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AQA Politics
Paper 3
Political Ideas
ore Knowledge,
C
Practice Questions,
and Sample Answers
(last updated 14th February 2024)
1|Page
https://sites.google.com/rainhamgirls-tkat.org/politics/
2|Page
Contents
1 Assessment Objectives page 4
2 Writing frames and common misconceptions page 5
3 Mark schemes page 12
4 Core knowledge from the specification page 20
5 Liberalism page 23
6 Conservatism page 33
7 Socialism page 44
8 Feminism page 58
9 Sample answers and marked work page 61
3|Page
Assessment Objectives: What you are assessed on
AO1:Demonstrate Knowledge and Understanding
AO2:Analysis, connections, similarities, and differences
AO3:Evaluation, constructing arguments and substantiatedjudgements
4|Page
Section A
9 mark short answer questions (AO1: 6 marks, AO2: 3 marks)
Three ‘explain and analyse three times’ questions
Section B
25 mark extract question (AO1: 5 marks, AO2: 10 marks, AO3: 10 marks)
One ‘analyse, evaluate, and compare’ question based on an extract.
Section C
25 mark essay question (AO1: 5 marks, AO2: 10 marks, AO3: 10 marks)
One ‘analyse and evaluate’ essay question
Synoptic links
olistic synopticity: Links between papers, comparisonsof the UK and USA or links between
H
units 1 and 2 and ideologies.
QA are expecting to see links made within modules in paper 3, and between the modules
A
in paper 2, for example making links between the level of Congressional power and
federalism.
Answers must therefore have a clear synoptic aspect.
5|Page
9 mark question
Key Points from the AQA exam board
● ive a reason
G
● Give a good supporting example
● Explain how the example supports the reason and show why it supports the reason.
● Analysis: expand on the theoretical point made, e.g. how the different views on an issue
such as how Liberals view the state will have different consequences, and how events will
have an impact on their views.
● Analysis can also include terms such as “A contrasting view” or “A view presented which
focuses on…”
● No need for evaluation (e.g., this is the most important reason).
● Introductions gain no marks
● Lack of knowledge will always score poor marks, regardless of the quality of the analysis.
Sentence starters
One example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
A second example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
A final example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
9 mark questions require more knowledge and explanation, giving, and explaining a clear and detailed
case study for each point you make.
6|Page
7|Page
25 mark extract based essay questions
Key Points from the AQA exam board
K
● nowledge must come from the source; students must respond to the points made in the source.
● Students must compare the arguments presented in the source, as the source will always contain
contrasting arguments.
● Provenance is required and must be in a political context. Comment on the times in which the
thinkers were writing and how this would affect their writing.
● Also comment on the provenance within the extract, for example the vested interests of those
presenting the arguments.
● Look at the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments provided.
● Evaluation comes from using sentences such as ‘This argument seems particularly convincing
because….’
● Use an argument / counter argument approach.
● Requires a clear evaluative conclusion.
Sentence starters
T he extract presents two different viewpoints regarding ………….
Though both arguments have their flaws the more compelling argument is …………….
Firstly, it is important to consider the provenance of the extract(s) in the question ………….
There is also the issue of the provenance of those mentioned and cited in the extract …………
n argument presented by the extract is that…………….
A
The strengths of this argument are ……………………….
The weaknesses of this argument are …………………….
This argument seems particularly convincing because ……………….
Or
T his argument is less convincing because ……………….
A contrasting argument presented by the extract is that…………….
The strengths of this argument are ……………………….
The weaknesses of this argument are …………………….
This argument seems particularly convincing because ……………….
Or
T his argument is less convincing because ……………….
In conclusion, although both sides of the argument have their merits and flaws,
the argument that is stronger is ………….
This is stronger than the other argument because………….
25 mark questions require more analysis and evaluation of the points you are making, with brief
supporting knowledge
8|Page
9|Page
25 mark Feminist essay questions
Key Points from the AQA exam board
● T he statement must be evaluated and analysed.
● Students should be able to explain a statement in their own words.
● Adopt a clear position from the introduction.
● Use an argument / counter argument approach.
● Requires a clear evaluative conclusion. If the conclusion is absent or does not follow from
the previous discussion it automatically scores low marks.
A lot of knowledge is required in these answers.
●
● Analyse a statement, seek and present evidence to support or question it, and reach a
logical conclusion.
● The highest mark answers often challenge the premise of the question.
Essay structure
1. Introduction:
● S tate what your argument / view is going to be, and a couple of key factors either all in favour of
your view or one for and one against.
1. Main body:
• A t least two, no more than three, points in support of the assertion.
● At least two, no more than three, points to balance and counter the assertion.
● Start a new paragraph for each point, support with a range of examples, with detail and about the
example, and how that point supports the argument, this is analysis. Include and define any
relevant key terms. State how far that point helps to support or counter the assertion, and it links to
any other factors or examples, this is evaluation.
● Alternate between a point in support of your argument, and a point against it which you can
evaluate and discuss.
1. Conclusion:
● R
e-state the point of view you gave in the introduction, and which followed through the essay and
state your overall judgement, but don’t just summarise the arguments, clearly state your view.
Synopticity
T he essay questions are particularly synoptic, you should draw on and synthesise (combine) the knowledge,
understanding and skills gained throughout the course. A relevant reference to Mary Wollstonecraft would
be considered synoptic, as she is regarded as a liberal within this course.
10|Page
11|Page
Mark scheme for 9 mark questions
Level Mark Descriptors
3 7-9 ● D etailed knowledge of relevant political concepts, institutions
and processes is demonstrated, and appropriate political
vocabulary is used. (AO1).
● Thorough explanations and appropriate selection of accurate
supporting examples demonstrates detailed understanding of
relevant political concepts, institutions and processes (AO1).
● Analysis of three clear points will be structured, clearly
focused on the question and confidently developed into a
coherent answer (AO2).
● Students must make three points to achieve this level
2 4-6 ● G enerally sound knowledge of political concepts, institutions
and processes is demonstrated, and generally appropriate
political vocabulary is used (AO1).
● Some development of explanations and generally appropriate
selection of supporting examples demonstrates generally
accurate understanding of relevant political concepts,
institutions and processes, though further detail may be
required in places and some inaccuracies may be present
(AO1).
● Analysis will be developed in most places, though some points
may be descriptive or in need of further development.
● Answers will, for the most part, be clearly expressed and show
some organisation in the presentation of material (AO2).
● Students who only make two relevant points will be limited
to this level.
1 1-3 ● L imited knowledge of political concepts, institutions and
processes is demonstrated, and little or no appropriate
political vocabulary is used (AO1).
● Limited development of explanations and selection of
supporting examples demonstrates limited understanding of
relevant political concepts, institutions and processes, with
further detail required and inaccuracies present throughout
(AO1).
● Analysis will take the form of description for the most part.
Coherence and structure will be limited (AO2).
● Students who only make one relevant point will be limited to
this level.
12|Page
13|Page
Mark scheme for 25 mark extract based essays
Level M
ark Descriptors
5 21 - 25 ● D etailed and accurate knowledge and understanding of
relevant political concepts, institutions and processes are used
to support analysis of the issue under discussion (AO1).
● Analysis of the extract is balanced and confidently developed.
● Evaluation of the above leads to well substantiated
conclusions that are consistent with the preceding discussion.
(AO3).
● Relevant perspectives and/or the status of the extract are
successfully evaluated in the process of constructing
arguments (AO3).
● The answer is well organised, coherent and has a sustained
analytical focus on the question (AO2).
4 16 - 20 ● A ccurate knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
analysis of the issue under discussion, though further detail
may be required in places (AO1).
● Analysis of the extract is balanced and developed, though
some elements of the analysis could be expanded and/or
developed further.
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that show some
substantiation and are consistent with the preceding
discussion (AO3).
● Relevant perspectives and/or the status of the extract are
evaluated in constructing arguments, although in some places
there could be further development of the evaluation (AO3).
● The answer is well organised, analytical in style and is focused
on the question as set.
3 11 - 15 ● G enerally sound knowledge and understanding of relevant
political concepts, institutions and processes are used to
support points made, though inaccuracies will be present
(AO1)
● Analytical points relating to the extract are made and
developed in places, showing some balance, though some
points are descriptive rather than analytical. (A02).
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that are
consistent with the preceding discussion, but that lack
substantiation (AO3)
● Relevant perspectives and/or the status of the extract are
commented on in constructing arguments, though evaluation
is lacking depth. (AO3)
14|Page
● T he answer is organised, occasionally analytical and focused
on the question as set.
2 6 - 10 ● S ome knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
points made, though these contain inaccuracies and irrelevant
material (AO1).
● Analysis of the extract takes the form of description in most
places, with some attempt at balance, though many points are
unsupported assertions (AO2).
● Some attempt to draw conclusions is made, but these lack
depth and clear development from the preceding discussion
(AO3).
1 1 - 5 ● L imited knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes, with inaccuracies and
irrelevant material present throughout (AO1).
● Analysis of the extract takes the form of description and
assertion, with little or no attempt made at balance (AO2).
● Conclusions, when offered, are asserted and have an implicit
relationship to the preceding discussion (AO3).
● Little or no evaluation of relevant perspectives and the status
of the extract is present (AO3).
● The answer shows little organisation and does not address the
question (AO2).
15|Page
Mark scheme for 25 mark essays
Level M
ark Descriptors
5 21 - 25 ● D etailed and accurate knowledge and understanding of
relevant political concepts, institutions and processes are used
to support analysis of the issue under discussion (AO1).
● Analysis is balanced and confidently developed. (AO2).
● Synoptic links are well explained, are focussed on the question
and fully supported with relevant and developed examples
(AO2).
● Evaluation of the above leads to well substantiated
conclusions that are consistent with the preceding discussion.
(AO3).
● Relevant perspectives are successfully evaluated in the
process of constructing arguments (AO3).
● • The answer is well organised, coherent and has a sustained
analytical focus on the question (AO2).
4 16 - 20 ● A ccurate knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
analysis of the issue under discussion, though further
detail may be required in places (AO1).
● Analysis is balanced developed, though some elements of the
analysis could be expanded and/or developed further.
• Synoptic links are relevant to the questions as set and
supported with examples. (AO2).
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that show some
substantiation and consistent with the preceding discussion
(AO3).
● Relevant perspectives are evaluated in the process of
constructing arguments, although in some places there could
be further development of the evaluation (AO3).
● The answer is well organised, analytical in style and is focused
on the question as set.
3 11 - 15 ● G enerally sound knowledge and understanding of relevant
political concepts, institutions and processes are used to
support points made, though inaccuracies will be present
(AO1)
● Analytical points are made and developed in places, showing
some balance, though some points are descriptive rather than
analytical.
● Synoptic links will be made, though explanation will lack depth
(AO2).
16|Page
● E valuation of the above leads to conclusions that are
consistent with the preceding discussion, but that lack
substantiation (AO3)
● Relevant perspectives are commented on in the process of
constructing arguments, though evaluation is lacking depth.
(AO3)
● The answer is organised, occasionally analytical and focused
on the question as set.
2 6 - 10 ● S ome knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
points made, though these contain inaccuracies and
irrelevant material (AO1)
● Analysis takes the form of description in most places, with
some attempt at balance, though many points are
unsupported assertions (AO2).
● Synoptic links tend to be limited and undeveloped. (AO2).
● Some attempt to draw conclusions is made, but these lack
depth and clear development from the preceding discussion
(AO3).
● Relevant perspectives are identified, though evaluation will be
superficial (AO3)
● The answer shows some organisation and makes some
attempt to address the question (AO2).
1 1 - 5 ● L imited knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes, with inaccuracies and
irrelevant material present throughout (AO1)
● Analysis takes the form of description and assertion, with little
or no attempt made at balance (AO2)
● Few if any synoptic links are offered (AO2).
● Conclusions, when offered, are asserted and have an implicit
relationship to the preceding discussion (AO3).
● Little or no evaluation of relevant perspectives is present
(AO3).
● The answer shows little organisation and does not address the
question (AO2).
17|Page
Grade Boundaries
2019 2020* 2021* 2022** 2023
A* 83/231
1 71/231
1 65/231
1 67/231
1 76/231
1
A 158/231 145/231 139/231 140/231 150/231
B 132/231 121/231 114/231 95/231 123/231
C 106/231 97/231 89/231 71/231 96/231
D 81/231 73/231 65/231 47/231 69/231
E 56/231 50/231 41/231 23/231 42/231
*the covid years
** covid recovery year, slightly changed grade boundaries
18|Page
JCQ Grade Descriptors (2021)
Grade Descriptor
A* T o achieve grade A*, students’ evidence will show that they have securely met all the
statements within the grade A descriptor, with stronger performance in most or all aspects
of the grade A statements.
A • demonstrate comprehensive and accurate knowledge and understanding of political
concepts, ideas, institutions and processes and awareness of significant debates and
theories including aspects of comparative politics
• critically analyse aspects of politics and political information, noting parallels,
connections, similarities, and differences within the A-level specification; present
explanations and make comparisons with clarity and coherence, using appropriate political
vocabulary; support all statements and judgements with well-chosen examples; apply
relevant theory where appropriate and show it to be fully understood; maintain a sharp
focus in the analysis.
• Critically evaluate aspects of politics and political information with well supported
arguments and judgements, leading to reasoned conclusions that are fully consistent with
the preceding analysis
B Characteristics that differentiate a grade B from a grade A:
• answers show a slightly reduced breadth of knowledge of the specification, with
recognition of parallels, connections, similarities, and differences.
• answers make less use of supportive examples.
• answers may not always maintain a sharp focus on the question and conclusions may not
always clearly derive from the preceding analysis
C • demonstrate a range of generally accurate knowledge and understanding of political
concepts, ideas, institutions and processes and some awareness of significant debates and
theories, including aspects of comparative politics.
• analyse aspects of politics and political information, noting parallels, connections,
similarities, and differences within the A-level specification; present explanations and
make comparisons with reasonable clarity and coherence, using some political vocabulary;
support some statements and judgements with useful evidence; apply relevant theory
where appropriate; maintain a clear focus in the analysis.
• make a sound evaluation of aspects of politics and political information with supported
arguments and judgements, leading to reasoned conclusions that are largely consistent
with the preceding analysis.
D To achieve grade D, students’ evidence will show that they have securely met all the
statements within the grade E descriptor, with stronger performance in most or all aspects
of the grade E statements. However, their evidence does not meet the minimum
requirements of most of the grade C statements.
E • demonstrate limited knowledge and understanding of political concepts, ideas,
institutions and processes and limited awareness of significant debates and theories,
including aspects of comparative politics. Identify a limited range of supporting examples.
• offer a simplistic analysis of aspects of politics and political information, noting some
parallels, connections, similarities, and differences within the A-level specification; present
explanations and make comparisons with limited clarity and coherence using restricted
political vocabulary; support statements and judgements with limited evidence. Apply
little, if any, relevant theory; maintain limited focus in the analysis.
• make a limited evaluation of aspects of politics and political information, with simple
arguments and judgements, leading to conclusions that are not entirely consistent with
the preceding analysis.
19|Page
Core Ideologies
Liberalism
Key thinkers: J ohn Locke
Mary Wollstonecraft
John Stuart Mill
TH Green
John Rawls
Betty Friedan
Conservatism
Key thinkers: T homas Hobbes
Edmund Burke
Michael Oakeshott
Ayn Rand
Robert Nozick
Socialism
Key thinkers arl Marx / Frederich Engels*
K
Rosa Luxemburg
Beatrice Webb
Anthony Crossland
Anthony Giddens
‘Other ideology’
Feminism
Key thinkers: S imone de Beauvoir
Charlotte Perkins Gillman
bell hooks
Kate Millett
Sheila Rowbotham
*Marx & Engels should be considered one thinker, not two separate ones.
20|Page
Core Knowledge – Political Ideas and Ideologies
Core ideologies
Liberalism
Key concepts and terminology:
● the individual and freedom
● human nature, the state, society and the economy
● classical liberalism
● modern liberalism.
F ocus
Students should analyse and evaluate:
● debates about the nature of liberalism
● core liberal ideas and values concerning the individual and freedom
● classical liberalism, modern (new/progressive) liberalism
● in their study of the following thinkers students should focus on the aspects indicated after each thinker's
name and relate this to liberal thinking on human nature, the state, society and the economy:
o John Locke – natural rights, liberty and individualism, fiduciary power of government
o John Stuart Mill – criticism of hedonism, freedom, integrity and self respect of the individual, self
regarding and other regarding actions
o John Rawls – concept of justice, principles of justice
o Thomas Hill Green – self development/role of the State, negative and positive freedom
o Mary Wollstonecraft – equality and rights, 'revolution controversy', criticisms of aristocracy and
republicanism
o Betty Friedan – equal rights, Civil Rights and feminist movements in the USA.
Conservatism
Key concepts and terminology:
● g overnment, the free market, the individual
● authority, tradition, private property human nature, the state, society and the economy
● traditional conservatism
● the new right.
F ocus
Students should analyse and evaluate:
● ebates about the nature of conservatism
d
● core conservative ideas and values concerning government, the free market and the individual
● different strands of conservative thinking from traditional Conservatism to the New Right
● in their study of the following thinkers students should focus on the aspects indicated after each thinker's
name and relate this to conservative thinking on human nature, the state, society and the economy:
o Thomas Hobbes – concept of human nature/laws of nature, power of the sovereign/the individual
and self protection
o Edmund Burke – Anti-Jacobinism/Whig principles, Burke’s reaction to the American and French
Revolutions
o Michael Oakeshott – importance of tradition/criticisms of rationalism, ‘Politics of Faith’ vs ‘Politics of
Scepticism’
o Ayn Rand – opposition to collectivism and statism, rational and ethical egoism/individual rights
21|Page
o Robert Nozick – limited functions of the State, justification of inequalities of wealth resulting from
freely exchanged contracts.
Socialism
Key concepts and terminology:
● arxism, class analysis and fundamental goals of socialism
M
● human nature, the state, society and the economy
● revolutionary socialism
● social democracy.
F ocus
Students should analyse and evaluate:
● ebates about the nature of socialism
d
● core socialist views and values concerning Marxism, class analysis and the fundamental goals of socialism
● differing views and tensions within and between revolutionary socialism and social democracy
● in their study of the following thinkers students should focus on the aspects indicated after each thinker's
name and relate this to socialist thinking on human nature, the state, society and the economy:
o Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels – class and class struggle, dialectical materialism
o Rosa Luxemburg – inevitability of the triumph of revolution/capacity of the masses,
spontaneity/party oriented class struggle
o Beatrice Webb – co-operative movement, co-operative federalism and co-operative individualism
o Anthony Crosland – criticism of Marxism/Revisionism, rejection of nationalisation as central goal of
party, political values of personal liberty, social welfare and equality
o Anthony Giddens – rejection of traditional conception of socialism, the ‘Third Way’ in politics,
combination of right wing economic and left wing social policies.
Feminism
Key concepts and terminology:
e
● quality of treatment, recognition of gender differences
● human nature, the state, society and the economy
● liberal feminism, radical feminism.
F ocus
Students should analyse and evaluate:
d
● ebates about the nature of feminism
● core feminist views and values concerning equality of treatment, recognition of gender differences,
a ffirmative action
● liberal feminism and radical feminism, and more recent developments such as difference feminism and
post-feminism
in their study of the following thinkers students should focus on the aspects indicated after each thinker's
●
name and relate this to feminist thinking on human nature, the state, society and the economy:
o Charlotte Perkins Gilman – reform Darwinism, role of females in society, androcentric culture
o Simone de Beauvoir – feminist existentialism, patriarchal society, feminism and socialsim
o Kate Millett – theory of sexual politics, radical feminism
o Sheila Rowbotham – oppresssion of women and the working class, socialist feminism
o bell hooks (Gloria Jean Watkins) – intersectionality, education gap between those lower in the
economic scale and the leader of the feminist movement.
22|Page
Core Ideology 1: Liberalism
9 mark questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
E xplain and analyse three ways that liberal thinks have 2018
viewed state intervention
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberalism limits 2019
individual freedom
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have 2020
viewed the role of the state.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have 2021
viewed human nature.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which liberal thinkers 2022
define freedom
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have 2023
viewed the economy.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have
viewed society.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have
viewed government.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
individualism is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of liberty
is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
freedom is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
laissez-faire is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
equality is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
rationalism is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of reason
is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
tolerance is significant to Liberal thinkers.
23|Page
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
representation is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
democracy is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
government is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of limited
government is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of social
justice is significant to Liberal thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of human
rights is significant to Liberal thinkers.
25 mark extract based questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract about Liberalism’s
approach to the role of the state. In your answer you
should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
(use extract L1)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the role of the state
in a Liberal Society. In your answer you should refer
to the thinkers that you have studied.
(use extract L2)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the means of
achieving liberty and freedom in a Liberal Society. In
your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you
have studied. (use extract L3)
nalyse,evaluate,andcomparetheargumentsbeing
A
made in the above extractovertheroleofthestate
in liberalism.(use extract L4)
nalyse and evaluate the arguments being made in
A
the above extract over the role of the freedom within
liberalism.(use extract L5)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the liberal view of the
24|Page
r ole of the state. In your answer, you should refer to
the thinkers you have studied. (use extract L6)
25|Page
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments in the
A
extract above that liberalism is an ideology based on
freedom from government influence. (use extract L7)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the
A 2021
above extracts on the nature of liberalism in society. In your
answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
(use extract L8)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the 2023
A
above extracts about freedom and its limitations. In your
answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have
studied. (use extract L9)
26|Page
Extract L1 – Liberalism
J ohn Locke’s major work on political philosophy, two treatises of government, was written as a reaction to
the absolute monarchy's that existed unlimited powers over people in the name of God. It makes the
argument that the state is created by rational individuals through the social contract. Individuals come
together to form state for the sole purpose of protecting the natural rights of life, liberty, and property. This
gives rise to two very important ideas. First the state is created with the consent of the people and relies on
the ongoing consent of the people. This provides theoretical basis for democratic government, although
Locke argues that the government should only reflect the will of property owning men. The second key
issue is that the state should have only a minimal role in protecting life liberty and property. Beyond that
the individual should be free to exercise their reason. In addition to this lock opposed and feared any form
of absolute power seeing it as a key threat to natural rights and so proposed a form of limited government.
This meant the state should be limited by the principle of constitutionalism and there should be a clear
separation of power between the executive and the legislature.
Source: original material 2018
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract about Liberalism’s
A
approach to the role of the state. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
Extract L2 – Liberalism
Freedom, individuals, and society
e shall probably all agree that freedom, is the greatest of blessings; that its attainment is the true end of
W
all our effort as citizens. But when we thus speak of freedom, we should consider carefully what we mean
by it. If the idea of true freedom is the maximum of power for all members of society to make the best of
themselves, we are right in refusing to ascribe the glory of freedom to a state in which the apparent
elevation of the few is founded on the degradation of the many.
ur modern legislation then with reference to labour, and education, and health, involving as it does
O
interference with freedom of contract, is justified on the ground that it is the business of the state, not
indeed directly to promote moral goodness, for that, from the very nature of moral goodness, it cannot do,
but to maintain the conditions without which a free exercise of the human faculties is impossible. .
ow we shall probably all agree that a society in which the public health was duly protected, and necessary
N
education duly provided for, by the spontaneous action of individuals, was in a higher condition than one in
which the compulsion of law was needed to secure these ends. But we must take men as we find them.
Until such a condition of society is reached, it is the business of the state to take the best security it can for
the young citizens growing up in such health and with so much knowledge as is necessary for their real
freedom.
Extract adapted from Thomas Hill Green "Liberal Legislation and Freedom of Contract" (1861)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the role of the state in
A
a Liberal Society. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
27|Page
Extract L3 – Liberalism
A Just society
J ustice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought. A theory however elegant
and economical must be rejected or revised if it is untrue; likewise laws and institutions no matter how
efficient and well-arranged must be reformed or abolished if they are unjust. Each person possesses an
inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override. For this reason,
justice denies that the loss of freedom for some is made right by a greater good shared by others. It does
not allow that the sacrifices imposed on a few are outweighed by the larger sum of advantages enjoyed by
many. Therefore in a just society the liberties of equal citizenship are taken as settled; the rights secured by
justice are not subject to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests.”
“ The natural distribution is neither just nor unjust; nor is it unjust that persons are born into society at
some particular position. These are simply natural facts. What is just and unjust is the way that institutions
deal with these facts.
Extract from ‘A Theory of Justice’ (1971) by John Rawls
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the means of
A
achieving liberty and freedom in a Liberal Society. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you
have studied.
Extract L4 - Liberalism
TH Green and Nineteenth century Liberalism
T .H. Green, writing in the 1870s, attempted to adapt liberalism, and its language of freedom and rights, so
as to give the government a positive role in a much wider range of social activities. Accepting older
liberalism and its defence of property and the free market had itself encouraged not only development and
property and prosperity and wretchedness and poverty, he attempted to realise the traditional goal of
self-fulfilment by the use of the new means of state interference for social purposes.
reen believed that the state’s role is thus not one that limits freedom but one which encourages its full
G
development. He argued that liberals must discard their traditional distrust of the law as the vehicle for
privilege and begin to see it as the instrument of freedom, the creation of those conditions that are
necessary for the development of men’s full potential.
E nlightened state action was inserted into the liberal tradition as a means of democratising and making
practical its old appeal to freedom which, in the face of industrialisation, urbanisation and the free market,
was seen by many as an empty and outmoded concept.
T his extract is adapted from ‘Liberalism’ Chapter 12; Political Theory in Retrospect by Geraint Williams,
1991.
Analyse,evaluate,andcomparetheargumentsbeingmadeintheaboveextractovertheroleofthestate
in liberalism.
28|Page
Extract L5 – Liberalism
awls’s “A Theory of Justice” sold over half a million copies, reinvigorated political philosophy and anchored
R
debates between liberals for decades to follow. It posited a thought experiment: the veil of ignorance.
Behind the veil, people do not know their talents, class, gender, or even which generation in history they
belong to. By thinking about what people would agree to behind the veil, Rawls thought, it is possible to
ascertain what is just.
T o begin with, Rawls argued, they would enshrine the most extensive scheme of inalienable “basic
liberties” that could be offered on equal terms to all. Basic liberties are those rights that are essential for
humans to exercise their unique power of moral reasoning. Much as Isiah Berlin thought the power to
choose between conflicting ideals was fundamental to human existence, so Rawls argued that the capacity
to reason gives humanity its worth. Basic liberties thus include those of thought, association and
occupation, plus a limited right to hold personal property.
ut extensive property rights, allowing unlimited accumulation of wealth, do not feature. Instead, Rawls
B
thought the veil of ignorance yields two principles to regulate markets. First, there must be equality of
opportunity for positions of status and wealth. Second, inequalities can be permitted only if they benefit
the least well-off—a rule dubbed the “difference principle”. Wealth, if it is to be generated, must trickle all
the way down. Only such a rule, Rawls thought, could maintain society as a co-operative venture between
willing participants. Even the poorest would know that they were being helped, not hindered, by the
success of others. “In justice as fairness”—Rawls’s name for his philosophy— “men agree to share one
another’s fate.”
T his extract is adapted from the Economist – ‘Three post-war liberals strove to establish the meaning of
freedom: Berlin, Rawls and Nozick put their faith in the sanctity of the individual
nalyse and evaluate the arguments being made in the above extract over the role of the freedom within
A
liberalism.
29|Page
Extract L6 – Liberalism
The Liberal view of the state
L ocke’s work explained that, within a state of nature there would be clashes of interests between
individuals pursuing their own egotistical agendas. Being a rational species, Locke argued, mankind would
recognise the need for a mechanism to arbitrate competing claims of individuals. As a result, Locke
envisaged that individuals would enter into a ‘social contract’. The informal state of nature would thus give
way to the ‘state’ as we understand it today – one that Locke dubbed the state of law.
L ocke insisted that the principle of consent was ongoing and not just foundational. So if citizens believed
the original contract was broken by governments they could withdraw their consent. Locke believed that
political power should only be dispersed to property owners.
F or classical liberals like Locke liberty was negative, denoting the absence of restrain. As such the state
should take a generally laissez-faire approach to society and the economy, minimizing laws, spending and
taxation.
Extract summarising the work of John Locke 1632-1704
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the liberal view of the
A
role of the state. In your answer, you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
Extract L7 – Liberalism
What is Liberalism?
L iberalism as a political philosophy is historically a very American ideology. Its foundational framework,
espoused by Enlightenment Thinkers such as John Locke, holds that government’s role is to protect the
natural rights of the people, rights such as life, liberty and property. If government does not uphold this
responsibility, the people are justified to throw off such government…
s a political theory, liberalism developed precisely in response to tyrannical, absolutist governments
A
depriving individuals of their freedom. It was Locke’s ideas that were the cause of the Glorious Revolution,
the American Revolution and the French Revolution. The most fundamental values of our American
Democracy outlined in the constitution and Declaration of Independence such as freedom of religion,
speech, self-determination, equality, all stem from the liberal tradition.”
“Liberalism today, however, means that we are not free from the government any longer.”
E xtract from ‘The Problem with Modern Liberalism’ by Matthew Weisenborn in Catholic Journal,
published 2017
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments in the extract above that liberalism is an ideology based on
A
freedom from government influence.
30|Page
Extract L8 – Liberalism
Extract 1 John Locke on the social contract
F or Locke, legitimate government is instituted by the consent of those governed. Those who make this agreement
transfer to government their right of executing the law of nature and judging their own case. Locke states in the Two
Treatises that the power of the Government is limited to the public good and upholding natural law. It is a power that
hath ‘no other end but preservation’ and therefore cannot justify killing, enslaving, or stealing from the citizens.
Some supporters of classical liberalism read this as stating that governments exist only to protect people from
infringements on their rights.
Extract 2 Rawls’s Original Position
The Original Position is a thought experiment: an imaginary situation in which each real citizen has a representative,
and all of these representatives come to an agreement on which principles of justice should order the political
institutions of the real citizens. As part of the Original Position citizens will consent to the laws that regulate property,
contract, taxation, inheritance, hiring and minimum wages, and so on. Their task is not to allocate some fixed set of
goods that appear from nowhere, but rather to devise a set of institutions for education, production, and distribution
whose operation will ensure fair equality of opportunity over time.
The above extracts are adapted from Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, which is published by an American Ivy
League university (the American version of the Russell group).
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extracts on the nature of liberalism in society. In
A
your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
31|Page
Extract L9 Liberalism
Extract1
The importance of individual freedom and tolerance
o society in which liberties are not, on the whole, respected, is free, and no society is completely free where
N
liberties exist absolute and unqualified. The only freedom which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own
good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain
it. Each is the proper guardian of his own health, whether bodily, or mental or spiritual. Mankind are greater
gainers by suffering each other to live as seems good to themselves, than by compelling each to live as seems
good to the rest.
Extract adapted from J S Mill,On Liberty,publishedin 1859.
Extract 2
Social discrimination and freedom
T here is no denying that there has been and is still discrimination on the basis of gender and of race.
Furthermore, in a time of economic stress, there's a danger of women and people of colour becoming
scapegoats. But I do believe that access to employment and earning is key; once that's in place, many of the
social problems are relieved.
T here's no question that the black middle class has benefited greatly by the civil rights movement. But there is
a large black underclass that still does not have access to jobs. If there's no clear road to income and status
except crime, we should expect social problems. You can't solve this problem without addressing the economic
issues, and the same is true with gender.
Extract from Betty Friedan in an interview, 1994.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extracts about freedom and its limitations. In your
A
answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
32|Page
Core Ideology 2: Conservatism
9 mark questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of 2018
tradition is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Conservative thinkers 2019
have viewed human nature.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Conservative thinkers 2020
have viewed the economy.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which conservative 2021
thinkers have viewed the role of the individual in society.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which liberal thinkers 2022
define freedom
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of 2023
authority is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Conservative thinkers
have viewed the state.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Conservative thinkers
have viewed society.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Conservative thinkers
have viewed government.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of Human
Imperfection is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Empiricism is
significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
evidence over theory is significant to Conservative
thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that organicism is
significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
localism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
33|Page
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
morality is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
hierarchy is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
paternalism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
property significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of order
is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of nation
is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the nation state is
significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the ruling class is
significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of ‘one
nation’ is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
Christian Democracy is significant to Conservative
thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
Supranationalism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
pragmatism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
Capitalism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of the
anti-permissive state is significant to Conservative
thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
atomism is significant to Conservative thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which Conservatism has
prevented revolution.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which Conservative
thought has led to revolution and protest.
25 mark extract based questions
34|Page
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made 2020
A
in the above extracts as to the significance of society
within conservatism. In your answer you should refer to
the thinkers you have studied. (use extract C1)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in
A 2022
the above extract on the role of the state. In your answer
you should refer to the thinkers you have studied. (use
extract C2)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the role of state over
the individual in a Conservative society. In your
answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have
studied. (use extract C3)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the role of tradition
and order in a Conservative society. In your answer
you should refer to the thinkers that you have
studied. (use extract C4)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the role of tradition
and scepticism in Conservative thought. In your
answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have
studied. (use extract C5)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the means of
achieving a free market economy. In your answer you
should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
(use extract C6)
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extracts over conservative views
on the state. In your answer you should refer to the
thinkers you have studied. (use extract C7)
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extracts over conservative views
on human nature. In your answer you should refer to
the thinkers you have studied. (use extract C8)
35|Page
Extract C1 - Conservatism
Conservatism and society
E xtract 1
Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them (without violating their
rights). So strong and far-reaching are these rights that they raise the question of what, if anything, that
state and its officials may do. How much room do individual rights leave for the state? The nature of the
state, its legitimate functions in society and its justifications, if any, is the central concern of this book; a
wide and diverse variety of topics intertwine in the course of our investigation.
Extract adapted from Anarchy, State and Utopia, Robert Nozick (1974)
E xtract 2
Society is indeed a contract. As the ends of such a partnership cannot be obtained in many generations, it
becomes a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those
who are dead, and those who are to be born. Each contract of each particular state is but a clause in the
great primeval contract of eternal society, linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting the visible
and invisible world, according to a fixed compact sanctioned by the inviolable oath which holds all physical
and all moral natures, each in their
appointed place.
Extract from Reflections on the Revolution in France, Edmund Burke (1790)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts as to the significance of society
A
within conservatism. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
36|Page
Extract C2 - Conservatism
The role of government
A proper government is only a policeman
T he only proper purpose of a government is to protect man’s rights, which means: to protect him
from physical violence. A proper government is only a policeman, acting as an agent of man’s
self-defense, and, as such, may resort to force only against those who start the use of force.
The only proper functions of a government are: the police, to protect you from criminals; the
army, to protect you from foreign invaders; and the courts, to protect your property and contracts
from breach or fraud by others, to settle disputes by rational rules, according to objective law.
Extract taken from Ayn Rand, The Virtue of Selfishness, published in 1964.
E xtract 2
The purpose of government is to keep afloat
In political activity (the role of the state in society and the economy)... men sail a boundless and
bottomless sea; there is neither harbour for shelter nor floor for anchorage, neither starting-place
nor appointed destination. The enterprise (the purpose of government) is to keep afloat on an
even keel; the sea is both friend and enemy, and the seamanship consists in using the
resources of a traditional manner of behaviour in order to make a friend of every hostile
occasion.
E xtract adapted from Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays by Michael Oakeshott,
published in 1962.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extract on the role of the state. In your answer you
A
should refer to the thinkers you have studied. (use extract C2)
37|Page
Extract C3 – Conservatism
An Analysis of Leviathan
obbes’s philosophy was that the state was a superstructure, a composite organism made up of many
H
individual parts.
T hose constituent parts were its inhabitants, its citizens, who were bound together by aspects of shared
identity and the agreement about their commonalities. Hobbes viewed this organism of the state as being
unstable and highly vulnerable in its native state,
S ocieties, wrote Hobbes, are susceptible to internal chaos because of the competing and disparate needs of
the individual organisms who are subject to the whims of their own passions and needs, whether actual or
perceived. Among these passions and needs, Hobbes enumerated several, including the abstractions of
“appetite, desire, love, aversion, hate, joy, and grief". Individuals are also governed, Hobbes argued, by
what he referred to as “the desire of ease", which may be understood as individuals trying to make the
realization of their passions and needs as easy as possible, exerting the least amount of effort necessary.
F or these reasons, Hobbes proposed that “a common power" was necessary “to keep [the individuals
under control". That common power was a government, and the government, in turn, was
headed—literally, in Hobbes’s metaphoric symbology of the Leviathan—by a single figure in who power
was invested by social agreement. In a democratic society, that social agreement would be forged by means
of election. Whether allof the individual organismsvoted for the commanding authority was an irrelevant
consideration; the social contract was that the constituents would accept the individual as a representative
endowed with special powers and the right to guide them.
rticle written by Nicole Smith (2012) for the ArticleMyriad website, a website dedicated to the study of
A
the Humanities
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the role of state
A
over the individual in a Conservative society. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you
have studied.
38|Page
Extract C4 - Conservatism
The Changing Face of British Conservatism
any of Conservatism’s enduring ideas, contrary to perceptions today, were forged in the heartland of the
M
industrial north of England.
progressive Irish MP, Edmund Burke, was horrified by events on the other side of the Channel - and in his
A
response to the French revolution, you can detect the beginnings of modern British conservatism.
urke was no reactionary but in the French Revolution, he saw such a destructive threat to the existing
B
order that he felt the need to step back and work out what was good about British life, from the role of the
Church to the way landowners were represented in Parliament.
nd his reaction influenced the dominant belief system of the British - a "small-C" conservatism. As Britain
A
entered the Victorian era, the Industrial Revolution brought radical reforms - and violent unrest.
To some, it threatened just as terrifying an upheaval in British certainties as the revolution in France.
T he young future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli was deeply influenced by Burke, and his own sense of
the English feudal past. And in the face of the campaign for Free Trade, which would leave farmers exposed
to international competition, Disraeli fought back and defended the old social systems.
S ome of this drive back to the past was quite uncompromising - but other conservatives were more
moderate. Like the man who adopted the word to rename the old Tory Party as the Conservative Party -
Robert Peel.
F aced with radical unrest, he opened up the idea of conservatism to the urban middle class who might have
thought it was just for the old Tory landowners.
o, said Peel - if you believe in the Church and the monarchy and good order, you too hold conservative
N
values.
rticle written by Anne McElvoy in 2013, a BBC Radio 4 Producer of a 10 part radio series looking at the
A
history of Conservatism in the UK.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the role of tradition
A
and order in a Conservative society. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
39|Page
Extract C5 - Conservatism
The Meaning of Michael Oakeshott’s Conservatism
hat then were the essential components of Oakeshott’s conservatism? Oakeshott’s view that politics is,
W
and ought to be, a limitedactivity: i.e., that allof life should not be conducted in the mode of “the
political.” A tendency to politicize everything was prevalent in his day, but it appears to be even more so in
ours. Politics has become for many of us the litmus test for friendship and association. Oakeshott found
meaning outside the world of politics. Oakeshott was a sceptic who believed that life could not be
perfected in this world, and that our “Rationalist” tendency to think it can was a dangerous mistake.
S econd, although Oakeshott’s conservatism was sceptical, it was no harsh, ascetic scepticism. It was
particularly English. It was expressly traditional and rooted in a particular culture. English life possessed a
continuity that many other societies did not. Its character, was marked by “a deeply ingrained patriotism
and sense of place, a habitual preference for the practical over the theoretical.”
T he third point is related to the English character of his thought, and it is perhaps one of the most
conventionally conservative aspects of his thinking. Oakeshott saw that authentic engagement in a tradition
could only be cultivated over successive generations. It required an investment in the past and particularly
in liberal education,
E specially toward the end of his life, he began to see that much in modern society tended toward, in a
memorable phrase, “barbaric affluence”.
E xtract adapted from a review of ‘The Meaning of Michael Oakeshott’s Conservatism’ by Elizabeth
Campbell Corey(Associate Professor of Political Scienceat Baylor University. She is author of Michael
Oakeshott on Religion, Aesthetics, and Politics (Missouri, 2006).)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the role of tradition
A
and scepticism in Conservative thought. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have
studied.
40|Page
Extract C6 – Conservatism
In a free economy, where no man or group of men can use physical coercion against anyone, economic
power can be achieved only by voluntarymeans: bythe voluntary choice and agreement of all those who
participate in the process of production and trade. In a free market, all prices, wages, and profits are
determined—not by the arbitrary whim of the rich or of the poor, not by anyone’s “greed” or by anyone’s
need—but by the law of supply and demand. The mechanism of a free market reflects and sums up all the
economic choices and decisions made by all the participants. Men trade their goods or services by mutual
consent to mutual advantage, according to their own independent, uncoerced judgment. A man can grow
rich only if he is able to offer better values—better products or services, at a lower price—than others are
able to offer.
ealth, in a free market, is achieved by a free, general, “democratic” vote—by the sales and the
W
purchasesof every individual who takes part in the economic life of the country. Whenever you buy one
product rather than another, you are voting for the success of some manufacturer. And, in this type of
voting, every man votes only on those matters which he is qualified to judge: on his own preferences,
interests, and needs. No one has the power to decide for others or to substitute h
isjudgment for theirs;no
one has the power to appoint himself “the voice of the public” and to leave the public voiceless and
disfranchised.
Extract taken from ‘Capitalism, the unknown ideal ‘ by Ayn Rand, published in 1986.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the means of
A
achieving a free market economy. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied.
41|Page
Extract C7 - Conservatism
Anarchy, State, and Utopia
Individuals have rights, and there are things that no person or group may do to them (without violating
their rights). Individuals may not be used in certain ways by others as means or tools or instruments. So
strong and far reaching are these rights that they raise the question of what, if anything, the state and its
officials may do. How much room do individual rights leave for the state? Whether or not people’s assets
are arbitrary from a moral point of view, they are entitled to them and to what flows from them. The
principles of distributive justice involve appropriating the actions of other persons. Whether it is done
through taxation, or wages, or on wages over a certain amount, or through seizure of profits or through
there being a social pot so that it’s not clear what’s coming from where and what’s going where.Seizingthe
results of someone’s labour is equivalent to seizing hours from him and directing him to carry on various
activities. This process … makes [those who carry it out] a part-owner of you; it gives them a property right
in you. Just as having such partial control and power of decision, by right, over an animal or inanimate
object would be to have a property right in it. Taxation is then a form of forced labour. The general point…
is that no end-state principle or distributional patterned principle of justice can be continually realized
without continuous interference with people’s lives. A minimal state, limited to the narrow functions of
protection against force, theft, fraud, enforcement of contracts, and so on, is justified... any more extensive
state will violate persons’ rights not to be forced to do things, and is unjustified. Is not the minimalstate,
the framework for utopia, an inspiring vision?
Extracts adapted from Robert NozickAnarchy, Stateand Utopiafirst published in 1974.
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts over conservative views
A
on the state. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
42|Page
Extract C8 - Conservatism
T homas Hobbes in his work Leviathan (1651) was writing in response to the English Civil War (1642 – 51) he
was clearly deeply shaped by the anarchy that he saw. However, this work clearly precedes the birth of
conservatism, and they should not be taken into consideration when reflecting on Hobbes’s influence on
conservatism. In his night state of nature, life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. He comes to this
conclusion based on a very gloomy and cynical view of human nature, believing that in the absence of
government human nature will bring individuals into severe conflict. He sees humans as selfish, restlessly
seeking power after power in order to be successful in achieving their objects of desire. This leads to
competition between individuals and this competition leads to conflict as all humans are roughly equal in
strength and skill and so have the equal capacity to harm or kill one another. Given that resources are
scarce, humans will be in constant competition for these resources and will be constantly fearful of others
in a war of all against all. As humans are rational their first fundamental law is that humans seek peace and
security. This leads individuals to come together to create an absolute sovereign who will severely punish
anyone who disobeys the law. This sovereign has the absolute power to create stability, order, and security
which are the necessary conditions for the emergence of society.
Source: original material 2018.
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts over conservative views
A
on human nature. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
43|Page
Core Ideology 3: Socialism
9 mark questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of human 2018
nature is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have 2019
view the concept of Capitalism
E xplain and analyse three ways in which socialist thinkers 2020
have viewed the concept of equality.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have 2021
viewed the role of the state.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have 2022
viewed human nature.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which socialist thinkers 2023
view the concept of class.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have
viewed society.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have
viewed government.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have
viewed the economy.
E xplain and analyse three ways that Socialist thinkers have
viewed democracy.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of class is
significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that revolution is
significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
struggle is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that class struggle is
significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that equality is significant
to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that collectivism is
significant to Socialist thinkers.
44|Page
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
common ownership is significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of social
justice is significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
centralism is significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of history
is significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
democratic centralism is significant to Socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of social
democracy is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of class
consciousness is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
capitalism is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of the
proletariat is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of state
intervention is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
freedom is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of a fairer
society is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
‘positive liberty’ is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
co-operation is significant to socialist thinkers.
E xplain and analyse three ways that the concept of
Fraternity is significant to socialist thinkers.
25 mark extract based questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A 2018
made in the above extract over the means of achieving
socialism. In your answer, you should refer to the
thinkers you have studied. (use extract S1)
45|Page
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A 2019
made in the above extracts as to the significance of
social class within socialism. In your answer you may
refer to the thinkers you have studied.
(use extract S2)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the
A
above extract about the role of the economy in
achieving a socialist state. (use extract S3)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the
A
above extract over the relevance of Marx’s ideas to a
modern society. (use extract S4)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the
A
above extract about the role of democracy in a
socialist state. (use extract S5)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the
A
above extract about the role of gradualism in
achieving the aims of a socialist state. (use extract S6)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being
A
made in the above article over the significance of
workers controlling the means of production to socialist
thinkers. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers
you have studied (use extract S7)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being
A
made in the above article over the significance of
equality to socialist thinkers. In your answer you should
refer to the thinkers you have studied (use extract S8)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being
A
made in the above article over the significance of a
capitalist economy to socialist thinkers. In your answer
you should refer to the thinkers you have studied. (use
extract S9)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract about the means of
achieving socialism. In your answer, you should refer
to the thinker you have studied. (use extract S10)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above extract over the importance of
workers controlling the means of production to
socialists. In your answer, you should refer to the
thinkers you have studied. (use extract S11)
46|Page
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being
A
made in the above socialism’s view of the state. In
your answer, you should refer to the thinkers you
have studied. (use extract S12)
47|Page
Extract S1 - Socialism
The means of achieving Socialism
ost early socialists in the UK were firmly committed to parliamentary democracy which had rapidly
M
expanded in the late 19th and early 20th century. Their short-term objectives for any majority Labour
Government were to:
• Abolish poverty and create a social service state
• Achieve a greater degree of equalisation of wealth
• Undertake economic planning for full employment and stability
T hese ideas were expressed by Fabians such as Beatrice Webb.
This was a gradualist approach which aimed to change society incrementally by working through existing
structures. However, many socialists, whilst accepting these aims in principle, thought that they were
probably unattainable within the existing economic framework. Drawing on a predominantly Marxist
analysis, influenced by political events elsewhere in Europe, they believed that capitalism itself must first
be overthrown by force. Without this, it was argued, reform would be made impossible; either because
the whole system was in process of decline or because of the entrenched power and reactionary
attitudes of the capitalist ruling-class.
The influence of this Marxist analysis in the 1930s, reflected a debate without precedent in the history of
the British Labour Movement; a movement which had traditionally been so aggressively anti-ideological.
Extract adapted from The Future of Socialism by Anthony Crosland, published in 1956
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the means of
A
achieving socialism. In your answer, you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
48|Page
Extract S2- Socialism
Arguments Concerning Socialism
Extract 1
arl Marx and Friederich Engels argued that “the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class
K
struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild master and journeyman, in a
word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another …. A fight that each time
ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
T he Modern Bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with
class antagonisms. It has ….. established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle
in place of the old ones.
ur epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature; it has simplified class
O
antagonisms. Society as a whole is more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes
directly facing each other – Bourgeoise and Proleteriat.”
Extract adapted from ‘The Communist Manifesto’ (Marx and Engels)
Extract 2
ccording to Anthony Giddens, “The Labour government has concentrated upon investment in education
A
as the main means if improving mobility. This is important, but almost certainly not enough. One of the
lessons we may learn from the Scandinavians is that mobility increases as inequality decreases. Reducing
inequality and creating greater chances of mobility are not alternatives, but are independent. Education
often reflects wider inequalities rather than muting them. We have to work to reduce inequalities at
sources if we want to establish a fairer society.
E xtract adapted from ‘You need greater equality to achieve more social mobility’ (Anthony Giddens for
the Guardian, 2007)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts as to the significance of
A
social class within socialism. In your answer you may refer to the thinkers you have studied.
49|Page
Extract S3 - Socialism
The Marxist Perspective on Society
nder Capitalism there are two basic classes- The Bourgeois and The Proletariat. The relationship
U
between these two classes is exploitative because the amount of money the employer pays the worker
is less than the total value of goods that worker produces. The difference between the two is
called surplus value. Marx thus says that the capitalist extracts surplus value from the worker. To
Marx, Profit is basically the accumulated exploitation of workers in capitalist society.
ccording to Marx those who have economic power control all other institutions. During Marx’s day
A
there was some evidence to suggest this was true – Voting was restricted to men with property; The
Bourgeois use their control of institutions to keep the masses ignorant of their exploitation – this is
known as ideological control, this results in False Consciousness – individuals not being aware
(conscious) of their true class position or their exploitation by the ruling class. They are in a state of
illusion.
arx argued that the Capitalism had within it the seeds of its own destruction – it would eventually
M
create the social conditions that would lead to its downfall. In order to stay competitive, Capitalists
would have to sell goods at lower prices, which would mean reduced profit. This would then encourage
Capitalists to seek to reduce wages and increase efficiency– making the working conditions of the
proletariat ever worse. Marx theorised that increasing numbers of increasingly exploited proletarians
crammed into ever expanding cities (where factories were based) would eventually lead to a violent
revolution – in which the proletariat would throw off their oppressors.
F ollowing the overthrow of the Bourgeois – society would eventually organise itself along Communist
lines – where the means of production are collectively owned (no private property) and everyone has
equal wealth.
Extract adapted from the revise sociology website (2016), designed for second year A level students
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract about the role of the economy in
A
achieving a socialist state.
50|Page
Extract S4 – Socialism
Criticisms of the traditional Marxist view of society
T he class structure today is more complex than Bourgeois-Proletariat. In most Western Nations there is
an extensive middle class who have stocks and shares invested in Corporations run by what Marxists would
call the ‘Capitalist Class’. Also in Britain 70% of people own their own homes and see these homes (our
private property) as ‘economic assets’ so many of us are, in a sense, capitalists.
apitalism today is less exploitative – Two historical examples of this are when Henry Ford, the famous car
C
manufacturer, realised that paying his workers good wages would generate demand for the cars he
produced – a process which lead to workers being less exploited and ‘buying into’ the Capitalist system. A
second example is the move towards ‘Keynsian Economics’ in which the state came to play a more central
role in regulating Capitalism to ensure that worst excesses of exploitation, inequality and insecurity that
pure Capitalism generates were minimised. Part of this involved the introduction of the welfare state in
many European Countries after the Second World War. In the United Kingdom the state now provides
universal health care, education, pensions and social security, as well as guaranteeing a minimum wage. All
of these things act as a safety net to ensure that the worst excesses of Capitalist exploitation are
ameliorated.
Extract adapted from the revise sociology website, designed for second year A level students (2016)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract over the relevance of Marx’s ideas to a
A
modern society.
51|Page
Extract S5 - Socialism
The Problems of Dictatorship
Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party is no freedom at all
hen all this is eliminated, what really remains? In place of the representative bodies created by general,
W
popular elections, Lenin and Trotsky (leaders of the Russian revolution) have laid down the soviets (workers
councils) as the only true representation of political life in the land as a whole,
ithout general elections, without unrestricted freedom of press and assembly, without a free struggle of
W
opinion, life dies out in every public institution, becomes a mere semblance of life, in which only the
bureaucracy remains as the active element. Public life gradually falls asleep, a few dozen party leaders of
inexhaustible energy and boundless experience direct and rule.
mong them, in reality only a dozen outstanding heads do the leading and an elite of the working class is
A
invited from time to time to meetings where they are to applaud the speeches of the leaders, and to
approve proposed resolutions unanimously. This is a dictatorship, to be sure, not the dictatorship of the
proletariat but only the dictatorship of a handful of politicians.
Extract adapted from"The Problem of Dictatorship"by Rosa Luxembourg (1918)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract about the role of democracy in a
A
socialist state.
52|Page
Extract S6 – Socialism
Beatrice Webb: social reformer
eatrice Webb richly deserves a place in the pantheon of Labour history. For, using the skills of social
B
investigation that she learned assisting Booth in his Inquiry into the People of London, and a relatively
late-found commitment to Fabian socialism, she did more than anyone to expose the failings of the workhouse
system that had blighted people’s lives for nearly a century.
S idney and Beatrice worked so closely that they are usually referred to in a single breath. Together they drafted
the 1918 constitution of the Labour Party, although she would have been bemused by the idea that Clause IV of
the Labour Party constitution, which she helped to draft, would become an icon for the Left.
eatrice Webb will be most remembered for her role on the Royal Commission on the Poor Law, established in
B
December 1905. Beatrice’s minority report, published in 1909, attracted the support of only three of the 19
other members of the Commission. Its importance lay in the assertion that the emphasis should be placed on
prevention not cure, and its insistence that poverty was a problem for society not for the individual to solve.
massive campaign followed, first through the National Committee for the Break-up of the Poor Law, which
A
within a matter of months had recruited 16,000 members, among them Labour and Liberal MPs, trade unions
and a distinguished list of the great and good.
lthough the campaign failed to achieve its aims in the short term, it did force a rethink of policy approaches.
A
Insurance Acts in 1911 and 1916 were based on the principles set out by Beatrice Webb, and in 1920
unemployment protection was extended to the great majority of working people. In 1929, a Conservative
government finally abolished the Poor Law boards of guardians. The process that Beatrice Webb began would
find its ultimate expression in the 1944 Beveridge Report and in the post-war welfare state which followed.
rticle adapted from www.unionancestors.co.uk, a website set up to trace the history of individuals involved
A
in the Trade Union movement.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract about the role of gradualism in
A
achieving the aims of a socialist state.
53|Page
Extract S7 – Socialism
ilitant leftism in politics appears to have its roots in broadly analogous sentiments. Every labour politician has
M
observed that the most indignant members of his local Party are not usually the poorest, or the slum-dwellers,
or those with most to gain from further economic change, but the younger, more self-conscious element,
earning good incomes and living comfortably in neat new council houses: skilled engineering workers, electrical
workers, draughtsmen, technicians, and the lower clerical grades. (Similarly the most militant local parties are
not in the old industrial areas, but either in the newer high-wage engineering areas or in middle-class towns;
Coventry or Margate are the characteristic strongholds.) Now it is people such as these who naturally resent the
fact that despite their high economic status, often so much higher than their parents’, and their undoubted skill
at work, they have no right to participate in the decisions of their firm, no influence over policy, and far fewer
privileges than the managerial grades; and outside their work they are conscious of a conspicuous educational
handicap, of a style of life which is still looked down on by middle-class people often earning little if any more,
of differences in accent, and generally of an inferior class position.”
Extract adapted from The Future of Socialism by Anthony Crosland (1956)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being made in the above article over the significance of workers
A
controlling the means of production to socialist thinkers. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you
have studied
Extract S8 – Socialism
Equality
I am sure that a definite limit exists to the degree of equality which is desirable. We do not want complete
equality of incomes, since extra responsibility and exceptional talent require and deserve a differential reward.
We are not hostile, as our opponents sometimes foolishly suggest, to 'detached residences in Bournemouth
where some elderly woman has obviously more than a thousand a year'. I do not myself want to see a llprivate
education disappear; nor the Prime Minister denied an official car, as in one Scandinavian country; nor the
Queen riding a bicycle; nor the House of Lords instantly abolished; nor the manufacture of Rolls-Royces banned;
nor the Brigade of Guards, nor Oxford and Cambridge lose their present distinctive character.
Adapted from the Future of Socialism, by Anthony Crosland (1956)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being made in the above article over the significance of equality
A
to socialist thinkers. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you have studied
54|Page
Extract S9 – Socialism
bjectively, in the USA, class differences in accent, dress, manners, and general style of life are very much
O
smaller; and one cannot instantly identify a person’s social background as one can in England. Subjectively,
social relations are more natural and egalitarian, and less marked by deference, submissiveness, or snobbery, as
one quickly discovers from the cab-driver, the barman, the air-hostess and the shop assistant. (The) pattern of
consumption is markedly more equal than in Britain. ‘Prestige-goods’ are widely distributed, and there is less
conspicuous contrast between the standard of living of different income-groups. To take the most obvious
example, almost every family owns a car; and this is significant not only because a car is the most conspicuous
of all consumption goods, but also because universal car-ownership leads to the universal consumption of other
conspicuous or semi-luxury goods – holidays, hotels, middle-class habits of shopping, etc. But the lack of
external class-distinctions can be observed in many other spheres: e.g. clothes, eating-habits, drug-stores, the
ownership of consumer durables, and so on. A high proportion of the population enjoys many of the ‘luxuries’
which until recently were considered the prerogative of the rich; and the ordinary worker lives at what even two
decades ago would have been considered in Britain a middle-class standard of life.
Extract adapted from the Future of Socialism by Anthony Crosland (1956)
nalyse, compare, and evaluate the arguments being made in the above article over the significance of a
A
capitalist economy to socialist thinkers. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
Extract S10 - Socialism
Did they foul up my third way?
The Third Way, as I have always understood it, is simply a label for the renewal of social democracy.
entre-left parties across the world have revised their doctrines in the light of social and economic
C
changes: the disappearance of socialist utopias, the development of a service economy and ageing
populations. In the face of these, the First Way - classical social democracy, based on Keynesianism and
traditional statism - has become largely obsolete. The Second Way - Thatcherism or free-market
fundamentalism - proved a disastrous alternative. The aim of Third Way thinking - revisionist social
democracy - is to create policies for the centre left that respond to these changes.
T he Third Way is in no sense to be identified solely with new Labour. Social democrats in Scandinavia, for
example, have been highly revisionist in their thinking. Economic discipline for the left, welfare reform,
private enterprise involvement in the health service were all pioneered there.
ithout new Labour's ideological revisionism, there would not be a Labour government in this country. No
W
unreformed centre-left party has got even close to power. Since 1997, the UK has had higher growth rates
than most other EU countries. Unemployment is low, the rate of job creation high. More than 75 per cent
of people of relevant age are in work, compared to an EU average of 62 per cent.
Extract adapted from an article written by Anthony Giddens for the New Statesman magazine, 2004
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract about the means of
A
achieving socialism. In your answer, you should refer to the thinker you have studied.
55|Page
Extract S11 - Socialism
A brief History of the third way
T he so-called third way is New Labour's attempt to build itself an ideological foundation. In the face of
accusations that the decision to re-christen the party and re-write clause IV was motivated purely by
electoralism, Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson sought to prove their ideological convictions.
eveloped by the sociologist and director of the London School of Economics, Prof Anthony Giddens, the
D
third way stated that the old class-based divisions of left and right are now redundant.
rof Giddens argued that reformist governments could no longer rely on traditional statist programmes in
P
the face of powerful global financial forces. Instead, political parties could generate significant consensual
support by campaigning from the centre, while remaining committed to radical measures. He therefore
advised New Labour not to be afraid of being called conservative.
In September 1998, Mr Clinton and Mr Blair held a conference in New York to officially launch their new
ideology. Both said they rejected the neo-liberal belief that everything can be left to the market, but also
saw the traditional left-of-centre faith in state intervention in the economy as outdated.
In April 1999 it appeared as if Bill Clinton's New Democrats and Europe's social democrats were on the way
towards a new era of productive cooperation. They both agreed that they had managed to reconcile
continental social democracy and that their new ideology should guarantee power for Europe's centre-left
for years to come.
Three years later, however, the outlook for the Third Way was bleak.
Extract adapted from an article in the Guardian Newspaper, February 2003
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extract over the importance of
A
workers controlling the means of production to socialists. In your answer, you should refer to the thinkers
you have studied.
56|Page
Extract S12 – Socialism
arx and Engels in communist manifesto 1848, argued that the bourgeoisie through the modern democratic
M
state had conquered for itself exclusive political sway. The state was not neutral as liberals had contended but
was rather a committee for managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie; this involved the suppression of the
majority by the minority. The revolution would need to overthrow capitalism and the state if it were to succeed.
This overthrow would see the state taken over by the workers in the transitional phase, which Marx described
as the dictatorship of the proletariat in the critique of the gotha programme (1875). This transitional phase
would see private property stripped away and replaced by common ownership. At the same time the
revolutionary state would suppress the minority in the interests of the majority. The result would be new forms
of collective activity and disappearance of social distinctions so there were no class divisions. At this point as the
state was purely an instrument class control it would no longer have any purpose and so fade away into history.
In its place would be communism.
Source: original material 2018
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above socialism’s view of the state. In
A
your answer, you should refer to the thinkers you have studied.
57|Page
Optional Ideology 4: Feminism
25 mark essay questions
Year Plan ractice
P omplete
C
Paragraph question
ith reference to the feminist thinkers that you have
W 2018
studied, analyse and evaluate the changing nature of
feminism.
ith reference to the feminist thinkers that you have
W 2019
studied, analyse and evaluate the extent to which
feminism is compatible with equality.
‘Feminists are divided over how to achieve a fairer society.’ 2020
Analyse and evaluate this statement with reference to the
feminist thinkers that you have studied.
‘Feminism should concern itself with the public rather 2021
than the personal realm.’ Analyse and evaluate this
statement with reference to the feminist thinkers that you
have studied.
‘ The aim of feminism is to promote women’s rights not to 2022
eliminate gender difference’. Analyse and evaluate this
statement with reference to the feminist thinkers that you
have studied.
‘Legal equality is the main aim of feminism’ Analyse and 2023
evaluate this statement with reference to the feminist
thinkers that you have studied.
‘ The personal is the political’. With reference to the
thinkers you have studied, analyse and evaluate why and
to what extent this statement is important to feminists.
‘ The issue for feminists should not be equality, but the
recognition of difference’ Analyse and evaluate with
reference to the thinkers you have studied
‘ The second wave of feminism was far more ambitious for
women than the first wave’ Analyse and evaluate with
reference to the thinkers you have studied.
ith reference to the feminist thinkers that you have
W
studied, analyse and evaluate the differing views on
patriarchy.
‘All feminists are radical, and none are conservative’
Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you
have studied
58|Page
‘Feminism is not a single movement, but a loose collection
of doctrines and beliefs about problems faced by women’
Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you
have studied
‘ The inequalities that women have endured are not based
on any natural inferiority’ Analyse and evaluate with
reference to the thinkers you have studied
59|Page
‘Androgyny is required to end gender differences and
create an equal consciousness of men and women’
Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you
have studied
ith reference to the feminist thinkers that you have
W
studied, analyse and evaluate the differing views on
Essentialism
ith reference to the feminist thinkers that you have
W
studied, analyse and evaluate the differing views on
equality.
‘Women are primarily enslaved on economic grounds’
Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you
have studied
‘Males are normal and women are abnormal’ Analyse and
evaluate with reference to the thinkers you have studied
‘Women have accepted themselves as not man’ Analyse
and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you have
studied
‘Women are afraid to ask themselves the question ‘is this
all?’ Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers
you have studied
‘A perception of lack of reason, employment, and
education by women is the main reason for their
inferiority. Analyse and evaluate with reference to the
thinkers you have studied
‘Feminists disagree on their goals and how to achieve
them.’ Discuss.
‘Feminism a single doctrine’ Analyse and evaluate with
reference to the thinkers you have studied
'Radical feminists fundamentally oppose the principles of
Liberal Feminism' Analyse and evaluate with reference to
the thinkers you have studied
‘Feminism defined by the quest for gender equality’
Analyse and evaluate with reference to the thinkers you
have studied
‘Feminism is characterised more by disagreement than by
agreement.’ Analyse and evaluate with reference to the
thinkers you have studied
60|Page
Model Answers
Paper 3 Section A
1. Explain and analyse three ways in which different socialist thinkers have viewed capitalism
Socialists on the whole oppose capitalism. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, with whom socialism is most
associated, believed that capitalism was a corrupting force that made humans selfish and competitive and
the rule of the bourgeoisie, in which only the bourgeoisie were represented, alienated the proletariat,
resulting in a class consciousness. Marx wrote in the Communist Manifesto that capitalism resulted in
“labourers … being a commodity” and that it should be abolished. Therefore, Marx and Engels proposed
that a revolution would take place, culminating in a stateless, classless society, following the dictatorship of
the proletariat, in which everything was brought into common ownership. Capitalism resulted in both an
inequality of opportunity and inequality of outcome and Marx felt that this should not be the case.
Anthony Crosland was a revisionist socialist and social democrat. Therefore, Crosland wished to harness
the power of capitalism to bring the poorest members of society up by using Keynesian economics. By
using Keynesian economics, capitalism would still be present but progressive taxation and redistribution of
wealth through increased public spending and a large welfare state would limit the inequalities of
opportunity and outcome and narrow class divisions. Crosland believed that capitalism could be harnessed
to improve society as communism was not a realistic goal in a modern economy.
On the other hand, the Third Way socialist Anthony Giddens viewed capitalism in a positive light, for it
incentivised workers and by introducing right-wing economic policies such as free-market economics,
combined with left-wing social policies would enable individuals to flourish. By having a free-market, there
would be need to increase spending on infrastructure like schools and hospitals to increase investment so
that the inequality of opportunity was diminished, even if the inequality of outcome remained.
Mark 9 /9
1. Explain and analyse three ways in which liberal ideas limit individual freedom
Liberals place individual freedom at the centre of the ideology. However, there are conflicting propositions
from liberal thinkers that can actually limit individual freedom. John Stuart Mill, the classical liberal
believed in the ‘harm-principle’. Actions involving other-regarding freedom are punishable by the state
whilst self-regarding is not. Therefore, individuals do not have absolute freedom to do as they please as
they would be punished by the state if they were to impose on the freedom of somebody else: placing the
61|Page
collective negative freedom from other-regarding actions over the positive freedom of people to do as they
please.
On the other hand, modern liberals, like John Rawls, believe in distributive justice. Whilst inequalities of
wealth ma incentivise workers to work harder, there must be equality of opportunity. This equality would
result in an enabling state which allows for the progressive taxation of the wealthy and redistribution to
limit poverty, for poverty should not be present in a liberal society. Therefore, Rawls is placing the freedom
of the collective over the freedom of the individual by prioritising the prevention of poverty over the
freedom of the individual to keep all of the fruits of their labour.
The classical liberal, John Locke felt that individuals in a state of nature were competitive and dangerous as
private property may be stolen and private property is an expression of individualism. Therefore, humans
would enter a social contract with a “night-watchmen state”, that only held fiduciary powers, so would
merely act as an umpire when there were disputes. However, this could limit the freedom of the individual
as the social contract is based on consent, but consent of the collective. This can lead to a tyranny of the
majority, in which the individuals freedom is dominated by the freedom of the collective.
Mark 9 /9
3) Explain and analyse three ways in which conservative thinkers have viewed human nature
Conservatives usually view human nature negatively. For example, the traditional conservative, Thomas
Hobbes, sees humans in a cynical manner as they seek to outcompete each other for they are selfish
beings, each with the ability to kill each other so they live in constant fear. Life in a natural state would be
“poor, nasty, brutish and short” and would ultimately “ceaseth in death”, such is the nature of humans.
However, Hobbes views humans as rational beings too for they are wise enough to enter a social contract
with a supreme authority (the Levethian state) where they would give up some rights in exchange for order
and security.
In contrast, neo-conservatives that form a part of the New Right, such as Ayn Rand, believe that humans
are positively selfish and must use this selfishness to flourish themselves. Rand felt that humans are
atomistic, rather than communal as Edmund Burke argued. Therefore, following the philosophy of
objectivism, Rand felt that humans are not morally obligated to do anything and the most moral thing they
could do is to follow their own wants and needs, without consideration for others. There would be a
minimal state to allow humans to follow their selfish desires.
62|Page
Another way that conservative thinkers view human nature is to see them as “fragile and fallible”, as
Michael Oakeshott said. The One-Nation conservative thinker went on to relate this to how humans prefer
the “known to the unknown, the actual to the possible”, so much follow tradition to guide them.
Therefore, Oakeshott believed that people should be sceptical of government as they are made up of
humans too and also make mistakes. The politics of faith would never work and there is no such thing as a
utopian society so people should simply seek to “stay afloat”, rather than sail to a destination.
Mark 8 /9
Explain and analyse three ways that Liberal thinkers have viewed the economy.
One way in which liberal thinkers have viewed the economy is the belief in laissez-faire capitalism with this
belief most notably shown through the father of liberalism John Locke. This is because Locke believed that
private property was a natural right found in the state of nature and that as a result, all liberals should be in
favour of laissez-faire capitalism. Ultimately, Locke believed laissez-faire capitalism is the best form of the
economy as it protected the right for an individual to own private property.
Wollstonecraft as a early question Liberal built uponLockes idea of a laissez-faire capitalist system with free
market as whilst she agreed with this concept she criticised Locke for ignoring the impact women may have
on the economy. She argued that women like men were rational and intelligent individuals and as such, the
free market would be boosted by liberating and energised women for stuff
However, modern liberal John Rawls argued in favour of state intervention in the economy unlike
Wollstonecraft and Locke who believed that there should be no intervention in the economy. Rawls
believed that this should be done in the form of progressive taxation on the basis of distributive justice
arguing that the poorest members of society needed economic welfare, using his concept of the original
position and very little ignorance justify this
7 out of 9
Explain and analyse three ways in which Conservative thinkers view authority (9 marks)
One way in which conservative thinkers view authority is as central for prosperity, peace and stability.
Although he predates the birth of conservatism Thomas Hobbes was writing in response to the English Civil
War and the anarchy he associated with it. He argued that because humans are inherently selfish and all
anyone’s life in the state of nature would be solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short. The people therefore
had to enter into a social contract and sacrificed their freedom in return for protection from an
authoritative state. This is significant as this one authority or Hobbes wanted, an absolute monarch, would
63|Page
play a crucial role in ensuring paste and stability, however this has been criticised for limiting individual
freedom and liberty.
A second way in which conservative thinkers view authority is something that should rely on vast unknown
structures. Edmund Burke argued that authority should be limited, enabling communities to govern
themselves. He believed this would create little platoons in which culture, responsibility and duty could be
concentrated and fostered. Michael Oakeshott backs up on this by arguing that those in authority should be
guided by tradition and precedent set by the past as this was the general bank of customs and the ages. He
also believed that the state should not be trying to aim somewhere; it should be like a keel in the sea not
searching for the destination just trying to stay even and still. This view of authority is therefore significant
as it highlights the politics of scepticism over the politics of faith, however he has been criticised by one
nation conservatives as a lazy approach failing to have a noblesse oblige or paternalistic duty and
addressing problems in society.
A third way that new right conservatives, such as Ayn Rand and Robert Nozick view authority is as part of a
smaller state which deals with protecting the safety of citizens and no more. This is part of an effort to
reduce the dependency culture and roll back the frontiers of the state by setting people free. However, this
has been criticised for forgetting and alienating those who for some reason or other cannot go out and
work and have to rely on the welfare state to survive.
Marks awarded:8 marks
This student was awarded a Level 3 mark. Well structured response with three clear ways addressed.
Clear knowledge and understanding of different key thinkers in relation to the question. Relevant
analysis and supporting terminology applied.
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Model Answers
Paper 3 Section B
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extracts about freedom and its
limitations. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied. (use extract L9)
These two extracts are about freedom and its limitation, in reference to liberal thinkers. The first extract
highlights the importance of individual freedom and tolerance. It was published in 1859 and has been
adapted from John Stuart Mills instrumental work ‘on liberty’. The second extract argues that social
discriminations severely limit freedom. It is an extract from Betty Friedan’s 1994 interview. This is
significant as it could potentially mean that the first has been better thought out whereas the latter could
possibly on the spot and misses out other information. Nevertheless, both extracts are significant as one
compares the state social discrimination has on freedom where the other highlights the importance of
individual freedom and tolerance. I believe that these are crucial for understanding and evaluating freedom
and its limitations in liberalism.
The first extract sets out how ‘no society in which liberties are not on the whole respected, is free, and no
society is completely free where liberties exist absolute and unqualified. John Stuart Mill, presented how
individuals have free speech and individual freedom, however his concept of the harm principle, highlights
how if this insights hatred and impinges on the rights of another group in society, then it is the role of the
state to intervene and limit freedoms of speech of one individual to protect others. This is significant as it
illustrates how there is a contradiction as liberals believe in liberty for and toleration of others’ beliefs and
ideas.
On the other hand, in the second extract Betty Friedan argues There is no denying that there has been and
is still discrimination on the basis of gender and of race’. Consequently, she believes access to employment
and earning is key, once that's in place many of the social problems are relieved. This is significant as unlike
Mills more optimistic view, Friedan clearly lays out how freedom is very limited and will remain limited and
a substantial problem without addressing the economic issues and the same is true with gender.
In conclusion, although both offer valid arguments regarding freedom and its limitations, I believe that
Friedans has a more proven accurate convincing interpretation, as it is more relevant to soicety today and
she highlights in detail how liberal democracies across the world are still plagued with social problems
that's significantly limit individual freedom and liberty. Whereas Mill was writing at a time where there was
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limited social cohesion, tolerance, and multiculturalism. Therefore, the second extract is more convincing
and accurate for the modern day.
Marks awarded:12 (level 3)
The student was awarded a level three response at the bottom of the level. There's a narrow focus with
some use of the extracts and provenance is addressed in the first paragraph. To get into higher levels of
wider focus on other thinkers and more death to the points made was necessary from soap seeing the
contrast with I'll just students in terms of structure for this question.
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extracts about freedom and its
limitations. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied. (use extract L9)
Whilst all liberals agree that individuals need freedom in order to fulfil their destiny, it is clear that there is a
debate in liberalism regarding how freedom is gained and what limitations there are against freedom. In
regards to this topic, extract 1 argues that freedom is negative freedom whereas extract 2 makes the more
convincing argument that freedom can be defined as positive freedom.
However before further discussing and analysing the arguments made in each extract, it is first important
to consider their provenance. Whilst both extracts appear to have no vested interests and that they both
have academic integrity as they are from key political thinkers, it could be argued that the period that they
were written in may affect the arguments presented. As Friedan writes after the industrial revolution it may
be argued that she is able to better criticise the idea of negative freedom as well as the fact she is more
likely to consider different types of discrimination. In comparison Mill had based his writings on the work of
enlightenment thinkers such as Locke and wrote before the industrial revolution and therefore may not
consider the negative impact of negative freedom.
In extract 2, Friedan defines freedom as having access to employment and earnings. Beside that can be
linked to the contacts of positive freedom, e.g. the idea of having freedom from, with freedoms such as
employment granted through the state making laws. This view is also endorsed by thinker TH Green who
argued that the state must intervene in employment via laws in order to ensure that freedom for the lower
classes who he felt were being exploited.
Conversely in extract 1 Mill defines freedom as individuals being the proper guardian of his own health
whereas bodily or mental or spiritual. This idea strongly links to the classical liberal belief in the idea of
negative freedom e.g. freedom to which argues that freedom is the absence of restraint. This idea is further
endorsed by early classical liberal John Locke who argued mankind are the greatest interpreters of their
actions which Mill echoes arguing that over his mind and body the individual is sovereign. This view is
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strongly linked to the idea of a minimal state where the individual is free to do as they wish with no state
intervention. However, this argument made by Mill in extract 1 can be seen as unconvincing as this negative
freedom led to a minimal state during the industrial revolution which modern liberals such as freedom
criticise for leading to an exploitation of the poor. TH Green, for example, argued that this was a direct
consequence of negative freedom. As a result it can be said the extract 2's views about freedom are far
more convincing, as, unlike extract 1, it takes the criticisms of negative freedom into consideration as it
values legal equality in employment as highly significant.
Extract one can further be seen as more unconvincing than extract 2 as it argues in favour of limiting
freedom through the harm principle. This was Mill's idea that all individuals should have the freedom to
make their own decisions so long as they are self regarding and do not attempt to deprive others of their
individual freedom. However this argument can be criticised as it fails to go into how an individual's
freedom should be limited if their actions are other regarding. As well as this it does not consider the
different types of freedom needed for different social groups as extract 2 does. For example Freidan asserts
that groups such as women and people of colour are unable to have complete freedom so long as it self
regarding as Mill stated. Freidan argues that whilst they are able to make their own decisions they still face
social and economic problems that are complex due to the lack of access to jobs. Therefore it can be said
that freedom's view is more convincing as she refers to many different social groups obstacles to freedom
extend to more than just the ability to make a decision like mill suggested.new line
To conclude, whilst both arguments in the extracts have their flaws and merits, it is clear that overall
Friedans view on freedom and its limitations are far more convincing. This is because Friedan takes recent
issues such as access to employment, as well as various social and economic obstacles to freedom faced by
individuals into consideration. Whilst Mill does make some valid points in extract one these can be seen as
more unconvincing. For example, whilst his harm principle does pose some accurate points regarding
limitations to freedom, it fails to consider how the state imposed these limitations whereas Friedan clearly
outlines how freedom can be achieved by legislation and Equal Employment opportunities.
20 out of 25
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments made in the above extracts about freedom and its
limitations. In your answer you should refer to the thinkers that you have studied. (use extract L9)
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In extract one, John Stuart Mill writing from his 1859 work ‘on liberty’, he speaks about a time when the
Enlightenment was coming to an end, but was still being influenced by the classic liberals such as John
Locke and Mary Wollstonecraft. This explains his view for a small state and negative liberty.
In extract two, Betty Friedan is giving an interview in 1994. She reiterates the points made in her 1970s
book the feminine mystique about how women and how race were still experiencing discrimination and
therefore limits to their freedoms at the end of the 20th century. This explains her views of positive liberty
directly opposing Mill.
In extract 1 Mill speaks about how the best way to achieve maximum individual freedom is to have a small
state that follows the principles of negative liberty, “mankind are great gainers by suffering each other to
live as seems good for themselves”, this suggests that individuals should be provided with the basic rights
that we are entitled to particularly these natural rights from Locke’s state of nature, life, freedom, and
property, and then be allowed to go on their own way in life. A state interfering in society constantly would
reduce the extent to which we are free in society for Mill and other classic liberals. This directly contradicts
the view of Friedan in extract 2.
In extract 2, Friedan argues that the best way for maximum freedom for individuals to be achieved is for an
enlarged enabling state that doesn't only protect our freedoms but also, that guarantees and provides
additional freedoms that free us from the shackles of the socio economic setbacks that we face. For
Friedan this was the discrimination of women in society that influenced her views, arguing that women
couldn't self-actualise because they were infantilised in their domestic roles. Therefore, the state needed to
reform education and provide more suitable curriculum for women as well as greater workplace rights, e.g.
maternity leave, access to employment, and learning is key. This theory was developed by Friedan from TH
Greens ideas of positive liberty that directly opposed the negative liberty advocated by classic liberals like
Mill in extract 1.
One limitation on individual freedoms that Mill stresses is the actions of one individual in using that
freedoms in order to restrict or cause harm to offers. Mill reiterated that negative liberty is good at
delivering maximum freedom and the state should only step in where there is a risk of people attempting
to deprive others of theirs. Mill described this as the harm principle and also included free speech in this,
arguing that he would not condone individuals using their right to free speech to cause or entice harm on
to offers. This is one way in which Mill, the classic liberal, believed that there were limitations on freedom
in society.
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Friedan in extract 2, argues that the main limit to individual freedom is discrimination. Being a woman
Friedan focuses on gender and race saying that there is still discrimination on the basis of gender and race
and that if this was not fixed we should expect social problems. Writing in the 1960s, although this
interview was from the 1990s, Friedan could not understand how society could be considered free when
women and minorities were still being discriminated against in society and therefore not enjoy maximum
freedom this explains her advocacy of positive liberty arguing that the state should be more proactive in
society ensuring that there is a level playing field. This is one way in which Friedan, a modern Liberal,
believes that there were limits on freedom experienced in society.
In conclusion, both extracts give a detailed argument over freedom and its implications on society, both are
also heavily influenced by other thinkers, Locke for Mill, or by their experiences, Friedan. Overall, Betty
Friedan in extract 2 arguably gives the better argument as the idea of an enabling state playing a greater
role in society to ensure that individual freedoms aren't limited by others behaviour or by socio-economic
elements out of their control, does arguably lead to a more widespread access to maximum individual
liberty and quelling of the limitations on individual freedom experienced by groups in society. Mills
argument can perhaps be considered outdated and not suitable in the 20 per century, whereas Friedan
arguments are still relevant today also adding to her arguments weight.
Marks awarded:22 (level 5)
This student was awarded a Level 5 mark. Clear and sustained focus upon the question. Extracts used a
springboard for analysis, evaluation, and comparison of thinkers. Relevant examples used and reference
to other key thinkers developed appropriately in relation to the question. Clear introduction and
conclusion.
Analyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts as to the significance of
social class within socialism. In your answer you may refer to the thinkers you have studied.
(use extract S2)
4) The passage contains an extract from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’The Communist Manifestoandan
article written by Anthony Giddens inThe Guardianin 2007. Giddens and Marx portray similar views in
that class inequality is unfair, placing social class at the centre of their arguments. However, these two
extracts convey differences in the extent of the removal of class inequalities as Marx and Engels sought to
remove all class inequalities through revolution whilst Giddens seeks to merely reduce them through
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reform. These views are not necessarily representative of the views of other socialists like Beatrice Webb
or Anthony Crosland.
As the first extract comes directly fromThe CommunistManifesto, it will directly represent the views of
Marx and Engels but none of the other socialists. However, Luxemburg shares Marx and Engels’ scientific
socialist view that there must be a “revolutionary reconstruction of society at large” for she believed in the
‘mass strike’ as it would not only remove the bourgeoisie as the ruling class but the proletariat would be
united in their common goal of the introduction of a classless society. Marx and Engels felt that there
should be a dictatorship of the proletariat following the revolution but that a classless, stateless society
would emerge from it. Marx and Engels saw the bourgeoisie as a ruling class that only represented
themselves, thus alienating the proletariat. Social class inequalities were the foundation for socialist as
Marx was incentivised to write theManifestoas their“labourers … were being alienated”, for they were the
“oppressed” with the bourgeoisie being the “oppressors”. Beatrice Webb’s view does not necessarily align
with the views of Marx, Engels or even Luxemburg for she was a democratic socialist who opposed
revolution, preferring the route of reform to achieve a classless society. Webb was shocked by the poverty
she witnessed on the streets of London so helped draft the Clause VI of the 1918 Labour Party manifesto,
which included the “common ownership of the means of production and distribution”, but through
nationalisation so a state was required to a point to help reduce the class inequalities in Britain at the time.
This inspired Clement Atlee, the British Prime Minister in 1945 to introduce mass nationalisation. Webb
also believed in a National Minimum so that poverty would be removed as people would have a minimum
wage with healthcare. Marx and Engels viewed the reformist route to be ineffective and inefficient which is
why they proposed the revolution – inspiration for the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Webb believed that
a socialist party, such as Labour, would be democratically elected and would introduce socialist policies.
This would eventually lead to a classless, socialist society, with complete common ownership, suggesting
that a revolution was not necessary, highlighting Webb’s belief in the “inevitability of gradualism”. Robert
Owen’s New Lanark society includes common ownership, good working conditions and a classless society
for there is good pay and enjoyable work, implying that social class is significant to utopian socialist too as
they believe that social classes must be removed. Whilst Marx, Engels, Luxemburg and Webb all believed
that a socialist state would inevitably come and that class inequality was a catalyst for the destruction of a
capitalist society, they disagreed over the means by which it would come as Webb preferred the reformist
approach whilst Marx, Engels and Luxemburg believed that revolution was necessary to destroy social
classes.
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Whilst theGuardianarticle that Giddens wrote does highlight social class inequality to be a key issue,
Gidens seeks to reduce inequalities of social classes rather than remove them completely. TheGuardianis
a left-leaning newspaper so this could be why Giddens wrote in it, for it would inform and persuade
readers. Furthermore, the article is written during the time of Gordon Brown’s government, which whilst it
was very similar to Tony Blair’s New Labour, some social policies were slightly more of the right. Giddens
was Third Way socialist so shared many beliefs with Blair. Blair included in his 1997 manifesto that class
sizes would be cut to a maximum of 30, with more money being spent on comprehensive education, thus
sharing Giddens’ emphasis on education. Giddens conveys how more money being spent on education can
reduce class inequalities, for if children receive an equal education, then they have equality of opportunity,
suggesting that privately-educated children have an advantage over state-educated children. This
highlights how social class is also significant to Third Way socialists. Giddens accepted inequality of
outcome only if there is equality of opportunity. Giddens criticises the Labour government for focusing on
reducing the class inequality through increased spending on education. Giddens was a firm believer in a
free-market state to let the individual flourish, only if there was equality of opportunity. Therefore,
Giddens disagrees with the Marxist focus on equality of outcome for he wishes to “reduce inequalities at
source” rather than have a classless society. Class inequalities could be utilised to incentivise workers.
Anthony Crosland, the social democrat, agrees with this as he too would harness capitalism to reduce
inequalities but he would use Keynesian economics, progressive taxation and wealth redistribution through
increased spending on public services rather than right-wing economic policies combined with left-wing
social policies, like Giddens. Both Giddens and Crosland seek to reduce class inequalities, suggesting that
social class is significant to them but do not wish to remove class.
To conclude, social class is significant to all socialists but in different ways. Webb, Marx, Engels and
Luxemburg all seek to remove social class by having a classless society whilst Giddens and Crosland believe
in reducing social class inequalities but still having them there, taking a more modern and realistic view on
socialism.
Mark 14/25
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts as to the significance of
social class within socialism. In your answer you may refer to the thinkers you have studied.
(use extract S2)
The extracts presents both arguments from fundamental revolutionary socialists Marx and Engels on the
idea of a two class society and the constant struggle between the two. It makes a more significant case for
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the ideas of social class within modern society, presenting the views of a third way thinker in Giddings and
how social class can have a reduced inequality through targeting areas such as education.
The passage firstly presents the views of fundamentalist socialists Marx and Engels on the idea of social
class in regards to socialism Marx and Engels present the idea of a history of class struggles between the
oppressor and oppressed they provide convincing evidence of traditional societies such freeman and the
slave to show how historically there's always been a two way divide in society they use the patterns of
history to promote their view that history runs in epochs each ending in a dialectic which could be a
revolution of the oppressed or a complete collapse of both contending classes. They argue with the idea of
revolution being inevitable and essential based on the theory of epochs. Thinkers such as Luxembourg
would agree with the Marxist view of essential revolution arguing that in in an adapted capitalist society
such as Germany, the proletariat would need to recognise their exploitation but then instead of setting up
the dictatorship of the proletariat, the revolution should promote a new democratic government
underpinned by core socialist values. Marx and Engels argue for the idea of a revolutionary reconstitution
of society at large which would be completely contested by evolutionary fundamentalists such as Webb.
Although she agrees with the idea of two classes in society, one oppressed by the other, she argues that
this structure can be abolished through gradualism. This involves using the ballot box to elect socialist
governments who can then bring about change. Also as there more of those who are proletariat than
bourgeoisie, socialist governments are likely to have success. This completely contests the Marxist view
that the ruling class will always design the system to remain in power meaning revolution is necessary.
Marx then argues how society is more and more splitting into two great hostile camps which was true at
the time, as can be seen by the bourgeoisie and proletariat structures pre-revolutionary Russia before
1917. However reformists such as Crosland and Giddens would argue that modern society has more
complexities with capitalism than Marx could have imagined and thus there is no longer an entirely two
class system. Therefore this extract presents relatively convincing views of Marxist views of social class at
the time. Yet in a modern society it is unlikely to apply.
The extract then presents the views of third way thinker Giddens and his beliefs of improving social
mobility and reducing inequality that coincided with the New Labour movement. Giddens was a leading
labour MP (AQA note: this is incorrect, he was notan MP) who had great influence on the 1997 manifesto.
Giddens first promotes the idea of concentration upon investment in education in regard to improving
mobility. Giddens argues the third way ideology of retaining capitalism and using the wealth to improve
public services such as education. By improving education you can improve on the idea of equality of
opportunity. Marx and Webb would have fundamentally contested this, arguing this is not true equality and
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there will still be a class struggle between the rich and poor of society. However Giddens would argue that
improving equality of opportunity would allow for those previously at the bottom of society more mobility.
He then argues that reducing inequality and creating great chances of mobility are interdependent. This is a
relatively convincing argument generational poverty can be overcome by better education and social
mobility, thus reducing inequality. However revisionist such as Crosland would argue that this does not go
far enough to reduce the social class gap, and in fact the redistribution of capitalist wealth is needed to
further reduce inequality through high taxation of the rich, and nationalisation of industry. Giddens retains
the views that the benefits of private enterprise and using the wealth promote more social equality rather
than economic. Therefore overall Gidden's provides a more convincing view of social class in modern
society this. This article is written in the Guardian which is a left wing newspaper likely to promote labour
views of Giddens.
Therefore the source presents a relatively convincing view on the significance of social class in socialism
with Marx drawing on the issues of two different classes constantly struggling and the need for revolution,
which fundamentally contests the views of Giddens which is more adapted to modern society retaining the
benefits of capitalism to promote social mobility and reduce inequality.
Mark: 20/25
AQA remarks
• Introduction gives clear focus on source material.
• Offers a clear account of the two positions represented in the material.
• Also goes beyond description to offer much additional information on them.
• Each position subject to some analysis and evaluation.
• Makes appropriate reference to other socialist thinkers.
• Makes comparison between the two positions.
• Main problem is very little on provenance, upon which much could have been said (Giddens a
member of House of Lords but never Commons).
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments being made in the above extracts as to the significance of
social class within socialism. In your answer you may refer to the thinkers you have studied.
(use extract S2)
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When socialism emerged as a reaction to the industrial revolution that card socialist thinkers knew liberal
ideas were now irrelevant to society as the needs of working class people had now changed. They believed
in a classless society where people had equality of opportunity which would ultimately help them become
cooperative which shows collectivism. This would ultimately help the state and economy as people would
have equal resources, land, and rights.
One way socialists see the significance of social class is that Karl Marx and Frederick Engels who were
revolutionary socialists believe in a classless society as that was the best way of achieving equality of
opportunity. In the extract it states “our epoch is the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses however, this
distinct feature, it has simplified class antagonisms.” This shows that as they believed in a classless society,
it would reduce clashes between people as they hated the idea of capitalism, as people were in
competition with each other, and they didn't agree with it as it is against socialist principles and it can easily
exploit the working class. The main features of socialism include cooperation and Marx and Engels argued
that in a classless society people will have greater equality of opportunity which means they have the same
wealth, resources, and land which increases cooperation, and clashes between people would reduce
dramatically. This shows social class is very significant Marx and Engels as they believe in a classless society
which ultimately means the state won't have much to do, and it would improve society as a whole from
which they learned from the liberals.
Another way socialists see the significance of social class is that thinkers like Anthony Giddens believe
education is a reason class exists in society as people who are succeed are more inclined to earn more
which means many social classes. In this extract it states “we have to work to reduce inequalities at source
if we want to establish a fairer society”. This shows Giddings is a fundamentalist socialist and he believes
that if all people work and have the same outcome, equality would succeed to him as a fairer society would
occur which involves people cooperating together and so clashes wouldn't occur which is similar to Marx
and Engels. As he believes education is a reason why inequalities exist, getting rid of it would create a fairer
society because people who do better would get better jobs creating a class divide which socialists don't
want as it goes against the idea of equality of opportunity. This shows the significance of class is significant
as socialists are against it and Giddings points education is a reason social class exists and getting rid of it
would create a fairer society.
Another way socialists see the significance of class is that Karl Marx and Frederick Engels saw problems of
its existing under capitalism and conservatism. In the extract it states “the history of who all hitherto
existing society is the history of class struggles”. This shows the extract is convincing in terms of significance
of social class within socialism because they saw the flaws of it under capitalism as competition between
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the rich and the poor was unfair to them and it also created a hierarchy which was a tradition under
conservatism. They completely reject this idea because social class exploits the poor and as they want a
massive redistribution of wealth they believe the working class should have the same opportunity as
everyone else as it helps society as it's a more cooperative state, or they wasn't have to be deal with
conflicts and the economy as it can continue to grow.
In conclusion social class is significant to socialists because it helped them in terms of knowing that has
many flaws as Marx and Engels saw how it created conflict between the people and Giddens saw education
as increasing inequality due to the people who succeed earn more money which divides people in society.
As well as that it shows a classless society is the best form of society as people will be more cooperative
because it creates equality of opportunity which means people have same land, resources and wealth
ultimately like making life better for all people.
Mark: 11/25
AQA remarks
• Opening does not set the focus of the source material.
• Discussion not always focusing on the source material; sometimes more of a general essay on
socialism.
• Not all assertions clear, or supported (eg in what sense is Giddens a ‘fundamental socialist’?).
• Needs some reference to other socialist thinkers.
• Not always well written; some rather long sentences.
• Sometimes simplistic in tone.
• Does demonstrate useful own knowledge on socialism.
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Model Answers
Paper 3 Section C
With reference to feminist thinkers that you have studied, analyse, and evaluate the changing nature of
feminism.
Feminism began as a political ideology in the UK in the eighteenth and nineteenth-century. In the context
of modern Britain today, feminism has many diverse, conflicting sub-strands which have created a magpie
ideology. It would be incorrect to suggest feminism merely seeks equality with men as for some difference
feminists, female supremacism trumps equality. Yet, the huge range of feminist movements can be united
by a similar desire to promote the social role and status of women, who have been disadvantaged in
comparison to men, and that this should be changed. Disadvantage and persistent injustices on account of
sex has been caused by patriarchy, the superiority of men across society. Such change to either reduce or
overthrow the patriarchy is a political issue that places inequality at the helm of feminist ideology, unlike
the ‘malestream’ ideologies. As suggested, the first wave of feminism was primarily a liberal movement of
middle-class women seeking equal voting, working and educational rights with men. It has since developed
into a wider movement with second-wave strands including developed liberal feminism, radical feminism,
socialist feminism and third-wave post-feminism. The huge range of topics explored in feminism, the
diversity of views and ideas certainly underpins the changed and changing nature of feminism.
One significant school of thought is liberal feminism, drawn from early liberal debates and developed in the
second wave in reaction to limited legal equality, which shows the changing nature of feminism. For
instance, in the early nineteenth century as liberalism developed, key thinkers such as Gilman emerged to
establish the core foundations of liberal feminism and, arguably, feminism itself. For example, with recent
liberal developments like the Suffragists, Gilman produced ‘Women and Economy’ in 1897. This discounted
essentialism and suggested women should be entitled to equality of opportunity, especially as the Married
Women’s Property Act 1870 had opened up economic opportunities in private property, which disregarded
Spencer’s social Darwinism. This shows that liberal feminism first focused on the public sphere alone and
emphasised the importance of cultural change as socialisation had determined women’s complicity within
gendered roles. Further, as Gilman applied her liberal beliefs, the patriarchal culture had stemmed from
irrational beliefs which had denied women their innate individualism, thereby establishing the belief that
women should be entitled to liberty whilst having the ability to choose the nature of their own lives.
However, that is not to say Gilman always favoured the legislative and gradualist approach of liberalism. For
instance, Gilman advocated in the destruction of the nuclear family (within the private sphere) and
communal living (a socialist tendency) to release women from their domestic roles. Despite concrete
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advancements through liberal feminist means, such as the extension of the franchise by 1928, there was a
lack of change into the twentieth century. For instance, Beauvoir in ‘Second Sex’ (1949) repeated
arguments that women had been socially conditioned into roles which chimed with Wollstonecraft’s
critique of society reducing women to a “state of listless activity” denied of formal education and Friedan’s
‘problem with no name’ later in ‘The Feminist Mystique’. Perhaps, the reiteration of such discriminations
show weaknesses in liberal feminism to adapt to the climate of increasingly agitated and active forms of
feminism. Yet, Beauvoir did develop the idea of the Other in which woman is “said to imitate the male”
when she behaves as a human. On balance, the lack of change in the liberal feminist movement chimes
with their core belief in gradual rather than radical change. For instance, modern day thinkers such as
Guardian writer Wolf supported the US Paycheck Fairness Act in 2012 and made this key distinction
between public and private spheres. This was shown through Wolf’s critique of the Prohibition of the
Purchase of Sex Act in Sweden in 2009, in which the state attempted to change attitudes rather than
protect individuals from harm in a contract between two consenting individuals. This encroachment on
private spheres amounted to creeping totalitarianism. To sum up, though focus has shifted from legal and
political rights, liberal feminists have continued to advocate the use of legislation to tackle the public
sphere patriarchy, such as the Abortion Act 1967 or the first successful FGM case in 2019.
Another branch of feminism is radical feminism, which emerged in the 1960s second-wave in reaction to
the alienation of social groups from a society of growing mass communication. This led to a particular focus
on the private sphere, which contrasts with the liberal focus on the public sphere, and informal sources of
inequality caused by the patriarchy. Whereas liberal feminism simply acknowledged that socialisation had
restricted women from achieving individualism, radical feminism sought to tackle the lack of female
consciousness both in private and public spheres. Therefore, radicals attack liberal feminism for
perpetuating a false consciousness on women by supporting the state rather than seeing it as an
instrument of patriarchy. Further to such development in the feminist movement is the emergence of key
thinkers, such as Millett. For instance, Millett advocated in ‘Sexual Politics’ in 1969 more radical solutions
rather than reform, such as sexual liberation to escape man’s exertion of power over women and coincided
with thinkers like Firestone who advocated the entire elimination of biological roles. Additionally, radical
feminism developed the idea that feminism does not necessarily mean equality. This is shown through
difference feminists who advocate female supremacism with a celebration of biological differences, which
is a vast contrast to liberal beliefs. For instance, eco-feminists argue that women have a physiological
connection with nature through menstrual cycles. As such, eco-feminists thinkers like Warren have
highlighted the similarities between women and nature being “raped, mastered, conquered, mined” and to
be “put into the service of the ‘men of science’” who create ‘patriarchal dualism’ of males and culture to
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suppress women and nature. This shows that even within radical feminism there are further strands which
complicate the nature of feminism. However, that is not to say radical feminists have not censored their
ideas. For instance, Koedt argued that “feminism is an offering” rather than a directive which should only
“enter a woman’s private life at her invitation” which suggests choice and embrace of traditional gender
roles should be prioritised over the “personal is political”. To sum up, the development of radical feminism
certainly shows a change in the nature of feminism with the politicisation of “liberating minds as well as
liberating society.” as Davis asserts.
A further branch is socialist feminism which was initially created from the ideas of Engels and developed by
in the second wave’s critique of post-industrial society and growth of mass consumerism. In particular,
socialist feminism focuses on the metanarrative of class dialectic and its impact on women though more
modern socialists have also challenged and developed such core ideas. For instance, socialist feminism first
developed with Engels’ ‘The Origins of the Family’ in 1884, which emphasised that capitalism had denied
women private property, which meant they were opposed by property owners. Engels suggested that
primogeniture and monogamy developed as a consequence, which had made women into a reserve force
of workers, supporting their husbands in low-paying jobs by carrying out unpaid domestic work, and that
they were property of men. However, that is not to say that Engels’ arguments have always been upheld in
socialist feminism. For example, earlier socialists such as Fourier emphasised in the 1830s the abolition of
monogamous marriage in the private sphere in favour of short-term sexual liaisons in cooperative
communes where housework would be performed by specialists. Moreover, this expanded in the 1960s
with Rowbotham’s critique of Engels overstressing the importance of property shows that socialist
feminism has taken a more nuanced approach, as even the Byran and May match factory strike in 1888 like
the Ford car factory strike in 1968 had shown patriarchy had not ceased despite owning property. For
example, Rowbotham highlighted that economic liberation with state services to prevent women being the
‘last hired and first fired’ worker would only be a pre-condition to liberation, which would also depend on
more liberal ideas like cultural reform and radical feminist’s raising of private consciousness. As such,
radical feminism’s resistance to work with the state on the basis of it being an agent of the patriarchy
chimes with socialist feminism though from the perspective that capitalism is the main cause to the
patriarchy. On balance, the socio-economic inequalities highlighted in the second wave, such as production,
reproduction, sexuality and socialisation, has changed the nature of socialist feminism to consider beyond
the dialectic metanarrative, and see it only as one tenet of disbanding the patriarchy.
Today a final school of thought has emerged known as post-modern feminism, which does not focus on
gender as the superior frame nor metanarratives, such as capitalism, in the third-wave. Instead,
post-modern feminism highlights that the changing nature of feminism discussed is a complex problem
78|Page
which does not necessarily have a solution, or any solution, and that there should be debate over the
fluidity of gender. For instance, hooks has criticised the middle-class white feminist dimension of both
liberal and radical 1960s feminism, and has popularised the term ‘intersectionality’ to emphasise that
categories like gender or race are not necessarily more important than the other. This played on the legal
case of De Graffenfreid v General Motors in 1970, in which the district court did not recognise that Motors
had discriminated against the plaintiffs as black women, instead treating racial and sexual claims as
separate sinceblackmen and whitewomenwere employedat Motors. This shows feminism has changed
in nature because those within the movement(s) are willing to criticise previous generations and reject the
metanarrative of gender, even if such criticism is that there has been a lack of change due to the dominant
participation of “a well-educated few” which has prevented a “mass-based feminist movement” according
to hooks. In addition, post-modern feminism stresses the importance of choice more so than radical
feminists, by even considering the essence of language and ‘political correctness’. For instance,
post-modern feminists acknowledge that there is no conventional way for an uneducated woman to
express herself, or for an educated woman to use the elegance of English language to represent her.
Therefore, this shows in essence that post-modern feminism contributes to the changing nature of
feminism as it precisely emphasises the cracks in the movements are in a fixed state of process, a
becoming, that cannot be said to end. As progress is still to be made with only 20% of women in STEM
fields, 25% of UK judges, and 32% in Parliament, the nature of feminism will continue to change in nature,
within strands discussed and as that is precisely the purpose of post-modern feminism.
As explored, feminism is a diverse ‘magpie’ political ideology which has developed and changed in nature
to facilitate conflicting sub-strands. At first, the feminist movement was primarily liberal in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries. This became known as the first wave of feminism as women sought equal legal
and political rights. However, the reawakening in the 1960s acknowledged legal limitations. This developed
liberal feminism but also radical feminism and socialist feminism in reaction to socio-economic
developments. In essence, liberal feminists do not seek to challenge the private sphere containing domestic
roles, as infringement on the family and marriage roles would amount to creeping authoritarianism.
Instead, liberal feminists have focused on the patriarchy in the public sphere. In contrast, radical feminists
see domestic roles in the private sphere as the root cause of sexual inequality and patriarchy. Whereas,
socialist feminists argue inequality is rooted in the public sphere and, therefore, change must begin in the
wider capitalist economy before tackling private spheres. Today post-modern feminism has developed in
the third-wave, which signifies feminism will continue to change as an ideology out of women’s choice.
Despite diversity across the movement(s), all feminists are united by the beliefs that women suffer
injustices on account of the patriarchy, which should be reduced or overthrown. Though there is variance
79|Page
between the strands’ emphasis on political, cultural and economic solutions or the private/public spheres,
fundamentally feminism has insisted “biology is not destiny” (Koedt) and is united by the desire to promote
the social status and role of women.
Marks awarded: 25 /25
The issue for feminists should not be equality but the recognition of difference. Analyse and evaluate
with reference to the thinkers you have studied (25 marks)
The significance of essentialism is contested in the feminist ideology. Liberal feminists say
the biological differences between men and women are irrelevant in the pursuit of equality, whereas
Radical and Postmodern feminists feel the recognition of difference is crucial to breaking down
barriers in a patriarchal society. It can be argued that the recognition of difference is more relevant to
the ideology in the present day, but without early strives for equality progress may not have been
made, for example in formal equality in legislation such as women’s suffrage.
Liberal feminists such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman believe that biological differences
between men and women are no longer relevant and that there is no reason why women cannot
play an equal role to men in society. For example there is no reason that women cannot be the
breadwinner for the family or own their own property such as a house. The issue is not that women
and men are unequal, but that girls are socialised at a young age to be mothers and housewives -
their confinement to the home therefore is cultural and not biological meaning that the patriarchal
structure needs to be reformed to change the culture. The way to reform the patriarchy according
to liberals was to do a combination of educating men and campaigning for political and legal
equality. Liberal feminists have succeeded historically with some of their core aims such as
achieving equal democratic rights through The Representation of the People Act 1918 achieving
suffrage for women. Liberal Feminists would argue this was only achievable by asking for equal
rights and not different concessions for women. Radical feminists being oppositional to liberal
traditions would argue that being an equality feminist does not liberate you from the patriarchal
structure and that it does not go far enough; the personal is political and therefore gender
socialisation is oppressive in a formal setting as well. For example, in the House of Commons there
are 191 MPs who are female out of 650, showing that asking for equality is not enough and that
you must recognise the differences between men and women and breakdown the patriarchal
structures that exist in the public sphere; such as Parliament. Therefore the focus on equality over
difference does not allow for enough progress to be made in present day.
80|Page
Radical feminists such as Kate Millet would argue that wherever one group oppresses another
the result is political - meaning that in order to change the position of women the structures that
oppress women should be transformed in so that women are liberated in politics. Millet believes that
in order to liberate yourself you need to see the difference between men and yourselves in addition to
accepting your own lesbianism to achieve liberation- therefore transforming the structure of society
from patriarchal to matriarchal. Firestone would agree with this encouraging modern biotechnology
such as artificial insemination to free women from biological roles that oppress them. By freeing
themselves personally this will free them politically and economically to be independent. Radical
feminists can be criticised by intersectional and socialist feminists for only recognising the differences
between men and women, and not the differences between women in general. Intersectional
feminists would say that black women and LGBTQ women face more oppression than white
heterosexual women, therefore they do not do enough to liberate them formally. For example
Decelles in 2016 found that job applications that were ‘whitened’ were more likely to get called back
for a job interview. If this is happening to black men and women intersectional feminists would say
women are further oppressed in the workplace by being seen as disposable income and discriminated
against in matters of maternity therefore radical feminists do not go far enough. On the other hand,
radicals can be seen to recognise more difference than liberal feminists, and therefore intersectional
feminists would see more issues with the recognition of equality. This means that with further groups
of women who need liberation, essentialism is the best way to support their needs and free them
politically.
Despite the conflicts between different groups of feminists it can be argued that the issue
is not equality or difference but the patriarchal society. Socialist feminists agree that the
patriarchal structures of society lead to capitalism exploiting women in particular which is in
agreement with radical feminists, who say the removal of patriarchy is the only way for women to
be emancipated. Liberals agree that the patriarchal society is damaging to women and their
personal liberty. Which might suggest that the issue for feminist isn’t difference or equality,
deeming the statement to be meaningless. A problem with that is that different feminist have
different resolutions to the patriarchy. Radical and postmodern feminists say that you should
appreciate difference and create counter-cultures, for example the #metoo movement. Whereas
liberals say you need to reform the current structures to make it less patriarchal gradually.
Therefore leading to the conclusion that the issue for feminists is either equality or difference
depending on how you choose to tackle the overlapping issue of patriarchy.
81|Page
To conclude, equality feminists have secured progress for women in legislation which began a
trend of progress but compared to radical feminists they do not go far enough to address ‘the
problem with no name’. The issue for feminists therefore should not be equality but difference, as
only by accepting that men and women are different, and, that they are culturally treated differently
can the structure of society begin to address problems and liberate them from patriarchal ties.
Mark:
‘ The personal is political’Analyse and evaluate theimportance of this statement in reference to key
thinkers you have studied. (25 marks)
The term the personal is political was first coined in the late 1960s during the second wave of
Feminism. Although no, one feminist will claim responsibility Firestone is often noted to have coined
the phrase - a radical feminist. The importance of the above statement is dependent on whether on
what strand of feminism you reside within: Liberal, Radical or Socialist. This statement is most
important to Radical feminists as they see the oppression of women as being caused by and
interrelated to the political structure of patriarchy, whereas Liberal feminists see the personal and
political as separate.
Liberal feminists believe that the Private Sphere and the Public Sphere should not interact
(private is personal, public is political). This is because they believe that in a free society, the private
sphere is of no relevance in public life, as oppression will have been formally eradicated. They believe
that in time cultural growth, formal equality and a more educated society will produce a society free
from oppression. However, whilst Liberal feminists see a distinction between personal and political life
Radical feminists do not. Firestone said that there is no distinction between private and public life and
in fact that private issues of oppression are the direct result of public and political oppression. A
women being a slave at home to rear children is a direct result of the political patriarchal structure
teaching that that is the place for a woman. There is a clear conflict between Liberal and Radical
feminists on the importance of this statement and therefore it depends on the strand of Feminism you
adhere to as to its importance.
Reformists believe that the personal is political but take a positive stance on the statement,
82|Page
claiming that legal equality will solve personal issues of oppression. Formal equality is when
legislation is codified to secure rights for Women - for example the Equal Pay Act 1970. The concept
of legal equality securing freedom is supported by Simone de Beauvoir who said ‘society, being
codified by man, decrees that woman is inferior; she can do away with this inferiority only by
destroying man's superiority’ Suggesting formal equality can progress the personal position of women.
In opposition to this, Radical feminists say reform is superficial and is simply for show. It actually
doesn’t address the entrenched oppression which is shared in our patriarchal culture, in reality the
political won’t change and therefore the personal won’t change. Showing further that the personal is
political. This contrast in perspective between Liberal and Radical feminism shows that the
importance of the statement depends on your strand of feminism as although feminism has the same
shared values of defeating patriarchy, their methods differ massively and therefore their opinion on
the statements differ massively.
Radical feminists say not only is the personal political, but the political causes the personal
strife that women face every day. Kate Millett says that women are oppressed in all aspects of society:
the home, the economy and in their experiences in general. For example women are forced to bare
children, and then are forced to go on maternity leave as the carer and then when they return to work
still have the cultural identity of ‘carer’ whereas the man does not experience this. This personal strife
the woman faces is spearheaded by the political and economic structures that are in place causing
men to be in power. Only 7 FTSE 100 companies have female CEOS showing this inequality. The
personal is directly influenced by the political, if men are in power politically, women are subordinated
personally. Socialist Feminist Sheila Rowbotham opposes this idea. She states that the roots of this
political oppression actually lie within the personal relationships between men and women, not
politics. Suggesting that women and men need to work to resolve oppression and not rely either on
gradual legal equality or radical revolution to solve the personal or political problems.
Overall it is clear that the statementthe personalis politicalwas pivotal in the development of
the feminist ideology, what is less clear cut is whether it is important. The only conclusion that can be
made is that its importance varies depending on the type of feminism you align to.
Mark:
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