P.
Seriphians — 1 P.
 Artemisium. Salamis.
366 T.;
324 T.; 9 P.
7 P.
Æschylus gives 310 as the number of the Greek fleet. Valuable as
is the testimony of the poet with regard to those incidents in the
battle which he observed as an eye-witness, his evidence on the dry
question of numbers is not likely to be exact.
3
She did, indeed, send sixty vessels, to observe, so said the patriot
Greeks, how the war went, but not with any intention of taking part
therein. The Corcyræans’ own excuse for their non-participation was
that their fleet had been unable to round Malea.
4
The mistake may be that of a manuscript copyist; but such mistakes
are so common in the text of Herodotus, that they afford strong
ground for supposing that the historian was, like the men of his time,
inaccurate in numerical calculations. The mistake may be in the
Paus. ii. 29. 5. detailed list. Pausanias implies that the Æginetan
contingent was superior in numbers to that of the
Corinthian, that is to say, more than forty. If the number were forty-
two, the total given by Herodotus would be correct; and it is
noticeable in this reference that he himself, in speaking of the
H. viii. 46. number of ships which Ægina supplied, says: “Of the
islanders the Æginetans supplied thirty; they had indeed
other ships manned; but with these they were guarding their own
country; but with the thirty best sailers they fought at Salamis.”
5
By Professor J. W. Bury.
6
Macan, Herod, iv., v., vi., “Athens and Ægina.”
7
Note on the Reference to Siris in Themistocles’ Speech.—The
reference to Siris inevitably suggests that this reported passage in
Themistocles’ speech is an invention of later date arising from the
colonization of Thurii in or about 443. The rapid growth of Athenian
trade in the earlier part of the fifth century, and its peculiar
development along the western route, render it possible, however,
 that an idea of settlement on or near the deserted city of Sybaris
may have been long anterior to the actual settlement, and may have
been mooted even before 480. If Plutarch is to be believed,
Themistocles had direct relations with Corcyra, and gave the name
of Sybaris to one, and the name of Italia to the other of his daughters
(Plut. Them. 32).
8
H. viii. 74. τέλος δὲ ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον. Cf. also Diod. xi. 16, ad
fin.
9
This Council of War must have been held on the morning of the day
preceding the battle. It lasted, in all probability, several hours, and, if
so, this would indicate the afternoon as the time at which Xerxes
received the message of Themistocles. On this point, then, the
indications in the narrative of Æschylus and Herodotus are in
agreement.
0
Plut. Them. also mentions the same name; but the testimony is
probably dependent on that of Herodotus.
There is a curious triangular concord at this point in the history.
Diodorus says that the Egyptian contingent was sent to block the
strait towards the Megarid (xi. 17).
Plutarch says 200 vessels were sent to close the passage round
Salamis (Them. 12).
Herodotus mentions that the Egyptian contingent numbered 200
(vii. 89).
2
This would account for the fact implied by Æsch. Pers. 400: the two
fleets when they started their movement were not in sight of one
another, though, very shortly after the movement began, the Persian
fleet was visible to the Greeks. The latter would first catch sight of it
after it rounded the Kynosura promontory and the island.
3
Cf. Arist. 8, where the revocation is said to have taken place τρίτῳ
ἔτει after the sentence.
4
Cf. Stein’s brief note on the translation of the words στὰς ἐπὶ τὸ
συνέδριον in H. viii. 79.
5
In so far as I know, this last very important point was first raised by
Prof. J. B. Bury in an article in the Classical Review on “Aristides at
Salamis.”
6
This is Professor Bury’s suggestion. It is open to the objection that
Herodotus expressly mentions the arrival of this vessel (H. viii. 83)
immediately before the battle began. But this objection is not by any
means insuperable. It is much more probable, under the
circumstances, that Herodotus made a mistake as to the time of its
arrival, than that it managed at the time he mentions to force its way
through the blockading fleets at either end of the strait.
7
It would seem as if it were a description of this movement, taken
from his notes on, or sources of information for, the details of the
battle, which Herodotus has used by mistake in describing the
movement of the Persian fleet during the night. He has, of course,
intensely confused the original description by reading into it what he
knew to be the object of that night-movement—the surrounding of
the Greek fleet by blocking the issues both to east and west of it; but,
eliminating this motive from his description, it is possible to see that
in its original form it must have resembled very closely the
description of the advance of the Persian fleet which has been drawn
from the details which Æschylus and Diodorus give.
H. viii. 76. “The west wing put out and made a circling movement
towards Salamis.” It has been already pointed out that by “west
wing” Herodotus evidently means, not the west wing in the original
formation, but the west wing when the fleet had completed the
movement, and had taken up the position which he imagined it to
have assumed when the movement was complete. This “west wing”
would be the east wing in the original position. That it cannot have
been the original west wing has been pointed out in a previous note.
If this correction be made, Herodotus’ language in describing this
movement is peculiarly applicable to the movement of that part of the
Persian fleet which entered the strait by the channel east of
 Psyttaleia—ἀνῆγον κυκλούμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα; and the
applicability becomes still more striking in view of the evidence,
which will be given later, that this wing of the Persian fleet got in
advance of the other.
The left wing, which would use the channel west of Psyttaleia, is
equally referred to in the words: “Those about Keos and Kynosura
put out in order,” to which he adds, in accordance with his knowledge
that part of the object of the night-movement was the blocking of the
straits, “And they occupied the whole strait as far as Munychia with
their ships.”
8
This phenomenon of the morning wind is very common in the Greek
seas. It will be remembered that Phormio based his tactics in his first
battle with the Corinthian fleet just outside the Corinthian gulf on its
occurrence. I have experienced it there; and on the three occasions
on which I have been through the Strait of Salamis, once in the
summer of 1895, and twice in the summer of 1899, I have
experienced it on each occasion. It began in all three cases quite
suddenly, a little before seven in the morning, blowing from the west,
right down that part of the strait south of Ægaleos. It was extremely
violent while it lasted, though it did not raise a dangerous sea. To the
inexperienced it gave the impression that it meant the beginning of a
very windy day. On two occasions it ceased about 8.30, on the other,
shortly after nine, and the dead calm by which it had been preceded
ensued once more.
9
As is shown by the presence of an Attic vessel opposite the Persian
left, where her ships must almost certainly have been.
0
Cf. Æsch. Pers. 724,—Ναυτικὸς στρατὸς κακωθεὶς πεζὸν ὤλεσε
στρατόν. Thuc. i. 73, 5.—Νικωθεις γὰρ ταῖς ναυσίν ὡς οὐκέτι αὐτῷ
ὁμοίας οὔσης της δυνάμεως κατὰ τάχος τῷ πλέονι τοῦ στρατοῦ
ἀπεχώρησεν.
Modern historians have taken this account of the intended or
attempted construction of the mole too seriously. It has been pointed
out, for instance, that the only point in the strait east of the bay of
Eleusis at which it could possibly be carried out, is at the narrows
 where the island of St. George contracts the width of the channel,
and that it is impossible that, under the circumstances as they stood,
Xerxes should have been able to bring vessels to that part of the
strait. But Herodotus never attempts to give the impression that the
operation was ever undertaken seriously; he makes it plain, indeed,
that it was not. If that were so, and it was merely designed to give
the Greeks a wrong impression, it did not in the least matter whether
it was made at a possible or impossible point. Ktesias, Pers. 26, and
Strabo, 395, say that the mole was begun before the battle. This
would imply that a serious attempt was made to construct it. The
notorious unreliability of Ktesias, and the lateness of Strabo’s
evidence, render this account of the matter unworthy of
consideration.
2
H. viii. 103. Λέγουσα γὰρ ἐπετύγχανε τὰ πὲρ᾿ αὐτὸς ἐνόεε.
3
Οὐδεμία συμφορὴ μεγάλη ἔσται σεό τε περιεόντος καὶ ἐκείνων τῶν
πρηγμάτων περὶ οἶκον τὸν σόν.
4
It has been suggested that the real intention was to induce the
Ionians to revolt. The behaviour of this contingent in the recent battle
was not calculated to encourage such a plan, conceived within a few
days of the actual fight.
5
Ἐπείτε οὐκ ἐπαύετο λέγων ταῦτα ὁ Τιμόδημος, etc.
6
May it not be suggested that some archæologist acquainted with the
extant remains of Phœnician Carthage might confer a distinct
service on history by examining the structures at Agrigentum which
date from this period? The workman as well as the designer must
have set his mark there.
7
It has already been remarked that his description of Thermopylæ is
that of a traveller coming from the north—“from Achaia”—as he
himself says.
8
Herodotus himself (ix. 8) takes this view of the matter. He implies
that the Spartans did not care whether the Athenians medized or not
after the wall was completed. It is quite out of the question, however,
 to suppose that the Spartans could have regarded with equanimity
the possible transference of the Athenian fleet to the Persian side.
They had the experience of Artemisium and Salamis to guide them.
9
It is sometimes assumed from H. vii. 229, that the usual quota was
one helot to each hoplite; but a more probable interpretation of that
passage is that the reference is to the personal armed servant who
accompanied each hoplite to war, and that it cannot be deduced
therefrom that the body of these formed the whole number of the
helots present on an ordinary occasion.
Modern criticism of the impossibility of despatching so large a
force unknown to the Athenian embassy is not convincing. We do
not know the place at which it gathered. It is extremely likely that a
large number of helots were drawn from Messenia, and joined the
army at Orestheion, where the great route from Messenia meets the
route from Sparta by way of the valley of the Eurotas.
0
His departure from the Isthmus is ascribed by Herodotus to the fact
that when he was sacrificing ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ an eclipse of the sun took
place. This eclipse has been calculated to have occurred on the 2nd
of October, 480. If so, it would be about the time of the Persian
retreat from Attica after Salamis, and Stein’s conjecture that the
sacrifice had something to do with a plan to harass the Persian
retreat, has a certain amount of probability in its favour.
If Sparta had been careless as to whether Athens medized or not,
she might, probably would, have despatched troops to the Isthmus at
an earlier date. But if she was waiting until pressure of
circumstances forced Athens to adopt Peloponnesian views as to the
line of defence, then the delay is accounted for. Had her army been
at the Isthmus when Mardonius advanced into Bœotia, the
Athenians would certainly have called upon it to carry out the
agreement, and march to the northward of Kithæron. In that case the
Spartan government would have been obliged either to comply, or,
by a refusal, to show in the most unmistakeable manner possible the
war policy which it intended to adopt.
2
I was, I confess, surprised to find in August, 1899, that, in spite of
the excellent road to Megara from Bœotia by the way of Eleusis, the
track on the old line of the Platæa-Megara road is still largely used.
3
A road has been constructed through it in recent years, running from
Kriekouki on the Bœotian side to Villa on the south of the range.
4
I am inclined to think that the site of Skolos is that which Leake, and
others following him, have identified with Erythræ. Paus. ix. 4, 3,
says that if before crossing the Asopos river on the road from Platæa
to Thebes, you turned off down the stream, and went about forty
stades, i.e. four and three-quarter miles, you came to the ruins of
Skolos. This would place it not far east of the road from Thebes to
Dryoskephalæ. He speaks of Skolos in another passage as a village
of Parasopia beneath Kithæron, a rugged place, and δυσοικητός.
That seems to preclude the idea of its being near the river, which
traverses alluvial lands at this part of its course. The ruins identified
by Leake as Erythræ cannot belong to that town if the testimony of
Herodotus and Pausanias is accurately worded. This point will be
discussed in a later note. In actual fact, however, the exact site of
Skolos is very difficult to determine. My main reason for suggesting
that it stood where Leake places Erythræ is that those ruins are the
only ruins in the neighbourhood indicated by Pausanias, and are
certainly not the ruins of Erythræ.
5
It is necessary to pursue so obvious a line of argument, because, for
some incomprehensible reason, modern historians have thought it
right to judge of the plans of these able Persian commanders as
though they were dictated by no higher considerations than such as
might occur to an untutored savage.
6
The weakness of this line in case of attack from the north was
conclusively shown twenty years later in the manœuvres which led
to the battle of Tanagra.
7
It is almost certain that an ancient road from Eleusis followed the
eminently natural line taken by the modern road from Eleusis to
Eleutheræ. There was also, in all probability, a route from Athens to
 Eleutheræ which did not enter Eleusis at all, but, branching from the
Sacred Way near the Rheitoi after traversing the low pass through
Mount Ægaleos, went up the Thriasian plain and joined the road
from Eleusis among the low hills of Western Attica.
8
These ridges will be found numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, in the
accompanying map.
9
Marked A 6 in the map.
0
Called in the map, for purposes of distinction, the Asopos ridge, the
Long ridge, and the Plateau.
Those of the streams marked A 4 and A 5 on the map.
2
During my stay at Kriekouki, in December ’92–January ’93, the
rainfall was at times extraordinarily heavy. Nevertheless, I had not on
any occasion the slightest difficulty in crossing any of the streams,
and it was not even necessary to get wet in so doing. On one
occasion also I happened to be following the line of one of the
watercourses leading to the Œroë amid a downpour of rain such as
we rarely see in England, which had been going on with more or less
continuity for the previous fourteen hours; and yet, as I descended
the brook towards the plain the water became less and less until, on
the plain, there was no water running in the stream bed.
3
Pausanias knew the roads through these two passes.
(1) Platæa-Athens road.
He says (xi. 1, 6) that Neokles, the Bœotarch, in his surprise of
Platæa in the year 374, led the Thebans οὐ τὴν εὐθεῖαν ἀπὸ τῶν
Θηβῶν τὴν πεδιάδα, τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ Ὑσιὰς ἦγε πρὸς Ἐλευθερῶν τε καὶ
τῆς Ἀττικῆς.
There will be occasion to show that Hysiæ was in all probability a
small place, on a site just outside the southernmost end of the village
of Kriekouki. It was therefore at the eastern side of the opening of
the valley through which the road from Platæa to Athens passed.
The remains of that ancient road are, however, at the other side of
 the valley opening; and, therefore, Hysiæ was not upon it. Probably,
however, down the valley came a track which is still used, and which,
after passing through the village of Kriekouki, goes due north to
Thebes in a line parallel to the main road from Dryoskephalæ. This
would be the road which Pausanias here mention. It would, in
entering the valley to the pass, go close to this site of Hysiæ. Of the
identity of this site it will be necessary to speak in a later note.
In 379, after the revolution in Thebes (X. H. v. 4, 14), the Spartans
despatched Kleombrotos with a force to Bœotia. As Chabrias, with
Athenian peltasts, was guarding “the road through Eleutheræ,” he
went, κατὰ τὴν εἰς Πλαταιὰς φέρουσαν.
This is almost certainly the Platæa-Athens pass. Kleombrotos
probably did not discover that the Dryoskephalæ pass was guarded
until he got to Eleutheræ. After doing so he turned to the left and
made his way through the Platæa-Athens pass, exterminating a
small body of troops which attempted to defend it.
(2) The Platæa-Megara road.
Pausanias (ix. 2, 3) says, Τοῖς δὲ ἐκ Μεγάρων ἰοῦσι πηγή τέ ἐστιν
ἐν δεξιᾷ καὶ προελθοῦσιν ὀλίγον πέτρα· καλοῦσι δὲ τὴν μὲν
Ἀκταίωνος κοίτην.
In the previous sentence he has expressly spoken of the road from
Eleutheræ to Platæa. The Megara road is therefore a different road.
The κοὶτη Ἀκταίωνος can, I think, be determined with sufficient
certainty at the present day. It is on the top of a low cliff, probably the
πέτρα mentioned, overhanging the sources of the stream O 3. Near
the foot of the cliff is an ancient well, known in Leake’s time as the
Vergutiani Spring.
4
Ἐπὶ τῆς ὑπωρέης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος.
5
The site of Erythræ.
Colonel Leake identified it with certain ruins which are found at the
foot of the mountain slope several miles east of the road from
Dryoskephalæ to Thebes. The available evidence seems to me to be
strongly against this view.
 (1) The traditional site is where I have placed it, though I am afraid
that but little stress can be laid on traditions in modern Greece.
(2) Its comparatively frequent mention by Greek writers seems to
indicate that, though a small place, its position was of some
importance. If Leake’s view be correct this cannot have been the
case. If it were where I believe it to have been, it would be at the
northern exit of one of the most important passes in Greece. There is
an ancient φρουρίον on the bastion of Kithæron to the east of the
site. Its remains are so scanty, however, that they do not afford any
clue as to its date.
(3) There are remains of ancient buildings on the site. There are
also remains of an ancient well, besides which is a heap of stones,
from which two stones were obtained a few years ago with
inscriptions showing them to have belonged to a temple of
Eleusinian Demeter. Pausanias mentions so many temples in the
neighbourhood dedicated to that deity, that the discovery contributes
but little to the identification of the site. I was informed at Kriekouki
last year (August, 1899) that those particular stones were known to
have been originally discovered on another site. As neither my
informant nor any one else could tell me whence, why, or by whom
they were removed, I did not place much credence in the report.
(4) Pausanias says (ix. 2, 1), Γῆς δὲ τῆς Πλαταιίδος ἐν τῶ
Κιθαιρῶνι ὀλίγον τῆς εὐθείας ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐς δεξιὰν Ὑσιῶν καὶ
Ἐρυθρῶν ἐρείπιά ἐστι; and further on (ix. 2, 2), he says, referring to
the road of which he is speaking: αὕτη μὲν (i.e. ὅδος) ἀπ’
Ἐλευθερῶν ἐς Πλάταιαν ἄγει. The road referred to is of course the
Athens-Platæa road, on which he is travelling towards Platæa. Can
any one suppose that Pausanias would have used the expression
quoted, especially the word ὀλίγον, had the ruins of Erythræ, as
Leake conjectured, lain some three and a half miles away from the
nearest point of this road, and hidden from it, moreover, by the great
projecting bastion of Kithæron, which is shown at the south-east
corner of the accompanying map?
Leake quotes Thucydides (iii. 24), who says that the two hundred
and twelve fugitives from Platæa first took the Thebes road in order
to put their pursuers off the scent, and then turning, ᾔεσαν τὴν πρὸς
τὸ ὄρος φέρουσαν ὁδόν ἐς Ἐρύθρας καὶ Ὑσιάς, καὶ λαβόμενοι τῶν
ὀρῶν διαφεύγουσιν ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας. Meanwhile the pursuers were
searching the road along the ὐπωρέη. This last road would lead the
pursuers near the site where I conjecture Hysiæ to have stood, and
the objection may be raised that it is unlikely that the fugitives would
have gone to a place close to the road along which they could see
the pursuers were searching for them. It is, however, to be remarked
that Thucydides does not say that they went to either Erythræ or
Hysiæ. Had he intended to imply this he would have mentioned
those places in their proper order, Hysiæ first and Erythræ second.
Whenever he refers to the actual course taken by a body of men, or
by a fleet, he invariably mentions the places touched at or arrived at
in their geographical order. Vide Th. ii. 48, 1; ii. 56, 5; ii. 69, 1; iv. 5,
2; vii. 2, 2; vii. 31, 2.
The passage seems perfectly comprehensible and in accord with
the hypothesis which I put forward with respect to the positions of
Hysiæ and Erythræ. These fugitives, turning from the Platæa-
Thebes road, took the track which in modern times leads from
Pyrgos to Kriekouki, and which in ancient times would be the road
from Thespiæ to Hysiæ, Erythræ, and the passes. They did not go to
but towards those places, making in reality for those high rugged
bastions to the north-east of the pass of Dryoskephalæ.
But, after all, Pausanias’ words in the passage quoted dispose
effectively of Colonel Leake’s site. He would not have described a
place twenty-five stades away from the road as a short distance to
the right of it.
(5) Herodotus (ix. 15) speaks of the Persian camp as ἀρξάμενον
ἀπὸ Ἐρυθρέων παρὰ Ὑσιάς, κατέτεινε δὲ ἐς τὴν Πλαταίιδα γῆν.
These words merely show that Erythræ was east of Hysiæ.
(6) Perhaps one of the strongest pieces of evidence is Herodotus’
statement that the first Greek position was “at Erythræ.” Is it
conceivable that the Greek force, especially in its then state of
feeling with regard to the Persians, would be likely, after issuing from
the pass of Dryoskephalæ, to turn east along Kithæron, leave the
 pass open, and take up a position with their backs to a part of the
range through which there was no passage of retreat?
(7) We are told later that their reason for moving to their second
position was the question of water-supply. This accords with the
present state of the locality about the traditional Erythræ. The
streams in that neighbourhood have but little water in them in the dry
season.
(8) The ground in this neighbourhood accords peculiarly with the
description given by Herodotus of the first engagement.
6
Marked ridges 1, 2, 3, 4, in the map.
7
These positions will be found marked upon the accompanying map.
It is necessary, however, to explain the evidence on which they are
determined.
8
The details of the contingents given by Herodotus are:⁠—
Lacedæmonians—
Spartans 5000
Periœki 5000
Helots 35,000
Tegeans 1500
Corinthians 5000
Potidæans 300
Orchomenians (Arcadia) 600
Sikyonians 3000
Epidaurians 800
Trœzenians 1000
Lepreans 200
Mykenæans and Tirynthians 400
Phliasians 1000
 Hermionians 300
Eretrians and Styreans 600
Chalkidians 400
Ambrakiots 500
Leukadians and Anaktorians 800
Paleans from Kephallenia 200
Æginetans 500
Megareans 3000
Platæans 600
Athenians 8000
Miscellaneous light-armed troops 34,500
Total 108,200
9
I.e. A 1. In the days before scientific survey there was frequently the
utmost confusion with regard to the application of names to the head
streams of main rivers. This generally took the form of applying the
name of the main stream to several of its feeders. The tendency of
the local population was to apply the well-known name to that upper
tributary which was in their immediate neighbourhood, and was
therefore best known to them. Examples of this are frequent in
England; the upper waters of the Thames are a case in point. In
early sketch maps it will be found that the name Thames is applied
with the utmost diversity to the head streams of the river, and even a
tributary so far down as the Evenlode is sometimes given the name
of the main river. This is, I fancy, what has taken place with regard to
the Asopos. The Platæans, with whom Herodotus must have come
in contact in the course of his visit to the region, called this stream, A
1, by the name of the main river, and consequently “Asopos” in
Herodotus is to be understood to mean this stream up to its junction
with the stream which comes from the west, rising not far from
Leuktra, and, after that, to refer to what is really the main river. From
Platæa itself the course of this stream is plainly traceable in the
 plain, running along the western base of the Asopos ridge. The
stream coming from Leuktra is not visible, and it is quite conceivable
that Herodotus never had any definite knowledge of its existence. In
Leake’s time (vide his sketch map) the inhabitants of Kriekouki seem
to have called the stream, A 6, Asopos. It is not so called at the
present day. My own impression is, however, that Herodotus,
although he heard the Platæans speak of A 1 as the Asopos, may in
one passage refer to the stream from Leuktra with a special attribute:
τὸν Ἀσωπὸν τὸν ταύτῃ ῥέοντα (H. ix. 31). A sentence previously, at
the end of Chapter 30, he has a reference to the Asopos without any
qualification, οὗτοι μὲν νὺν ταχθέντες ἐπὶ τῷ Ἀσωπῷ
ἐστρατοπεδἐυοντο, and this reference is undoubtedly to A 1, which is
to him, as other references in his narrative show, the upper Asopos
“ordinarily so called.”
0
H. ix. 31, ad init., πυθόμενοι τοὺς Ἕλληνας εἶναι ἐν Πλαταιῇσι.
Cf. especially the mention of the Asopos and its context in Chapter
40.
2
It will be remarked that Artabazos’ statement on this point is in direct
conflict with that reported by Herodotus to have been made at the
same time by Alexander of Macedon to the Greeks.
3
It appears later (Chap. 46, ad init.) that it was to the Athenian
generals alone that Alexander’s story was in the first instance
imparted. That tends to confirm, what the lie of the ground would
suggest, that the Greek left was nearer the Asopos than the right
wing.
4
This is one of the most important passages in Herodotus’ description
of the battle. It indicates more clearly than has been hitherto
indicated, the position of the Greeks in their second position.
In the first place, if we remember that the Lacedæmonians were
on the Greek right, it will be seen that it forms a very strong
argument in favour of the identification of Gargaphia which has been
adopted. Had it been at Apotripi it would certainly have been near
the Greek centre. It also shows the obliquity of the Greek line with
 respect to the course of the Asopos; in other words, that it was, as
might be expected, extended along the Asopos ridge.
5
This is shown still more clearly in the account of the withdrawal from
this position.
6
The three developments of the Greek second position may be
summed up as follows:⁠—
1. The Greek right was near the spring of Gargaphia, not on the
Asopos ridge, while the left was near the Heroön of Androkrates.
2. After a forward movement of the whole line, the right took up
position on the Asopos ridge, while the line extended along the
course of that ridge, until the left was actually on the Asopos.
3. The left, when its position on the plain became untenable, took
to the higher ground of the north extension of the Asopos ridge.
7
It would seem as if this determination were not come to at the
morning council. Their idea at that time appears to have been to
move during the night, in case the enemy did not renew their attack.
As the attack was renewed, the movement was deferred until the
following night.
8
The members of the American school at Athens who excavated
parts of the site of Platæa some years ago were inclined to believe
that at the time of the battle the town stood on the higher or southern
end of the bastion which is now strewn with the traces of the
successive towns which have occupied the site; and that it did not
extend northward to the point where the bastion sinks more or less
abruptly into the plain. They also believed that they discovered the
foundations of the temple of Hera on this north extension of the
bastion. I am disposed to think that their conjecture as to the position
of the contemporary town is correct, though the question is not of
sufficient importance with respect to this particular passage in Greek
history to render it desirable or necessary to quote the mass of
evidence on which the opinion is founded. The position of the temple
of Hera as determined by them agrees with the brief mention of it in
this passage of Herodotus.
9
Herodotus, in words already quoted, says that it was the intention of
the Greeks, on moving to the “Island,” to detach a part of the army to
relieve the attendants who were blocked in the pass. This is certainly
the Dryoskephalæ or the Platæa-Athens pass, probably the latter,
which they were attempting to use as an alternative way, after the
fearful disaster which had befallen the former provision train in the
exit of the Dryoskephalæ pass. Herodotus shows, too, that this relief
was urgently required, since the Greek army was running short of
provisions; for, although the Platæa-Megara pass must have been
open, it is of such a character as to render it impossible that the
commissariat for a force of 100,000 men could be adequately
maintained through its channel. It is therefore in the very highest
degree probable that an attempt, at any rate, was made to carry out
this part of the arrangement between the generals. Now, the Spartan
force on the right of the Greek line would be, in so far as position
was concerned, that portion of the Greek army on which this duty
would naturally devolve. The mission of this force for the relief of the
pass was one of extreme danger and difficulty, and it would be
natural that the service should devolve on that part of the army which
enjoyed the highest military reputation. It was, I venture to think,
while carrying out this movement that the Spartans became involved
in that series of events which led to the last catastrophe in the great
tragedy.
0
Thucydides (i. 20) denies that such a division or regiment existed in
the Spartan army.
Even in the Spartan army indiscipline was apt to make its
appearance without the existence of such a substantial motive as in
the present instance. Cf. the insubordination of the Spartan officers
at the battle of Mantinea in 418 b.c. (Thuc. v. 72).
2
That they never reached the rocky ὑπωρέη is plain from the
incidents of the battle that followed.
3
Of A 4 and A 5.
4
The ὑπωρέη of Herodotus.
5
Cf. the tale H. ix. 58.
6
Δρόμῳ διαβάντας τὸν Ἀσωπὸν (H. ix. 59).
7
It will be seen, when the details of the Athenian retreat come to be
examined, how noticeably this detail accords with the account which
Herodotus gives of that retreat.
8
Some modern commentators have regarded this detail mentioned by
Herodotus as a convincing proof of the Athenian bias in his narrative.
To me it seems eminently natural, after the experience of the
previous days, that Pausanias or any other commander should have
summoned help under the circumstances. I shall, moreover, have
occasion to show that the Athenians did undoubtedly diverge from
their march to the Island in the direction in which the Spartan battle
with the Persians took place.
9
It is clear from Herodotus’ subsequent account of the proceedings of
the Greek centre that this battle took place out of sight of that part of
the army which had retired to Platæa.
0
H. ix. 62: Ἤδη ἐγίνετο ἡ μάχη ἰσχυρὴ παρ’ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον.
This incidental detail mentioned by Herodotus peculiarly supports
the view that the temple must have stood on the site of the church of
St. Demetrion.
2
This is clearly shown in Herodotus’ narrative. He distinctly speaks of
the Athenians as having at the beginning of the movement “turned
down towards the plain” (H. ix. 56, κάτω τραφθέντες ἐς τὸ πεδίον);
and in a still more remarkable passage he says that, when
Mardonius led his Persians across the Asopos in pursuit of the
Greeks, “he did not see the Athenians, who had turned down
towards the plain, by reason of the (intervening) hills” (H. ix. 59). The
hills mentioned are evidently the northern extension of the Asopos
ridge.
3
A 1 in the map.
4
Ridge 5.
5
Thus far διὰ τῆς ὑπωρέης (H. ix. 69).
6
I.e. ridges 3 and 2; cf. H. ix. 69, διὰ ... τῶν κολωνῶν.
7
Ridge 5.
8
I confess I cannot understand the argument of those who regard
Herodotus’ account of Platæa as being tainted throughout with a
lying Athenian tradition. In so far as the narrative provides evidence
of its source or sources, there is at least as much matter in it which
may be attributed to Spartan as to Athenian origin.
9
The Asopos ridge, the Long ridge, and the Plateau.
0
The treatment meted out to the Æginetans in the narrative of
Platæa, as contrasted with the account which Herodotus gives of
their conduct at Salamis, points to the very various character of the
sources from which he drew his history. This part of the Platæan
narrative is undoubtedly drawn from a tradition highly coloured by
the relations which existed between Athens and Ægina twenty years
after Platæa was fought.
Xen. Anab. iii. 2, 27. The striking words are μὴ τὰ ζεύγη ἡμῶν
στρατηγῇ.
2
I have had occasion to speak of the Thermopylæ narrative under
various aspects in relation to the sources from which it is derived.
To prevent any misconception, I should like to sum up briefly my
conclusions.
(1) The whole “motivation” of the story is derived from a
version of official origin at Sparta.
(2) The incidents of the actual fighting may be derived partly
from a Spartan source, probably of an unofficial character. The
description of some of them, however, rests on information
picked up by Herodotus at Thermopylæ itself from natives of the
region.