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Paper 1 practice questions.docx - Google Docs (1)
Paper 1 practice questions.docx - Google Docs (1)
Paper 1 practice questions.docx - Google Docs (1)
aper 1
P
K Government & Politics
U
Practice Questions
(last updated 6th June 2024)
Constitution
Parliament
Prime Minister & Core Executive
Theories of Democracy and Representation
Judiciary
Devolution
Democracy in the UK
Electoral Systems
Voting Behaviour
Election case studies
Political Parties
Pressure Groups
The EU
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https://sites.google.com/rainhamgirls-tkat.org/politics/
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Contents
1 Assessment Objectives page 4
2 Writing frames and common misconceptions page 5
3 Mark schemes page 12
4 Core knowledge from the specification page 18
5 Constitution page 25
6 Parliament page 28
7 Prime Minister & Core Executive page 35
8 Theories of Democracy and Representation page 40
9 Judiciary page 44
10 Devolution page 48
11 Democracy in the UK page 53
12 Electoral Systems page 56
13 Voting Behaviour page 62
14 Election Case Studies page 64
15 Political Parties page 66
16 Pressure Groups page 70
17 The EU page 74
18 Sample answers and marked work page 78
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Assessment Objectives: What you are assessed on
AO1:Demonstrate Knowledge and Understanding
AO2:Analysis, connections, similarities, and differences
AO3:Evaluation, constructing arguments and substantiatedjudgements
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Section A
9 mark short answer questions (AO1: 6 marks, AO2: 3 marks)
Three ‘explain and analyse three times’ questions
The questions will test your knowledge and understanding of UK Politics.
Section B
25 mark extract question (AO1: 5 marks, AO2: 10 marks, AO3: 10 marks)
One ‘analyse, evaluate, and compare’ question based on an extract.
Section C
25 mark essay question (AO1: 5 marks, AO2: 10 marks, AO3: 10 marks)
ne ‘analyse and evaluate’ essay question which will look at Government and /
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or Politics of the UK. You should bring in evidence from the UK.
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9 mark question
Key Points from the AQA exam board
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● ive a reason
● Give a good supporting example
● Explain how the example supports the reason and show why it supports the
reason.
● Analysis: expand on the theoretical point made, e.g., how the check or
balance of the President will affect media or public opinion of the President,
or how money used by Pressure groups can open doors but can also present
barriers as questions arise about the source of the money.
● Analysis can involve relevant use of terms such as “a contrasting example” or
“A formal function” used with “An informal function”
● No need for evaluation (e.g., this is the most important reason).
● Introductions gain no marks
● Lack of knowledge will always score poor marks, regardless of the quality of
the analysis. Good knowledge includes examples of case studies, people, and
correct use of political terms and vocabulary.
Sentence starters
One example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
A second example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
A final example of how …… is …….
This example shows……
This example is significant because……
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25 mark extract based essay questions
Key Points from the AQA exam board
● K nowledge must come from the source; students must respond to the points made
in the source.
● Students must compare the arguments presented in the source, as the source will
always contain contrasting arguments. ‘Pair and compare’ between arguments.
● Provenance is required and must be in a political context. Comment on where the
extract is from, for example with the BBC mention the debate on the BBC’s
impartiality.
● Use citations e.g., ‘Lucas argues’
● Also comment on the provenance within the extract, for example the vested
interests of those presenting the arguments.
● Look at the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments provided.
● Evaluation comes from using sentences such as ‘This argument seems particularly
convincing because….’
● Use an argument / counter argument approach.
● Requires a clear evaluative conclusion.
Sentence starters
Or
Or
25 mark questions require more analysis and evaluation of the points you are
making, with brief supporting knowledge
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25 mark essay questions
Key Points from the AQA exam board
● T he statement must be evaluated and analysed.
● You must make reference to the UK.
● Students should be able to explain a statement in their own words.
● Adopt a clear position from the introduction.
● Use an argument / counter argument approach.
● Requires a clear evaluative conclusion. If the conclusion is absent or does not
follow from the previous discussion it automatically scores low marks.
A lot of knowledge to support your points is required in these answers.
●
● Analyse a statement, seek and present evidence to support or question it,
and reach a logical conclusion.
Essay structure
Introduction:
● S tate what your argument / view is going to be, and a couple of key factors either all
in favour of your view or one for and one against.
Main body:
• A t least two, no more than three, points in support of the assertion.
● At least two, no more than three, points to balance and counter the assertion.
● Start a new paragraph for each point, support with a range of examples, with detail
and about the example, and how that point supports the argument, this is analysis.
Include and define any relevant key terms. State how far that point helps to support
or counter the assertion, and it links to any other factors or examples, this is
evaluation.
● Alternate between a point in support of your argument, and a point against it which
you can evaluate and discuss. This is the argument / counter argument approach.
● You must refer to all branches of government, and any other relevant parts of the
study, this is making synoptic links. The links must be within different parts of
government in one.
Conclusion:
● R
e-state the point of view you gave in the introduction, and which followed through
the essay and state your overall judgement, but don’t just summarise the arguments,
clearly state your view.
S ynopticity
The essay questions are particularly synoptic, you should draw on and synthesise (combine)
the knowledge, understanding and skills gained throughout the course. This could include
reference to other topics within the course, e.g. a question about constitutions could include
references to elections, or devolution / federalism.
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Mark scheme for 9 mark questions
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Mark scheme for 25 mark extract based essays
4 16 - 20 ● A ccurate knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
analysis of the issue under discussion, though further detail
may be required in places (AO1).
● Analysis of the extract is balanced and developed, though
some elements of the analysis could be expanded and/or
developed further.
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that show some
substantiation and are consistent with the preceding
discussion (AO3).
● Relevant perspectives and/or the status of the extract are
evaluated in constructing arguments, although in some places
there could be further development of the evaluation (AO3).
● The answer is well organised, analytical in style and is focused
on the question as set.
3 11 - 15 ● G enerally sound knowledge and understanding of relevant
political concepts, institutions and processes are used to
support points made, though inaccuracies will be present
(AO1)
● Analytical points relating to the extract are made and
developed in places, showing some balance, though some
points are descriptive rather than analytical. (A02).
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that are
consistent with the preceding discussion, but that lack
substantiation (AO3)
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● R elevant perspectives and/or the status of the extract are
commented on in constructing arguments, though evaluation
is lacking depth. (AO3)
● The answer is organised, occasionally analytical and focused
on the question as set.
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Mark scheme for 25 mark essays
4 16 - 20 ● A ccurate knowledge and understanding of relevant political
concepts, institutions and processes are used to support
analysis of the issue under discussion, though further
detail may be required in places (AO1).
● Analysis is balanced developed, though some elements of the
analysis could be expanded and/or developed further.
• Synoptic links are relevant to the questions as set and
supported with examples. (AO2).
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that show some
substantiation and consistent with the preceding discussion
(AO3).
● Relevant perspectives are evaluated in the process of
constructing arguments, although in some places there could
be further development of the evaluation (AO3).
● The answer is well organised, analytical in style and is focused
on the question as set.
3 11 - 15 ● G enerally sound knowledge and understanding of relevant
political concepts, institutions and processes are used to
support points made, though inaccuracies will be present
(AO1)
● Analytical points are made and developed in places, showing
some balance, though some points are descriptive rather than
analytical.
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● S ynoptic links will be made, though explanation will lack depth
(AO2).
● Evaluation of the above leads to conclusions that are
consistent with the preceding discussion, but that lack
substantiation (AO3)
● Relevant perspectives are commented on in the process of
constructing arguments, though evaluation is lacking depth.
(AO3)
● The answer is organised, occasionally analytical and focused
on the question as set.
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Grade Boundaries
2019 2020* 2021*
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JCQ Grade Descriptors (2021)
Descriptor
A* T o achieve grade A*students' evidence will show that they have securely met all the statements within
the grade A descriptor, with stronger performance in most or all aspects of the grade A statements.
A • demonstrate comprehensive and accurate knowledge and understanding of political concepts, ideas,
institutions and processes and awareness of significant debates and theories including aspects of
comparative politics
• critically analyse aspects of politics and political information, noting parallels, connections,
similarities, and differences within the A-level specification; present explanations and make
comparisons with clarity and coherence, using appropriate political vocabulary; support all statements
and judgements with well-chosen examples; apply relevant theory where appropriate and show it to be
fully understood; maintain a sharp focus in the analysis.
• Critically evaluate aspects of politics and political information with well supported arguments and
judgements, leading to reasoned conclusions that are fully consistent with the preceding analysis
C • demonstrate a range of generally accurate knowledge and understanding of political concepts, ideas,
institutions and processes and some awareness of significant debates and theories, including aspects of
comparative politics.
• analyse aspects of politics and political information, noting parallels, connections, similarities, and
differences within the A-level specification; present explanations and make comparisons with
reasonable clarity and coherence, using some political vocabulary; support some statements and
judgements with useful evidence; apply relevant theory where appropriate; maintain a clear focus in
the analysis.
• make a sound evaluation of aspects of politics and political information with supported arguments
and judgements, leading to reasoned conclusions that are largely consistent with the preceding
analysis.
D T o achieve grade D, students’ evidence will show that they have securely met all the statements within
the grade E descriptor, with stronger performance in most or all aspects of the grade E statements.
However, their evidence does not meet the minimum requirements of most of the grade C statements.
E • demonstrate limited knowledge and understanding of political concepts, ideas, institutions and
processes and limited awareness of significant debates and theories, including aspects of comparative
politics. Identify a limited range of supporting examples.
• offer a simplistic analysis of aspects of politics and political information, noting some parallels,
connections, similarities, and differences within the A-level specification; present explanations and
make comparisons with limited clarity and coherence using restricted political vocabulary; support
statements and judgements with limited evidence. Apply little, if any, relevant theory; maintain limited
focus in the analysis.
• make a limited evaluation of aspects of politics and political information, with simple arguments and
judgements, leading to conclusions that are not entirely consistent with the preceding analysis.
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Core Knowledge - UK
overnment and Politics of the UK is divided into ten sections. Each has a particular focus but their
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interrelationships must be understood to appreciate the complexities of the system. Students will
study each of the prescribed sections below.
● c odified
● uncodified
● statute
● common law
● conventions
● authoritative opinions
● The royal prerogative
● rule of law
● parliamentary sovereignty
● individual and collective rights.
S tudents should develop awareness of the significance of the following historical documents to the
development of rights in the UK:
● agna Carta (1215)
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● Bill of Rights (1689)
● Act of Settlement (1701)
● Parliaments Acts (1911 and 1949).
● t he nature and sources of the British constitution
● contemporary legislation and current issues regarding rights
● issues and debates around recent constitutional changes
● debates about the extent of rights in the UK
● two examples of constitutional changes since 1997, such as the establishment of devolved
legislative bodies in constituent countries of the UK, the introduction of a Freedom of
Information Act, adoption of the Human Rights Act, changing composition of the House of
Lords
areas where individual and collective rights are in agreement and where they are in conflict.
●
● s crutiny of executive
● Commons
● Lords
● MPs and peers
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● elegates and trustees
d
● Burkean theories of representation
● delegate theories
● mandate theories
● trustees
● parliamentary privilege
● opposition
● legislation
● debate
● redress of grievances
● campaign
● referendum.
s crutiny of the executive and how effective scrutiny of the executive is in practice
●
● parliamentary debate and the legislative process
○ Commons
○ Lords
● theories of representation – Burkean, delegate, mandate theories
● the roles and influence of MPs and peers
● the significance of Commons and Lords:
○ work of committees
○ role of the opposition
○ the extent of Parliament’s influence on government decisions:
■ Party discipline enables the government to routinely outvote opposition
■ government control of civil servants’ appearances before Select Committees
■ membership of those committees is largely controlled by the Whips' offices.
● interactions of parliament and other branches of government.
● c ore executive
● prime minister
● primus inter pares
● cabinet
● inner cabinet
● cabinet committee
● individual and collective responsibility
● accountability.
h ow policy is made
●
● the relationship between Prime Minister and cabinet
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● the difference between individual and collective responsibility. Examples might include:
○ resignation of Sir Thomas Dugdale – Crichel Down (1954)
○ resignation of Iain Duncan Smith over Welfare Reforms (2016)
● two examples that demonstrate the power of the Prime Minister and cabinet to dictate
e vents and determine policy making. One example must be from 1945‒1997. The second
example must be from 1997 to the present. Examples might include:
○ introduction of poll tax (1990)
○ invasion of Iraq (2003)
government/parliament relations – accountability/interest.
●
The judiciary
Key concepts and terminology:
● S upreme Court
● judicial independence and impartiality
● separation of powers
● ultra vires
● judicial review.
● t he composition of the judiciary and the appointments process
● the role of the Supreme Court and its impact on government, legislature and policy process
● judicial influence on government
● importance of ultra vires, judicial review and the Supreme Court's interactions with and
influence over the legislative and policy making processes.
Devolution
Key concepts and terminology:
● evolution
d
● The Scottish Parliament and Government
● The Welsh Assembly and Government
● The Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive.
● t he roles, powers and responsibilities of the different devolved bodies in the UK
● debate around devolution in England
● existing devolution in England
● impact of devolution on the government of the UK.
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● irect democracy
d
● representative democracy
● suffrage
● participation
● partisan dealignment.
Students should develop awareness of development of the suffrage in the UK – debates and issues:
● ow suffrage has changed since the Great Reform Act (1832) to the present
h
● debates regarding gender, class, ethnicity and age
● the significance of the Chartists, Suffragists and Suffragettes
● suffrage as a human right.
t he nature of democracy
●
● different types of democracy – direct democracy, representative government
● patterns of participation and different forms of participation.
● ajoritarian and proportional electoral systems
m
● representative democracy
● suffrage
● participation
● voting behaviour
● manifesto
● campaign
● referendums.
S tudents will be required to analyse and evaluate the characteristics of different systems used in
parliamentary elections and in elections to one of the devolved bodies in the UK including:
T he study of these elections, the wider political context in which they occurred and the techniques
used by political parties in their campaigns will provide perspectives on the issues and outcomes of
each election, particularly in relation to the following:
● patterns of voting behaviour/changes over time – as revealed by relevant national data
sources, and explanations of how and why they varied in different elections
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● t he influence of the media on the outcomes
● the reasons for and the impact of party policies on the outcomes
● the reasons for and the influence of manifestos on the outcomes
● the impact of campaigns and leadership on the outcomes
● the role of elections and their influence on policy and policy making
● likely effects of the electoral system on the party system.
T hese elections should be selected because they exemplify particular characteristics of the British
electoral system, electoral behaviour or electoral outcomes eg:
Political parties
Key concepts and terminology:
● ideology
● party structure
● party systems
● party funding
● party functions
● minor parties
● political agenda.
● the origins, ideas and development of the Conservative, Labour, and Liberal Democrat
arties and how these have helped shape their current policies
p
● party structures and functions of Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat parties
● issues and debates around party funding
● relations with, and influence of, the media
● factors affecting electoral outcomes
● policies of minor parties and their impact on political debates and political agenda
● development towards a multi-party system in the UK and its impact on government and
policy.
Pressure groups
Key concepts and terminology:
● pluralism
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p olitical agenda
●
● insider and outsider pressure groups
● promotional and interest groups.
a ims of the EU and the extent to which they have been achieved
●
● the impact of the EU on UK politics and policy making.
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Constitution
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‘ There have been few significant changes to the British 2019
constitution since 1997’ Analyse and evaluate this
statement (25 marks)
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Extract Con 1 - Constitution
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding the need for a
c odified constitution in the UK. (25 marks)
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Parliament
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25 mark extract based essay questions
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‘Backbench MPs have few ways to influence the
government‘ Analyse and evaluate this statement (25
marks)
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Extract Par1
E xtract 1
The House of Lords needs reforming, but abolishing it is not the answer. In the past year, the
House of Lords has made almost 2,300 changes to improve legislation. Apart from daily oral
questions, peers have tabled more than 8,000 written questions and taken part in more than 160
debates. Well over 300 peers have been active members of select committees. I am opposed to
“passengers” in the Lords who make no or very little contribution. However, they are a minority.
Those who argue for the abolition of the second chamber need to say how this work would be
done. When a government has a big majority, having a second chamber to ensure legislation does
not slip through without proper debate and analysis is absolutely essential.
The Lords has agreed to take action to reduce numbers. However, the resignation honours list
beckons. It is at this point that prime ministers are tempted to reward rather than ask what
contribution a person under consideration can make.
E xtract taken from an opinion piece by Norman Fowler in The Guardian, 3 June 2019.
Norman Fowler is Lord Speaker and was a cabinet minister with Margaret Thatcher for 11 years.
E xtract 2
This broken House of Lords doesn’t need reform. It needs scrapping. One in nine peers, between
2017 and 2018, did not participate in any House of Lords business: yet one of these still claimed
£25,000. Some will say that the House of Lords provides an invaluable function. But here is an
institution beyond reform. It has been stuffed full of lobbyists, party donors, ex-party staffers and
well-connected businesspeople. The Lords is not brimming with specialists and experts.
Its existence is an affront to democracy. The alternative is to replace it with an elected chamber.
However, this is fraught with problems. Instead, we should look at a unicameral system.
E xtract taken from an opinion piece in The Guardian by columnist Owen Jones, 31 May
2019. Owen Jones is a regular Guardian columnist and author of books such as The
Establishment – And How They Get Away With It.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding House of Lords
A
reform.[25 marks]
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Extract Par2
Extract 1
S elect committees often show a more positive side of Parliament. At a time when politics can feel
fractious and tense, select committees show a more positive side of Parliament. Select committees
are where MPs sit around a table, engaged on a joint enterprise and are at their best when party
politics is largely left to one side. Departmental committees mirror each government department,
and other committees consider wider issues across government.
Select committees hold the government and others to account, propose policy solutions to
difficult issues and listen to a range of voices to inform debate. Powerful industry leaders have
at times been called to account. Select committees can have a major impact on government policy.
There is also the Liaison Committee, which is perhaps best known for its regular evidence sessions
between the prime minister and select committee chairs.
E xtract taken from an article in PoliticsHome, January 2019, written by Sarah Wollaston,
Chair of the Liaison Committee. Sarah Wollaston is a GP and was an MP between
2010–19. PoliticsHome is an online news source in Parliament.
Extract 2
Prime Minister accused of avoiding scrutiny after postponing select committee appearance
oris Johnson has pulled out of a scheduled appearance before the Commons Liaison
B
Committee, saying he has to “focus on delivering Brexit”. Dr Wollaston, Chair of the Liaison
Committee, accused the PM of refusing to face detailed scrutiny from select committee chairs. It
was the third time the prime minister had cancelled. She also raised the issue in the Commons,
where she was joined by other committee chairs, including Labour MP Yvette Cooper, in accusing
him of avoiding accountability.
Conservative MP Sir Patrick McLoughlin, a member of the Liaison Committee, defended the
prime minister, saying he “is held to account in this chamber by all members of Parliament”.
Another Conservative MP, Steve Baker, said it was a “profound injustice” that some MPs were able
to keep their “high office” in the select committee system despite abandoning their party.
Extract taken from an article on the BBC News website, October 2019.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding the roles and
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influence of parliamentary select committees.[25marks]
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Extract Par 3
It would take a crabbed heart indeed not to be impressed by the story of Douglas Ross, Conservative
MP for Moray, who on Wednesday missed a crucial vote in order to show up for his second job as a
football linesman at the Barcelona vs Olympiakos game. Here was someone who, rather than
blathering about unemployment from a comfortable seat in the Commons, led by example. To adapt
Norman Tebbit, he “got on his bike” and found a job.
pinion divides fiercely, though, over the question of whether representing a constituency is a
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full-time job or a part-time hobby. On the one hand are the free-market cavaliers: they argue that for
men and women of their calibre the pay is feeble, and that a ban on second jobs would discourage
the best from entering parliament. Besides, MPs who work outside the House do us all good. “Career
politicians”, who know nothing of the world of business, are far less valuable than those with a
“hinterland”, who know the cut and thrust of life on the sharp end of, say, a non-executive
directorship in a FTSE 100 company.
T he roundheads take a more austere view. Labour’s John Mann has said: “Most MPs have two jobs
— a full-time job in their constituency and a full-time job at Westminster.” Still, parliamentary
guidance has it that members may take work outside parliament “within reasonable limits”. And so,
duly, the Commons has contained GPs, dentists, property speculators, barristers and company
executives of many stripes. Many working politicians also earn by their pens on the side, and always
have. Benjamin Disraeli was an enormously prolific popular novelist. Winston Churchill divided his
time between making history and writing it — and as prime minister, during the war, earned £2m in
today’s money from selling film rights to two of his books.
Extract adapted from an article by Sam Leith in the Financial Times, 20 October 2017
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above article over the role of MPs and them
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having additional interests outside of parliament.
(25 marks).
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Extract Par4
P's are frequently criticised because of the rows of empty seats that are often seen on BBC
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parliament during debates on government legislation. Why are 650 MP's in the Commons
chamber not engaging in deliberation and scrutinising the government policies?
T he government's control over the legislative process and the ability to defeat opposition
amendments in committee due to its jealousy, has led to criticisms that backbench MP's or
ineffective in making repacked or government legislation. The evidence to support this claim is for
at first compelling. For example, in 2014 – 15, 100% of government bills received royal assent,
while the percentage for private members bills was just 6%. These figures demonstrate the
government is highly successful in securing its legislation while backbench MP's attempting to
introduce bills individually are not very successful at all.
n the other hand, backbench MP's on the government side may exert pressure early on in the
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development of legislation, and then secure changes not captured by measurable activity on the
floor of the house. Indeed, government may shy away from introducing legislation altogether for
how its backbenchers will react.
In addition, the threat of backbench rebellion, and of MPs voting against legislation, have become
an increasingly useful tool deployed by backbenchers in order to secure concessions on bills that
are already going through parliament. Consequently, understanding how effective backbenchers
are in terms of legislation involves looking beyond raw numbers about how many bills are passed,
and looking instead at how backbenchers skilfully use other opportunities to influence
government legislation.
S ource adapted from Kelso A (2016) Parliament, how effective are backbench MPs? Politics
review
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the extract over the extent to which backbenchers
A
can influence legislation in the commons (25 marks)
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Prime Minister and Core Executive
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways in which the cabinet can 2019
limit the power of the Prime Minister. (9 marks)
35|Page
25 mark extract based essay questions
‘ There are many factors that can give the Prime Minister 2018
power over cabinet colleagues’ Analyse and evaluate this
statement (25 marks)
36|Page
‘Ministers mostly resign due to personal conduct’ Analyse
and evaluate this statement (25 marks)
37|Page
Extract PCE1
T heresa May has moved to strengthen her grip over Eurosceptics in her cabinet, telling them that if
they now disown the “soft-Brexit” strategy agreed at Chequers on Friday they will be sacked. Mrs
May, fresh from securing cabinet agreement for a pro-business approach to Brexit, wrote to Tory MPs
telling them that she is restoring collective responsibility, and that she would no longer allow
ministers “to express their individual views” on Brexit.
“ Agreement on this proposal marks the point where that is no longer the case and collective
responsibility is now fully restored,” the prime minister said. Mrs May faced down Eurosceptic critics,
including foreign secretary Boris Johnson, as she pushed through a new Brexit plan that would keep
Britain closely tied to the EU single market on goods and agriculture and within the EU’s customs
territory.
ccording to those who attended the all-day meeting at the prime minister’s country residence,
A
Eurosceptic ministers “grumbled” about the proposal but recognised they could not stop it or even
change it substantially. “I think what was crucial yesterday was that we had a very good discussion, a
very detailed discussion and yes, we agreed the position that we can now all take forward as a
government, Mrs May said.
rs May’s decision to restore cabinet responsibility on Brexit is intended to prevent Mr Johnson and
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other colleagues disparaging the agreement after they had left the Buckinghamshire estate; any
minister who criticises the Chequers deal would be liable to be sacked.
E xtract adapted from an article by George Parker and Jim Pickard in the Financial Times, 7 July
2018
● A
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above article over the purpose of
Collective Responsibility in the UK Cabinet.
(25 marks).
38|Page
Extract PCE2
hen applied to the British Prime Minister, the notion of presidentialism usually focuses more on
W
the personal style of the officeholder, less on the institutional substance of the office itself. The Prime
Minister is the product of the British parliamentary system, and this system limits their powers.
Comparing Britain with the USA demonstrates that in executive-legislative terms that British Prime
Minister is more dominant than any U.S. President. The presidential approach fails to acknowledge
that their legislative power makes the British Prime Minister more significant than the US
presidential counterpart. When a Prime Minister is able to lead the executive, determine its key
decisions, shape its agenda, and guide the work of its ministers, they will have a more influential
actor than the president Britain does not have a presidential system so it cannot have a presidential
chief executive.
S ource adapted from Heffernan R ’the Prime Minister cannot be a president comparing
institutional imperatives in Britain and America’. Parliamentary affairs (2005)
iscussion and debate over the development of the British premiership has increasingly been
D
characterised by the emergence of a presidential dimension. It has been used to convey the scale
and significance of a series of changes in institutional dynamics, conventions and culture that have
had the effect of altering leadership politics in the UK. Recent studies show that the properties and
concepts associated especially with the US presidency are similar to the recent evolution of the
British premiership. Both offices can be seen to be moving along parallel lines of development.
ritish prime ministers find that while they inhabit established institutional structures. They
B
increasingly operate in a world that is quite different from the traditional patterns of political
interaction. This leads to prime ministers having to be adept at embedding themselves in the
national consciousness, ensuring a high level of news management skills and mastering techniques of
popular communication. The premiership is undergoing change in both practise and convention and
the office is transforming in line with many aspects of presidential politics.
S ource: written evidence submitted by Professor Michael Foley in 2011 to the Commons Select
Committee on political and constitutional reform.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the extracts over the extent to which the UK Prime
A
Minister has become more Presidential in style and power (25 marks)
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Theories of Democracy and Representation
9 mark questions
40|Page
Paragraph question
41|Page
Extract TDR 1 - Theories of Democracy and Representation
lthough there are three basic theories of representation, in modern day Britain the mandate
A
model is clearly the most important. Most voters make their choice on the basis of party alone.
The character and abilities of an individual MP count for virtually nothing when it comes to voting
patterns. The party manifesto and the quality of each party’s leader are really what are up for
election and judgement very 5 years. Few MPs would ever consider themselves as bound by the
wishes of the local electorate beyond the narrow sense of party loyalty.
Yet there are occasions when MPs do act as trustees and exercise their own judgements. The
growing number of backbench rebellions is evidence of this. The same also applies to free votes in
the commons that involve matters of conscience or religious belief such as that on same-sex
marriage. In 2013, 136 Conservative MPs voted against the measure despite it being backed by
then leader and Prime Minister David Cameron. Votes on euthanasia and the Human Fertilisation
and Embryology Bill offer other occasions when MP’s have been free of the party whip. In these
cases, we can clearly see that the Burkean theory of representation is well and truly alive. MPs
have conflicting loyalties to balance but, in the end, the need to be faithful to their party’s
manifesto pledges remains the most important. Few would wish to be deselected by their local
party and then lose a subsequent election standing as an independent.
Source: AQA Revision Guide (2018)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract for and against the view that
A
MP’s act primarily as trustees when it comes to representation. (25 marks)
42|Page
Extract TDR 2 - Theories of Democracy and Representation
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract over the extent to which it could
A
be argued that the UK suffers from a participation crisis (25 marks)
43|Page
Judiciary
9 mark questions
44|Page
25 mark extract essay questions
45|Page
Extract Jud1
E nemies of the people: Fury over 'out of touch' judges who have 'declared war on democracy' by
defying 17.4m Brexit voters and who could trigger constitutional crisis
T he Lord Chief Justice and two senior colleagues were accused of putting Britain on course for a
full-blown 'constitutional crisis' by saying Brexit could not be triggered without a Westminster vote.
T he judgment by Lord Thomas – a founding member of the European Law Institute, a club of lawyers
and academics aiming to 'improve' EU law – throws into chaos Mrs May's timetable for invoking
Article 50 in March next year.
S enior MPs – led by an ex-justice minister – said it was an outrage that an 'unholy alliance' of judges
and embittered Remain backers could thwart the wishes of 17.4million Leave voters.
T hey warned that Mrs May could be forced to hold an election early next year if the courts did not
back down. Leave campaigners said the judges had 'declared war on democracy'.
Extract taken from the Daily Mail newspaper, published on 4 November 2016
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above article over the debate about the role of
A
the Supreme Court and its impact on the legislature of the United Kingdom. (25 marks).
46|Page
Extract Jud2
n Tuesday, the UK Supreme Court delivered perhaps the most important constitutional decision for
O
a generation the government cannot arbitrarily prorogue parliament. It is significant that the justices
were unanimous because it made the decision as authoritative as legally possible. However, the
court did not create a new area of law, as its US counterpart had done in establishing the precedent
of judicial review in 1803. The UK decision was instead of recession of constitutional principles that
parliamentary sovereignty be taken seriously.
Source: Green DA (2019) Supreme Court has returned power the government stole, Financial Times.
I expected the court to rule that prime minister's decision to advise the queen to prorogue
parliament was a political step and not the business of the courts. However, the judges ruled, first,
that it was their business and, second, that sidelining of parliament at a time of national crisis was
unlawful. Johnson was therefore in the role. The order suspending parliament was a blank piece of
paper. Parliament had never been provoked. MPs were back at work the next day. The ruling has
variously been interpreted as an epoch making change in the balance of constitutional power, or one
of the further nowhere ramifications. And a part of the massive establishment fightback against the
people's vote to leave the EU. First the MP's tried to sabotage the referendum result, now the
Supreme Court.
S ource adapted from the UK Supreme Court is veering towards the judicial system by M Dejevsky
in The Independent, September 2019
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the extracts over the extent to which the UK
A
Supreme Court has become too powerful in recent years. (25 marks)
47|Page
Devolution
9 mark questions
48|Page
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the
A
extract over the creation of an English Parliament (25
marks)use extract dev3
49|Page
Extract Dev1 – Devolution
s we now seek to put into legislation what Gordon Brown called home rule for Scotland we will
A
need to do the same for England – and for Wales and Northern Ireland if that is their wish. Today we
have different classes of MP at Westminster. Scottish MPs are the most powerful, able to vote on all
matters relating to England, while English MPs are the least powerful as we are unable to vote on any
devolved matter for Scotland. My proposal – that we form an English parliament at Westminster to
handle all devolved matters for England – reunites the powers and duties of union MPs.
If we start with the union parliament, all its members would have an equal voice and vote on all
union matters – the currency, banking, general economic policy, foreign policy and defence, among
others. There will then be the devolved matters. These will be handled by the Edinburgh parliament
for Scotland, and by the English parliament meeting at Westminster for England.
e create an English parliament by letting all English Westminster MPs meet as an English
W
parliament at times when the union parliament is not meeting. This is a development of the policy of
English votes for English issues. This policy was in the last Conservative manifesto and now is the
policy of Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats, so it appears to have majority support.
evolution of some powers to the English regions cannot be the answer to the present lopsided
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devolution. If Scotland is to have the power to fix its income tax rate for the whole country, England
needs a body that can fix its income tax rate for the whole country. The north-east decisively rejected
a new layer of elected regional government when asked in a referendum. It is unlikely to be any more
popular today.
or would more powers for some English cities do the trick. Why would only cities get devolved
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powers, and not suburbs and country areas? Do we really want each city to have different income tax
and capital-gains tax rates? More powers for councils may well be a good idea. It is one the English
parliament could implement. It is no substitute for England having its own parliament to balance the
new federal UK. What is good enough for Scotland is good enough for England. Fairness demands no
less.
T aken from an article written by John Redwood MP for the Guardian newspaper in September
2014.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above article over the debate about whether
A
England should have devolution. (25 marks).
50|Page
Extract Dev2
lthough introduced with high hopes of stemming the growing tide of support for
A
independence in the regions, devolution has since its introduction led to unforeseen
problems. Arguably, it has had the opposite effect and actually stimulated demands for
separation; the Scottish independence referendum is a case in point. Scotland only voted to
stay within the UK by a narrow margin and subsequent reforms have offered Scotland even
more powers, which will surely push it closer to outright independence. Fiscal powers have
also been used to create a different tax regime to that in the rest of the United Kingdom. This
has led to inequality and divergence within the UK. It could be argued, though, that this
simply reflects the different political traditions and views across the different parts of the UK.
In Northern Ireland the outcomes have also been less positive. Although the ‘peace dividend’
has been an undoubted asset, by 2018 the Northern Ireland Assembly appeared stubbornly
stuck in a standoff between the two communities. For many, direct rule by Westminster
looks like the alternative in the medium term. In addition, the Stormont government enjoys
fewer powers than its counterparts in Edinburgh and Cardiff.
The real pitfall, however, is the lack of consideration of devolution for England itself. If
devolution were ever to have worked fairly and effectively from the start, an English
parliament should have been introduced as part of a full not partial package in creating a
quasi-federal state.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract for and against the view that
A
devolution has worked poorly in the UK.
(25 marks)
51|Page
Extract Dev3
S upporters of the English parliament initially opposed devolution, but after this was passed,
they saw establishing an English parliament as a means of achieving fairness and greater
symmetry. Conservative MP John Redwood launched a speak for England campaign in 2014
claiming that what is good enough for Scotland is good enough for England. He suggested
that labour's one sided devolution left unfinished business.
further argument put forward by its backers is such parliament could boost English
A
identity. One MP suggested it would provide democratic self-government for all four
countries and uphold their own identities, traditions, and laws. Labour MP John Denham
suggested that a progressive and patriotic Englishness cannot develop whilst there are no
democratic forums or democratic government to provide the focus of debate.
ut there are considerable reservations about the proposal. The central objection is that an
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English parliament representing almost 85% of the UK's population would makes the union
unbalanced. Opponents fear that England’s political and economic dominance over Scotland,
Wales, and Northern Ireland would fuel the destabilising nationalism in those areas.
In addition, it's opponents have frequently argued that there is insufficient public demand
for English parliament. Support from English parliament peaked at 29% in 2009 but had
fallen back to 19% by 2015 when it was overtaken by support from regional assemblies
(22%).
S ource: Adapted from ‘options for an English parliament’ an academic research project
paper published in March 2018 by UCL’s constitution unit
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract over the creation of an English
A
Parliament.
(25 marks)
52|Page
Democracy in the UK
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three long term factors other than 2021
class, that can influence voting behaviour (9 marks)
53|Page
25 mark essay questions
54|Page
Extract DUK1 - Democracy in the UK
In recent years, that has been much discussion of the phenomenon of partisan de alignment. It was
argued that the falling membership figures of the main political parties were evidence of a long term
trend of political disengagement by the electorate. There is some truth to this, the membership
figures of the conservative party for example stood at 124,000 in 2018 a far cry from their 2.5 million
members in the 1950s.
owever, this analysis is over simplistic. Firstly, it ignores the evidence that some smaller parties have
H
significantly increased membership. UKIP had fewer than 15,000 members in 2008 and had more
than doubled to 34,000 in 2017. From 2014 to 2016 the membership of the Scottish National Party
(SNP) more than quadrupled. Furthermore, labour has attracted more new members than any other
party, its membership soaring from fewer than 190,000 in 2013 to more than 500,000 in 2017. It is
clearly possible, then, for a major party to attract large numbers of members, which contradicts the
notion that the electorate are dealigning.
It would be more logical to describe the state as partisan realignment, against the backdrop of class
dealignment. Age, rather than class, have become the dominant factor that predicts how people will
vote. This was the case in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, the 2016 European Union
referendum and the 2017 general election. It is notable that the parties that have seen significant
membership gains have tended to attract support from a specific age group, young people for labour
and the SNP, older people for UKIP. 1.7% of the electorate were members of a political party in 2017
compared to just 0.8% in 2013. While these figures have yet to return to the heights of 1983 (3.8%)
the direction of travel is clear.
Analyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract over partisan dealignment (25
marks)
55|Page
Electoral Systems
9 mark questions
56|Page
25 mark extract based essay questions
57|Page
Extract ES1 - Electoral Systems
aroline Lucas of the Green Party has said that “it is selfish and immoral to oppose voting reform just
C
because it has traditionally handed you power”. She was speaking in a Westminster debate that was
prompted by more than 100,000 people signing a petition calling for voting change. The government
says the 2011 AV referendum shows the public do not want to change first-past-the-post.
nder first-past-the-post, the candidate who receives the most votes in a constituency wins a seat in
U
the House of Commons. This means the number of seats each political party wins does not
necessarily reflect its share of the vote nationally. In 2015 UKIP gained 3.9 million votes but only
won one seat. Under proportional representation, parties' seats in Parliament would be allocated in
proportion to the number of votes cast for them.
s Lucas admitted she had a "vested interest" in the debate. “As a country, we pride ourselves on
M
our strong commitment to democracy yet the vast majority of votes cast don't make an impact on
the overall result.”
owever, Steve Double, Conservative MP, argued “First-past-the-post has consistently produced
H
majority governments that can govern. It is easy to understand and allows a direct link between
an MP and their constituency.”
arliamentary Secretary at the Cabinet Office, Chris Skidmore, argued that the government had no
P
plans to change the voting system in general elections. The 2011 referendum on voting reform
was an overwhelming vote for the status quo. However, the Electoral Reform Society says the
2011 referendum should not be seen as a rejection of proportional representation.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments reports in the above extract regarding the issue of
A
electoral reform (25 marks)
58|Page
Extract ES2 - Electoral Systems
epresentative democracy is indirect democracy. The ignorance, self-interest and emotion, which almost
R
all of us are capable of, are filtered out by the institutions and procedures of representative democracy.
These are designed specifically for that purpose and allow mature intelligence to be focused on the
business of government.
eferendums bypass the institutions and procedures designed to optimise decision-making, and go straight
R
for the opposite, posing a simplified question to a body of people among whom very few have given the
matter much thought. In handing decision-making over to a referendum, politicians thereby abandon
responsibility, and there is little guarantee that the outcome will be the most considered possible alternative.
T he example of the EU referendum is likely to make future thinking about referendums more cautious
and sensible. Phrases such as 'the will of the people' do not bear scrutiny in referendums without the
safeguards of full franchises and threshold requirements.
E xtract adapted from an article by AC Grayling for the politically independent magazineProspect,
February 2017. AC Grayling is an academic at Northeastern University and Supernumerary Fellow of St
Anne's College,Oxford.
In 2010, the House of Lords Constitution Committee published a report on the use of referendums in the
United Kingdom and considered arguments from witnesses. Some expressed the view that referendums
could legitimise policy decisions and help restore public faith in democracy. Referendums give the public an
opportunity to think deeply about an issue and often this improved knowledge and understanding.
thers argued that referendums tend to be dominated by elite groups rather than being about the views
O
of the public.
S ome believed that referendums improved public engagement with politics overall, as people could see that
their active participation had real policy implications. However, others argued that there were increasing
signs of public apathy to votes, and that low turnout in referendums could question the legitimacy of the
result.
T here were contrasting views among the Committee's witnesses over whether referendums can settle a
policy issue.
E xtract adapted from a House of Lords Library Briefing that was prepared in advance of a July 2018 House
of Lords debate on the impact of referendums upon parliamentary democracy.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding the impact of
A
referendums upon democracy in the UK (25 marks)
59|Page
Extract ES3 - Electoral Systems
Referendums get a bad press – but to fix Britain, we need more of them
oting once every five years alienates us from politics. Participatory rather than representative
V
democracy would allow us more say in how we run the country.
If the party you voted for lost the election, you have no meaningful democratic voice for the next five
years. You can go through life, in this “representative democracy”, unrepresented in government,
while not being permitted to represent yourself.
E ven if your party is elected, it washes its hands of you when you leave the polling booth.
Governments assert a mandate for any policy they can push through parliament. While elections
tend to hinge on one or two issues, parties will use their win to claim support for all the positions in
their manifestos, and for anything else they decide to do during their term in office.
T he idea that any government could meet the needs of a complex, modern nation by ruling without
constant feedback, and actual rather than notional consent, is preposterous.
I recognise that this is an unpropitious time to call for more referendums. But the Brexitvote was the
worst possible model for popular decision-making. The government threw a massive question at an
electorate that had almost no experience of direct democracy. Voters were rushed towards
judgement day on a ridiculously short timetable, with no preparation except a series of giant lies.
In the Swiss system the people vote in about 10 or a dozen referendums a year, clustered into three
or four polling days. These plebiscites foster a s trongsense of political ownership.Far from causing
v oter fatigue, the process stimulates a rich culture of engagement, debate and persuasion.
Across the year, about 8
0% of the electorate votein referendums.
hat does democracy mean, if the people are not allowed to choose their political system?
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Taking back control? Yes, I’m all for it.
E xtract adapted from an article written by George Monbiot in The Guardian newspaper
18th October 2017
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract for and against the view that
A
Britain should make more use of referendums. (25 marks)
60|Page
Extract ES4 - Electoral Systems
Extract 1
oris Johnson swaps already his critics with the climate that he has mandate, pointing to his walking
B
eighty seats commons majority. Yet his party won less than 44% of the 2019 vote but by 56% of the
seats, thanks to our floored anti-democratic electoral system. Likewise, labour grabbed 55% of the
seats in the 2005 general election despite winning the support of only 35% of voters.
o party has won a majority of the vote since 1931. Even the landslide victories of Margaret
N
Thatcher and Tony Blair was secured on a minority vote. Millions vote for smaller parties but our
electoral system denies them parliamentary representation. Campaigners from the chartists to black
lives matters have shown that non-violent direct action and civil disobedience often necessary tactics
in the struggle for social justice. He causes of greater importance in the cause of the democratic
representative parliament.
S ource adapted from an article by political campaigner Peter Tatchell which was published in
August 2020 in the independent online newspaper
Extract 2
s a fighting system FPTP is simple to understand and the ballot papers are easy to count, making it
A
quicker for counters to declare the results from election. It tends to produce a clear overall winner,
which is helpful in the UK general election, as Westminster generally operates under a two party
system. FPTP produces one MP per constituency so there is stronger link between constituents and
MP. It can be more confusing for voters to choose whom to approach with problems if they have
multiple representatives.
S ource adapted from an article by political journalist Lizzie Buchan which was published in
November 2018 in the independent online newspaper
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the extracts for replacing the FPTP electoral system
A
(25 marks)
61|Page
Voting Behaviour
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways in which the media can 2022
have an influence upon the outcome of elections (9
marks)
E xplain and analyse three factors that can influence voting 2018
behaviour (9 marks)
62|Page
‘ The Media shape public opinion and voting intentions’
Analyse and evaluate this statement (25 marks)
63|Page
Election case studies
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways in which the results of 2023
elections have an impact on the types of government
formed in the UK (9 marks)
E xplain and analyse three reasons for the Labour victory in
the 1997 general election (9 marks)
64|Page
ost war elections, 1997, one previous, and one later
p
example (25 marks)
65|Page
Political Parties
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways in which minor parties can 2019
have an impact upon the political agenda in the UK (9
marks)
66|Page
E xplain and analyse three minor parties in the UK (9
marks)
67|Page
‘Labour is a socialist party’ Analyse and evaluate this
statement. (25 marks)
68|Page
Extract PP1
T here are fundamental problems arising as the traditional two-party system collapses. Party
memberships are crashing – the paid-up support the Conservatives had when Cameron became
leader has declined by over half, which was itself barely one-fifth of the number when Margaret
Thatcher took over the Tories. The average age of members is almost 70.
T he 2011 Kelly review saw the solution as more state funding, yet this would only shore up
organisations that are clearly failing. It feels often that the main parties think their history gives them
an unquestionable right to survive. If so, it’s a misguided belief, with the digital age disrupting politics
as it does so many other areas of life. Public contempt would also be fuelled if voters saw more of
their taxes going to political parties at a time of spending cuts.
F ar more sensible would be to adopt the review’s other key suggestion of a £10,000 cap on individual
donations – then throw in a ban on funding from any other sources. For the reason most of these
businesses, unions and wealthy people hand over huge sums is to buy influence, along with baubles
and titles – all profoundly anti-democratic.
E xtract taken from an article written by the journalist Ian Birrell in The Guardian newspaper (07
October 2016)
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above article over a cap on individual
A
donations to political parties. [25 marks]
69|Page
Pressure Groups
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways that pressure groups can 2018
seek to influence government policy. (9 marks)
E xplain and analyse three factors that can lead to some UK 2019
Pressure Groups being more successful than others. (9
marks)
E xplain and analyse three factors that can lead to some UK
Pressure Groups being less successful than others. (9
marks)
70|Page
25 mark extract based essay questions
71|Page
Extract PG1
luralism represents the view that different groups can compete equally for power and influence.
P
Elections only give policy makers a limited idea of public opinion. Joining a pressure group
demonstrates commitment to a cause and may give the group legitimacy with politicians. Some
groups have memberships in the millions. Going on strike or marching in a demonstration
indicates a higher level of commitment still.
Interest groups allow citizens to influence policy makers in between elections and they provide useful
and relatively reliable information to them. Parliamentary processes provide opportunities for
interest group activity. To remain influential though, groups must be non-confrontational and
express their views responsibly and legally.
owever, there are clear inequalities in the ability of different groups to have an influence upon the
H
decision-making process. Governments have a strong record of ignoring some groups, whilst others
often have the ear of policy makers.
E lite groups find a way to buy political power and, according to the British political journalist Robert
Peston, the voices of the super-wealthy are regularly listened to by politicians. Some groups have
access to professional lobbyists and American academic, Charles Lindblom, expressed concerns
about the privileged position of business. MPs and peers are able to accept jobs outside of
Parliament and take money from well-funded interests. This has led to a succession of scandals and
some restrictions on lobbying.
assage adapted from a report published in the 2018 Audit of UK democracy. Democratic
P
Audit is an independent research unit based in the Government Department of the London School
of Economics. Robert Peston is the political editor for ITV. Charles Lindblom was an academic in
Economics and Politics.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract regarding the advantages
A
and disadvantages of the roles played by interest groups within pluralist democracy in the UK.
[25 marks]
72|Page
Extract PG2
Why are some Pressure Groups are more successful than others?
ressure groups come in all shapes and sizes, but some are far more effective than others. There are
P
several reasons for this. Above all it boils down to resources- human and financial. Successful
pressure groups, such as the RSPB and trade unions, usually have large memberships, which means
governments are more likely to listen to them than to group the represents only a relatively small
number of individuals. In addition, large membership means more money. Finance is crucial to
pressure groups both because they can afford professional lobbyists and because they could spend
large amounts on publicity to gather more support for their cause or campaign. In addition, some
unions such as unite are able to donate large amounts to the Labour Party, therefore buying
influence there.
Y et resources are only part of the equation. First, successful pressure groups also tend to be in tune
with the national mood. This explains why environmental groups are currently quite powerful and
prominent. Many people are deeply concerned about the issues of global warming and burning fossil
fuels. Hence, groups lobbying for greener energy are virtually knocking at an open door when it
comes to influencing the government. Second, a sympathetic government can be very helpful.
Groups fighting poverty at homelessness are far more likely to receive a positive perception from a
labour government. The reverse could be said to be true for business groups such as bankers, who
tend to fare better under conservative administrations. In this sense, pressure group success is
inexorably linked to whichever party holds the keys to No 10.
nalyse, evaluate, and compare the arguments in the extract that resources are the main factor
A
determining the success of pressure groups (25 marks)
73|Page
The EU
9 mark questions
E xplain and analyse three ways that the EU has had an
impact on UK Politics (9 marks)
74|Page
25 mark extract based essay questions
75|Page
Extract EU1
T HE EU’S INSTITUTIONS, built up over six decades, are not ideally suited to responding flexibly to
challenges such as the single currency, migration or foreign and security policy. The club remains
vulnerable to the charges of operating with a “democratic deficit” that alienates many voters.
S tart with what is still the central institution, the European Commission. Headed by Jean-Claude
Juncker, a long-time prime minister of Luxembourg, it is much more than a civil service; it is the
guardian of the treaties, the originator of almost all legislation and the sole executor of the EU’s
budget. By the standards of most governments it is also small, employing only around 33,000
people—about the same as a largish local council in one of the member countries (though
commission staff command much more lavish salaries).
S THE EUROPEAN project grew from six reasonably cohesive members to 28 more diverse and less
A
controllable ones, it was faced with two big questions. One was what to do if a country decided to
leave. The response of the United States to South Carolina’s secession in 1860 seemed excessive, so
instead the treaty was amended to include Article 50, which sets out the procedure for exit. The
hope was that it would never be used, but now Britain is invoking it. Untried though the procedure
is, one thing seems certain: it will be long-drawn-out and painful for everyone.
E xtract adapted from two articles in the Economist magazine, 2017. ‘How to address the EU’s
democratic deficit’ And ‘Safeguarding democratic rule within the EU’
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above passage that a democratic deficit has
A
been created in the European Union (25 marks)
76|Page
Extract EU2
T he EU has struggled to meet the challenges of the twenty first century. The 2004 expansion of the
EU to include less affluent Eastern European countries made freedom of movement a contentious
issue, particularly in the UK. The 2008 economic crisis pushed the Eurozone almost to breaking point,
leading to austerity measures being centrally imposed on weaker countries such as Greece and high
levels of unemployment in the most affected nations. The 2015 migration crisis led to increased
resistance to open borders in the Schengen area and the rise of populist right wing parties with ant
migrant messages. The result of the UK’s 2016 EU referendum shows the frailty of this organisation,
as one of its most powerful countries has chosen to leave. Calls for referendums in France and Italy
have intensified since the Brexit vote; leading observers to wonder if the EU will lose another
member in the future.
owever, such a negative view of the EU may be too pessimistic. It is perhaps unsurprising that the
H
EU has struggled with the economic crisis and the migration crisis, as these are two of the biggest
challenges to face the EU in years. Crucially the EU survived both of these problems. Furthermore,
the defection of the UK could be seen as the end product of a long term process of British
disenchantment with the EU, rather than the result of broader failings. Since its creation, the EU has
enjoyed decades of peace and stability combined with economic growth and freedom for its citizens;
surely a testament to its long term success.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract over the extent to which the EU
A
has achieved its aims (25 marks)
77|Page
Model Answers
Paper 1 Section A
Explain and analyse three ways in which the cabinet can limit the power of the Prime Minister
(9 marks)
T he cabinet is the collective decision making body that is at the heart of the government. Bagehot
referred to the cabinet as ‘the hyphen which joins, the buckle which fastens the legislative part of the
state to the executive part of the state’. One way in which the cabinet can limit the power of the
Prime Minister is through its role and being a collective decision making body. The Prime Minister is
theoretically ‘Primus Inter Pares’ (first amongst equals) with the cabinet, meaning that the Prime
Minister should work alongside the cabinet when performing the executive functions of government.
However , if the Prime Minister does not work alongside the cabinet like in the case of Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher in 1990, then resignation of her then Chancellor, Geoffrey Howe, from
the cabinet is what ultimately led to her downfall and subsequent resignation. Thus the role of the
Prime Minister as ‘Primus Inter Pares’ limits their ability to dominate the cabinet at their pleasure.
nother way in which the cabinet can limit the power of the Prime Minister is through the use of a
A
cabinet government model to perform the executive functions of government such as legislation. A
prime example of a Prime Minister who attempted to work with the cabinet in a collective manner
was John Major in 1993. Tensions within the cabinet due to the number of ministers (usually 15 – 25)
and conflicting ideological standpoints lead to a great amount of disagreement within Major’s
cabinet, especially the Eurosceptic senior ministers who ‘gave Major a hard time’ . Subsequently
Major suffered a massive electoral defeat at the 1997 General Election to the Labour Party.
Therefore, the use of a cabinet government model can and had significantly limited the power of the
Prime Minister.
third way in which the cabinet can limit the power of the Prime Minister is through the notion of
A
collective ministerial responsibility. Because the cabinet de jure (in theory) is a collective decision
making body, then when policies are proposed though the government members of the cabinet, by
convention, have to back the policies or resign. This can deem to be check on the power of the Prime
Minister because if a large number of cabinet ministers are resigning due to not supporting
government policy, then it may seem like the government is pursuing unpopular controversial
policies which can harm the Prime Ministers integrity and limit their power. For example, Robin Cook
resigned as leader of the commons in 2003 due to his opposition to the Iraq War. Moreover, Clare
Short resigned in 2003 as well due to her opposition to government policy on post war Iraq. These
resignations damaged the public’s view of Tony Blair and proved over time that the Iraq war was one
of his worst mistakes as Prime Minister. Therefore cabinet collective ministerial responsibility limits
the power and influence of the Prime Minister.
There are several ways in which the Cabinet can limit the power of the Prime Minister.
F irstly there is the fact that when choosing her cabinet the Prime Minister must take into account
other members of parties that are too big to leave out, who also may hold aspirations such as taking
her job. This means that the Prime Minister may find her proposals undermined, or argued and
therefore abandoned. An example of this would be Boris Johnson under Theresa May in 2017/18, he
had previously opposed during the Brexit referendum and then intended to run against her in the
leadership competition. This meant that when it came to her appointing a cabinet she had to include
him as he was too high profile for her to leave out thereby limiting her power to choose her own
cabinet. This is significant as these 'big beasts’ can massively weaken her position within the party
and therefore her position in the government and parliament and her power as she has to include
them limiting her choice. This took place during Brexit discussions when Johnson released his
personal plan for Brexit in theTelegraphbefore Mayreleased her Chequers proposal, thus
weakening her position and weakening her power as PMs must appear strong in front of their party
in order to ensure loyalty as well as limiting her ability to select her own cabinet members and pass
legislation that the PM has chosen.
T he second way that the prime minister’s power is weakened by the cabinet is due to the presence
of other factions. This weakens the PM's power because they may be faced with large amounts of
opposition when putting forward proposals as a large chunk of the cabinet may oppose it and
therefore it may be dropped. This could be seen within David Cameron’s cabinet, whose hand was
forced to call a referendum partly due to the large number of senior Conservative Brexiteers within
his Cabinet such as Micheal Gove. Despite being a remainer Cameron would eventually hold a
referendum due to pressure from his party and this therefore limits the PMs power as it means that
he is once again no longer in control of major decisions within the party as well as also weakening his
ability to choose his own factions as he may have lost support of the party if he didn't include certain
fig ures within it.
T he third way that the PM’s power can be limited is through defying collective responsibility within
the Cabinet. This has once again become a clear issue under Theresa May as several of her ministers
were able to defy the whip against her Brexit proposal and abstain, most notably Amber Rudd, who
was Minister for Work and Pensions. Furthermore due to her lack / of dominance within the party
and cabinet she was not able to force her to leave the cabinet despite defying the official cabinet
position, as several ministers have such as Robin Cook and Iraq. This limits the PM’s power to sack
her ministers at will without any other authority, one of the key powers when it comes to a reshuffle,
and therefore limits one of the PM’s major powers.
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E xplain and analyse three ways in which minor parties can have an impact upon the political
agenda in the UK (9 marks)
ne way minor parties can have an impact upon the politically agenda is the formation of coalition
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governments. The 2010 election saw the conservative government lacking a majority, this led to the
conservative government having to form a coalition with the liberal democrats. This is significant as
this led to the Liberal Democrats having an influence on the creation of certain legislation and
leading to the conservatives having to come to a compromise. This led to the formation of the fixed
term parliament act in 2011 and the alternativevotereferendum.
nother way minor parties can have an influence on political agenda is influencing the electorate
A
thus placing pressure on the government to enact legislation. This was seen with the UKIP party,
despite only gaining 1 seat in the 2015 election with 12.5% of the popular vote; the continued
pressure from the party led to David Cameron promising to hold the Brexit referendum if his party
won a the 2015 election. This can be seen as significant as despite having only 1 seat; UKIP were
able to influence the government and achieve their aim of UK independence.
F inally, another way that minor parties can have influence on the political agenda is by winning a
large amount of seats during a general election. This was seen in 2015 with the Scottish National
Party who was able to 56/59 Scottish seats in the2015 election despite having less votes than UKIP.
As a result, David Cameron and the conservatives only had a small majority which led to losses in
parliament such as the relaxation of Sunday trading hours law in 2016, which the SNP had help to
defeat. By winning a large amount of seats, a minor party is able to stop legislation passing thus
being significant in influencing the political agenda.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which minor parties can have an impact upon the political
agenda in the UK (9 marks)
T here are three ways that Minor parties can play an important role in politics. Firstly is the fact that
many smaller parties can achieve their aims by other parties co-opting their policies, one of the key
examples of this would be when the Labour party co-opted the Beveridge report from the Liberal
party in 1943. This was due to the massive popularity of the policy in the nation and therefore while
initially Labour didn't support their election in 1945 would see the implementation of the Welfare
state and therefore the implementation of Liberal Policy. Co-opting is positive for smaller parties as it
means that they are able to influence government policy even if they are not part of the government
however it may also have a negative effect, as when a larger party adopts the policy voters instead
chose to vote for the other party.
T he second way that minor parties can have an impact on the political agenda in the UK is through
coalitions or demand and supply deals. In the case of a minority government a larger party may
choose to form a coalition with a smaller party in order to achieve a majority. A coalition has only
happened once since 1945 when in 2010 David Cameron required Nick Clegg ’s Liberal Democrat MPs
to come to power. This meant that they were able to implement manifesto promises such as a vote
on electoral reform for a proportional vote system. This had a smaller affect due to the fact that very
few people actually wanted reform but the Liberal Democrats were also able to pass the fixed term
parliament act which was a constitutional reform which meant that the Conservatives couldn't
threaten them with a snap election and limited the PM’s power to call a snap election.
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T he third way that minor parties are able to further their political agenda is through the devolved
assemblies. Devolved assemblies give smaller parties an opportunity to raise awareness of their
policies on a national scale as well as implementing their policies more locally. The SNP has been
able to achieve this very successfully within the Scottish Parliament when a SNP landslide meant that
they achieved an independence referendum in 2014 and while they did not win they have been able
to grow their influence through devolved politics and further their aims such as increasing tax (by 1%
on the top tax bracket) and are able to control home affairs such as introducing an alcohol minimum
price. Similar success has been experienced by Plaid Cymru in Wales where they have gained more
implementation of the welsh language. This has all meant that smaller are able to further their
political agenda despite not being in government.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which the results of elections have an impact on the types of
government formed in the UK. [9 marks]
ne way in which the results of the lections have an impact on the types of government formed is
O
the creation of a strong government with a strong public mandate. This occurs following a
government winning a large majority. this can most clearly be seen through the example of Tony
Blair's New Labour government which won a majority of 418 seats well above the 326 seats needed
to win a general election. This gave Blair a strong public mandate to implement policies, particularly
around devolution and reform, such as the 1999 House of Lords reform which reduced the number
of hereditary peers to 92.
second way in which the results of elections can have an impact on the types of government
A
formed is the creation of a coalition government when two parties govern. This occurred following
the 2010 general election in which the Liberal Democrats and conservatives formed a coalition
governments after a hung parliament was predicted. This example highlights how results of general
elections can impact the type of government formed as it can result in a coalition government which
may struggle to pass its policies more than a majority government will.
third way in which election results can have an impact on the types of government forms is by
A
creating a government with a strong presidential PM. This can cause the government to be largely
relying on the PM for decision making rather than the cabinet. For example after gaining a large
majority in 1979, Margaret Thatcher, like Blair, had a strong public mandate and was dominant in her
cabinet. This example highlights how election results can cause a PM with a presidential style to
come into power.
Explain and analyse three ways in which rights are protected in the UK. (9 marks)
ne key way in which rights are protected in the UK is the Supreme Court which can be seen as a key
O
defender of human rights. One way in which Supreme Court upholds rights is through declarations of
incompatibility. This rules acts of parliament null and void if they go against the ECHR. For example,
this occurred in the Reilly versus secretary of state case in which the supreme court used the ECHR
rule in favour of Reiley arguing the department for work and pensions had acted ultra virus. Not only
does this scrutinise the legislature but it allows for civil liberties of UK citizens to be protected by
ensuring the state does not take away their rights. However, a point of analysis often used to criticise
this is the fact that they may affect parliamentary sovereignty.
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further way in which rights are protected in the UK is from pressure groups which can lobby
A
governments on a variety of issues and attempt to influence political agendas, including human
rights. For example, the largest pressure for human rights and civil liberties is the National
Association of civil liberties. This group is not affiliated with any government party and can aid
individuals who feel their rights have been taken away through giving free advice and financial help
with legal proceedings and cases. This was certainly done by the Christian institute which funded the
Ashers versus Lees bakery case arguing that it was the bakery's right not to provide their service to a
gay couple based on religious reasons, with the Supreme Court ruling in favour. However, the extent
to which pressure groups can successfully protect rights in the UK is debatable as they can be ignored
by the government as well as the BMA during the 2016 doctors strike.
third way in which rights are protected in the UK is through acts of parliament this is evident in
A
Human Rights Act 1998 which clearly set out the rights granted to UK citizens. Acts of parliament are
a significant protection of rights as they clearly set out rights available to UK citizens which can then
be used in legal cases. Since the HRA was passed there was an eightfold increase of cases involving
human rights brought to the High Court.
Explain and analyse three methods used by UK pressure groups to achieve their aims. [9 marks]
ne key way in which a group chief their aims is through the lobbying of government. This can be
O
done through petitions, going to the Houses of Parliament or just using their insider status to
influence decisions. A key example of this is the insider group the BMA who successfully lobbied the
labour government to introduce smoking ban in 2007 which meant that they had to treat their aim.
However, it is important to note that this method is not always successful as the government may
ignore pressure groups such as when they ignored the BMA's request for a pay rise during their 2016
doctor's strike. This can be said to be especially true if the pressure groups use inappropriate
methods telepathy such as civil disobedience. For example, the group extinction rebellion is often
criticised for their methods of mass arrests to lobby the government.
T he message that may be used by pressure groups is the use of helping citizens with legal
proceedings and cases. This is often done for supplying lawyers or funding court cases in their area.
For example, the sexual group the Christian institute some days the ashes versus least bakery case in
which the court ruled in favour of the pressure group arguing they had the right to reject service to a
gay couple due to their religious beliefs with the Christian institute playing a key role in achieving
this. This is a significant method as it can late to the implementation of common law by the Supreme
Court and sets a precedent for future cases in the pressure groups policy area.
further method used by pressure groups to achieve their aims is through giving the government
A
advice on policy. Whilst this is only used by insider groups such as NICE and that the BMA this can be
extremely significant in achieving a pressure groups’ aims. For example, NICE were able to
implement changes to the 2011 health and social care bill. Pressure groups, especially insider ones,
are also able to provide advice to citizens.
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E xplain and analyse three ways in which the official opposition can challenge the government in
the House of Commons (9 marks)
F irstly, and arguably the most significant way the opposition can challenge the governing party in the
House of Commons is through the use of PMQs. These are weekly questions to the Prime Minister
and are broadcast to millions of voters across the UK. They can have a positive effect on the
opposition party as they are allowed to ask the PM 6 tricky questions in a 30 minute period, painting
their party in a good light if the governing party can’t answer effectively. For example, Tony Blair
famously known due to calling the current PM John Major “Weak, weak, weak” during PMQs giving
him a significant boost in popularity. However, the effectiveness of PMQs is limited as it can become
dominated by the elaborate theatricals and an undignified shouting match as politicians use it as a
way to butter up the PM, rather than scrutinise the effectiveness of government. Overall PMQs are a
good way for the opposition to challenge the government party and gain popularity with views but it
can become dominated by petty point scoring.
F urthermore, the opposition can also challenge the governing party through select committees.
Select committees act as scrutinising bodies which pick apart government legislation and provide
advice to the government. They are often chaired by opposition members EG the Public Accounts
Committee is chaired by Meg Hillier, a labour MP. This means that effective scrutiny can take place as
the governing party can't dominate committees and push through bills without scrutiny. But the
opposition party can provide reports that can be used by the government to amend legislation.
However, only 40% of Select Committee reports have been accepted, highlighting how this form of
scrutiny could be amended. Overall, the opposition can effectively scrutiny the government by being
the heads of committees ensuring legislation is pulled apart before it is enforced.
F inally, the opposition can challenge the governing party by pursuing a vote of confidence in the
House of Commons. This is considered a nuclear option and is used if the majority of MP's argue that
the current prime minister's party is not capable of running the country. This can be used affectively
by the opposition party as they can pursue the party in triggering a vote of no confidence and they
will likely win at the next election due to voters viewing the government policy as weak. This was
effectively shown when James Callaghan lost his vote of no confidence by one vote for (311- 310)
and Thatcher took over at the next election. However, this form of scrutiny by opposition is rare and
hardly ever happens due to dominating parties ensuring MPs vote along party lines. This form of
scrutiny is the least significant but can be used in desperate times if the current government are not
governing in the best interests of the people.
T hree ways addressed. Clear structure. Relevant examples provided and a sustained focus upon
the official opposition throughout.
E xplain and analyse three ways in which the official opposition can challenge the government in
the House of Commons (9 marks)
ne way in which the official opposition can challenge the government in the Commons is in Prime
O
Minister's Questions. For example, in 2022, when Boris Johnson was repeatedly questioned about his
parties during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is a significant form of scrutiny from the opposition as it
can expose ministers’ weaknesses. However, some weaknesses with PMQs is that it is seen as just 30
minutes of theatrics and rowdiness which explains why in 2014 the then speaker of the house John
Bercow wrote party leaders asking them to control party behaviour in PMQ's.
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S econdly, the opposition can change the government with the votes of no confidence clear auction
for so this can be seen when Thatcher triggered such a vote against Callaghan in 1979 and was only
successful by one vote. this is a significant form of scrutiny as it shows to the electorate how weak
the government Is though, some may argue it is ineffective as it is used so rarely and very rarely
succeeds. For example, the last vote of no confidence was in 2019 against May and wasn't successful.
T wo ways addressed. This limited the response to Level 2. Two clearly identifiable ways addressed
with a focus on the official opposition. Relevant examples provided with analysis, which could be
developed further to reach the top of the level.
E xplain and analyse three factors that can lead to some UK pressure groups being more successful
than others. (9 marks)
T here are several factors that affect the success of pressure groups in the UK. The first of these is
status. Insider status means that the pressure group will have more contact with the government
and therefore is able to attempt to influence legislation, furthermore this may mean that they are
consulted by the government when it comes to matters that affect the group they represent and
therefore they are also able to implement policy this way. They may be consulted on green or white
papers, or invited to present evidence at the UKSC or at Public Bill Committees that could go on to
affect amendments or rulings in the court. The British Medical Association has long been a sectional
group that the government will turn to for advice when it comes to the NHS - showing that they are
successful in achieving their aims - though recently due to austerity cuts this relationship is not as
good.
nother way that pressure groups are able to be more successful is through their size. The larger size
A
they are the more they are able to influence legislation using pressure from the public or show their
discontent for certain legislation that has been passed. For example, the AA has a membership of 14
million people and therefore has succeeded in implementing policy such as mandatory seat belts as
well as a ban on smoking in cars. Due to the fact that they represent such a large section of the
population (all road users) and have a large membership they have been able to influence safety
matters significantly therefore making them more successful. Another pressure group that was
successful due to its size which managed to raise awareness for endangered birds using and having
over 1.4 million members thereby better achieving its aims.
T he last way that some pressure groups are more successful than others is due to celebrity
endorsements. A celebrity endorsement can increase the appeal of the pressure groups as well as
attract more media attention. This in turn will highlight the aims of the groups to the government
and could lead to pressure from the media and press as well as the public and could lead to
legislation being passed. Therefore, a high profile celebrity endorsement can be extremely
beneficial. For example, Joanna Lumley endorsed ensuring the Ghurkhas would obtain UK citizenship,
placing pressure on the government and eventually leading to a change in legislation meaning that
overall celebrity endorsements can be extremely beneficial.
E xplain and analyse three factors that can lead to some UK pressure groups being more successful
than others. (9 marks)
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ne method used by pressure groups to achieve its aims is civil disobedience. Civil disobedience
O
includes being a public nuisance, potentially in illegal ways, to bring attention to their cause, and is
normally used by outside pressure groups that doesn't have the ear of the government. For example
in 2023 just stop oil were vandalising offices of oil companies, or throwing paint on snooker tables,
being broadcast countrywide. This may be an ineffective technique to use due to it's alienation and
disturbance of the public, causing many people to feel negative towards their cause. However, direct
action gains a lot of media attention, which effectively helps such pressure groups achieve their aims,
as it is given publicity people become aware of the issues they may have been unaware of before.
Therefore, direct action may still remain a successful method for pressure groups to achieve their
aims.
nother method used by pressure groups to achieve their aims is lobbying. This involves giving
A
information to ministers and MPs about their cause, potentially persuading them for endorsements
or to introduce a private members bill for their cause. It is widely it is by insider pressure groups, who
have the ear of the government. For example, the British banking association lobbied for cuts to
corporation tax, as they are an insider a group with the ear of the government. This is an effective
method used by pressure groups as it is legal and is potentially more likely to lead to policy being
created for their aims. However, if government’s policies don't align with the pressure groups aims, it
is unlikely they will listen and the next policy, such as the BBA lobbying the labour government for
cuts to corporation tax. Therefore, lobbying is a successful method of pressure groups, but it is only if
the aims of the groups and the policies of the government align.
F inally, another method used by pressure groups to achieve their aims is protests and rallies.
Peaceful protests and rallies are an important way to show commitment to a course and large
collective desire for the aims of the pressure it to be met, for example extinction rebellion has
organised protests for climate change action and among other aims they gain publicity and therefore
awareness of a pressure group aims, however these are limited by the 2023 police crime and
sentencing bill, which criminalises one person protests and allow further police action if protests
become noisy. This could limit the effectiveness process as a method if only are shut down by the
police if this bill becomes lower affecting the pressure groups success in achieving its aims.
Three ways addressed. Clear structure. Relevant examples provided and a sustained focus.
E xplain and Analyse Three Factors That Lead To Some UK Pressure Groups Being More Successful
Than Others (9 Marks)
ne factor that could lead to the success of UK Pressure Groups more than others is whether
O
it is an insider or an outsider pressure group. This is due to how close the government works
with the group in order to achieve the groups main objectives and aids its cause. For example,
The British Medical Association is an insider pressure group and works closely with
government and have implemented various policies, such as the existence of the NHS. The
BMA’s close government connection allows them to make a positive impact. However,
Fathers4Justice is an outside group, fighting for paternal rights. They had little government
support which caused them to be less successful. Overall, insider groups are more likely to
be more successful as they are closer to legislation and the legislative process, which allows
greater success.
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nother factor that could lead to the success of certain UK pressure groups concerns celebrity
A
endorsement. This is where a celebrity will support and encourage the cause of a pressure
group in the effort of making a much-needed positive change. An example would be how
Marcus Rashford supported the FareShare pressure group for the concept of free school
meals to support children and working-class parents that are struggling to provide their
children with lunches for school. This resulted in Rashford collecting approximately £20m of
donations. Therefore, celebrity endorsement benefits a pressure group with its success via a
celebrity’s large platform, media attention, influence and fan support. This allows greater
exposure to the public and an increased chance of donations.
final factor which would allow some UK pressure groups to be more successful than others
A
involves how small or large their membership is. A large membership, like Greenpeace, whom
have a membership of over 3.5 million members are much harder to ignore rather than a
smaller pressure group, like People and Planet, whom have only 2000 members. To conclude,
the more members the more attention to the cause thus becoming more successful.
E xaminers comments: Lots of good examples throughout and some analysis in paragraphs 1 and 2,
but lacks AO2 in the final paragraph, and AO2 is weak in the second paragraph.
evolution can be defined as the act of giving powers to regional governments under the
D
control of a central government, unlike federalism these devolved parliaments are entirely
beheld to the central government and their power can be revoked at any time. The government
of the UK instituted devolution in 1998 for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and London.
T he first feature of devolution is that it is a process not a law. Devolving parliaments takes time
it is not simply a one-time decision. Devolved parliaments slowly gain or lose powers over time
at the whim of the central government. The first acts of devolution simply state that there is a
parliament for these countries and a precedent for picking their own laws. At first the only
difference between a devolved region and a standard council is that they have a leader; a
mayor for cities or a first minister for larger regions. That does not sit in parliament at
Westminster.
T he second feature of Devolution is that it is not equal. Unlike in a federal system where each
state is allocated a government and they all have equal unchangeable power over the
institutions in that area, as laid out by a constitution devolved governments only have the
power over what has been granted to them by the central government. Northern Ireland has
its own security service unlike Scotland and Wales, Wales has power over their own
agriculture, Scotland and Ireland do not. Scotland has by far the most devolved power, due to
their desire to leave the UK they were granted a unique level of power over their own legislation
to curb nationalism.
T he third feature of Devolution is parliament has supreme control and it is revocable at any
time. In the US and other countries using a federal system for their regional governments, the
region holds complete control over all legislation that is not constitutionally binding. Some
rights and laws are required to be upheld but beyond this the regional government is supreme
and their powers are irrevocable. In a devolved system the parliaments of these regions exist
at the whim of government. Westminster could revoke the power from all devolved parliaments
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c ompletely legally, there is no guaranteed power for devolved regions all power they have has
been granted by central government and is not considered a right. Although Westminster
would likely never do this as it would be a PR nightmare and would undoubtedly stir
nationalism, the power is there and there is nothing stopping them.
Marks awarded:5
I ntroductions are not required, although it sets the scene well, no AO1 in paragraph 1, and
therefore no AO2. Second paragraph scores 2 AO1 marks, but no AO2. Final paragraph is better
with AO1 and 2 present.
Paper 1 Section B
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding the roles and
A
influence of parliamentary select committees. [25 marks]use extract Par2
hilst brief extracts views contain flaws and merits it is clear that extract 2’s view that parliamentary
W
select committees contain very little influence carries far more weight. However, before discussing
the arguments made by both extracts it is important to first consider that provenance Extract one,
for example, is written by Sarah Wollaston, the chair of the parliamentary select committee liaison
committee. This suggests that was she may have specific and extensive knowledge on committees
and the variety of roles they play, although she may have vested interests in this topic, additionally
the fact the extract is taken from an online source in parliament suggests that the extract is both
likely to show select committees in a positive light and have insider knowledge. In comparison,
extract 2 is taken from the BBC which is likely to remain relatively unbiased and neutral.
E xtract 1 also makes insertion that select committees can have major impact on government policy.
This was certainly the case and can be seen in the example of the 2011 health committee which
helped the government make amendments to its health and social characters, arguing it did not
properly take considerations of the needs of disabled individuals, it is important to note that this is
not always the case. To use the earlier example of the Sport, Cultural and Media Select Committee, it
is clear this is not always the case as the committee was unable to hold the government attitude to
account and unable to implement laws of phone hacking due to insufficient evidence found during its
investigation. This highlights how extract 2’s argument that MP's were able to keep their high office is
valid as Select Committee efficiency can vary greatly.
dditionally, the argument can be made that whilst committees are across government and parties
A
as suggested by extract 1, the majority in parliament returns a majority in select committees which
greatly impacts their results and can lead to the profound injustice mentioned in extract 2. For
example, Tony Blair's majority of 418 seats in 1997 electionon meant labour MP's were a majority in
all select committees in the comments.
ne convincing argument put forward by extract 2 is the reference to the facts that select
O
committees are unable to force witnesses to be interviewed for their investigations. For example, the
extracts references how Boris Johnson pulled out of a scheduled appearance. This is a significant
example as it not only highlights how the PM refused to face detailed scrutiny, but it reveals massive
limitations on the powers of select committees. This is further supported by the fact that even when
called to an interview Boris Johnson, when in Mays cabinet as foreign minister, was accused of
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affling by the committee chair. In comparison, extract 1 argues select committees can propose
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solutions to difficult issues and listen to a range of voices. Whilst this can be seen as true, especially
given the fact that the culture and media committee called experts both in and out of parliament
during its investigation in the phone hacking scandal, it is clear these arguments carry less weight
than those made in extract 2. This is because the ability of those interviewed severely diminishes the
ability of committees to fulfil their role of scrutiny, regardless of how well it is filled during interviews.
T o conclude, despite both extracts retaining their flaws and merits, it is clear that overall extract 2
carries far more weight as select committees are unable to fulfil their roles of scrutinising an
investigation of the government.
nalyse, evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extracts regarding the roles and
A
influence of parliamentary select committees. [25 marks]use extract Par2
key point of contention between the two extracts is the view on select committees impact on
A
government. Extract 1 outlines that select committees can have a major impact on government
policy which is an attractive line of arguments regarding the role of select committees. The value of
this point is shown for key examples like the 2011 sugar tax. This act originated from a damning
health select committee report on child obesity from which the government responded within one
month with the sugar tax. Whilst this does show a clear influence of select committees, the example,
like many others, can be traced back to the influence of pressure groups as opposed to select
committees themselves. Three BMA encouraged key health committee reports, including the 2007
smoking ban and childhood obesity report in 2018. This shows that when select committees may
exert influence, this influence is limited to the resources of the pressure groups they consult. This
criticism is reinforced in extract two which states that it is a profound injustice MP's can hold high
office on select committees despite abandoning their party. An example of this is Robert Goodwill, a
tory MP with expertise in family and the environment who encourages green initiatives in the Select
Committee he chairs, agriculture and environment, despite the majority of his party being sceptical
of green issues. This criticism of extract one is effective and substantially correct and has in
explaining the role of select committees.
T he matter of executive accountability is also disputed between the two extracts. For example,
extract 2 posts the PM can simply avoid accountability in rescheduling and avoiding meetings with
select committees. Whilst this point does carry weight in the case of Boris Johnson, generally it can
be disputed effectively. Since 2018 the public amounts accounts committee has consistently
produced negative reports on the financial impact of HS2 resulting in both spending cuts and
changes to the environmental impact. This clearly shows that the PM and executive is held to
account successfully by select committees and thus extract 2 is limited. Additionally extract 1 argues
in favour of the functions of committees stating that select committees hold the government and
others to account. Again, this can be exemplified by the Public Accounts Committee and their reports
on Johnson's COVID PPE contracts. This also shows how select committees hold others to account as
wealthy recipients of those contracts were made to answer questions in front of the committee. This
shows how, overall, select committees do effectively hold the government to account extract two’s
sceptical approach to their role is limited.
owever, the provenance of both these extracts limits them somewhat. Extract one originates from a
H
neutral source however the author chaired the liaison committee, so it is likely to argue in favour of
their role. This is exemplified in the tone, utilising language for the impact of that Select Committee
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a nd show a positive side to politics. This does not limit the extract greatly, though does show a
slightly biassed argument. Extract two is equally from a neutral source but evidently provides
arguments from MPs against the effectiveness and role of select committees. Yet, overall, extract 2
provides an insight into what political professionals feel about their role which is particularly
important as they are the ones who legislate. To conclude, the argument in extract 1 provides a
broader and more effective argument regarding the role and influence of select committees extract
to provide some relevance and valuable insight, yet is limited by its criticisms and evidence contrary.
T his student was awarded a level 5 mark. The response has detailed and accurate knowledge and
understanding. The provenance of extract 2 could be slightly developed more.
nalyse and evaluate and compare the arguments in the above extract regarding the need for a
A
codified constitution in the UK (25 marks) Use extract Con1
T he British constitution's uncodified nature can lead to criticisms over a lack of clarity and
fundamental rights, but overall, it works well because of its adaptability and minimal power of the
judiciary.
E xtract one is right to highlight the problem with the UK's uncodified constitution as being is lack of
clarity, as this was evident during the Brexit process. The referendum in 2016 was not legally binding
due to parliamentary sovereignty and this led to some calls for parliament not to go through with
Brexit, especially in the latter stages of the process when a no deal exit seemed possible. The Miller
versus Secretary of State for exiting the EU (2017) case highlighted the unclear balance of power
both between parliament and the executive in triggering article 50, but also between the judiciary
and parliament in its role of regulating parliamentary affairs. This represents a significant weakness
of the uncodified constitution as the relationship between different branches of government can be
uncertain, meaning that it is not obvious to the public where political power lies and therefore how
to go about initiating change, which stands as a barrier to the democratic process in the UK.
owever, extracts ones criticism of the lack of a codified constitutional settlement is misplaced as the
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UK constitution mainly makes for a flexible devolution settlement. Although powers to be devolved
bodies such as the Scottish Parliament have been increasing since 1997, the uncodified constitution
is still clear on parliamentary sovereignty, and this is saying in the fact that attempts to secure a
second Scottish independence referendum are directed at Westminster rather than Holyrood. The
judiciary also plays a key role in upholding the devolution settlement, striking down the Scottish
continuity bill in 2018 and the attempt to enshrine the UN rights of the child into Scottish law in 2021
as these measures went beyond the power of the Scottish Parliament. Therefore, whilst extract one
is right to highlight the lack of clarity of an uncodified constitution, it is wrong to apply this to the
devolution settlement as the constitution has been rigid in its defence of the power balance between
Westminster and devolved institutions.
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E xtract 2 is right to highlight the adaptability of the uncodified constitution and it is allowed changes
such as Brexit and devolution in recent years. Parliamentary sovereignty in the UK, as opposed to
constitutional sovereignty were it codified has allowed the UK to easily amend the constitution in
order to make necessary changes. The growth of national identities in Scotland and Wales have been
accompanied by a gradual increase in devolution from the Scotland act in 1998 to the Scotland act
2016 and the Wales act 2017 which accounts for the large supports of devo Max in Scotland and
Wales. Similarly, the constitution has been flexible in changing the UK's relationship with the
European Union, allowing for the people to settle the membership question in a referendum in 2016.
Whilst there was some interference in Brexit from the judiciary in the Miller cases, the matter was
resolved by elected representatives in parliament with the European Union withdrawal act 2018 and
the European Union withdrawal agreement act 2020 which has remained the central institution for
the UK's political system at the request of the people. Therefore, both Brexit and devolution shows
the UK's constitution being flexible for a changing country, allowing the UK to redefine its
relationship with the EU and Scotland and Wales to redefine their relationship with Westminster
according to the wishes of the people. Therefore, the argument in extract two that the UK's
constitution is flexible is stronger than the argument over a lack of clarity in extract one's the lack of
clarity rarely prevent progress from being made while the uncodified nature of the constitution is
allowed is designed to allow it.
E xtract 2 is also correct to identify the lack of judicial power as a strength the UK's uncodified
constitution, although this has been under threat recently. The key advantage of an uncodified
constitution is the right are determined by elected representatives in parliament, rather than by an
unelected bodies interpretation of an out of date document which would occur with a codified
constitution. The strength of this was seen in the case of the job seekers act 2013 which was deemed
by the supreme court to be incompatible with the ECHR, but the sovereignty of elected
representatives in parliament that meant that legislation remained until there was a democratic will
to amend it in 2020. The claim in extract that the lack of judicial power undermines rights is
misguided, as the supreme court still has influence, seen in the incompatibility of the data protection
investigating powers act 2014 with the ECHR, which led to its replacement with the investigatory
powers act 2016. However, the crucial benefit of the uncodified constitution is that the power to
change the law lies only with parliament whose power is highly concentrated in the hands of elected
representatives. Therefore, extract two highlights a key benefit of the uncodified constitution in the
supremacy of elected representatives in parliament over the judiciary, as this prevents judicial
overreach. Although the influence of the courts has been increasing such as in the case of Miller
versus the Prime Minister which declared the propagation of parliament illegal, the placement of a
clause in the new dissolution and calling of parliament act 2022 should help to reduce the impacts of
the courts and place power back with parliament. Therefore, extract two make strong arguments in
favour of the uncodified constitution as the fact that political power is held by an elected parliament
is crucial to the democratic process in the UK.
verall, it is clear that the argument in extract two the UK does not need a codified constitution are
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the more convincing as it gives power to elected representatives to uphold rights and make much
needed changes to the political system. Whilst it is true that the balance of power can be unclear,
although less so with regards to devolution, this problem could be addressed through legislation in
an uncodified constitution as with the constitutional reform and government acts 2010 which
cemented the role of parliament in ratifying treaties. Therefore, the arguments of adaptability and
democracy from extracts are correct to show that the UK does not need a codified constitution.
A comprehensive, organised, and focussed response. Both extracts are used to competently
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a nalyse and evaluate the relative strengths of the arguments. A range of sophisticated and relevant
examples are developed for analysis throughout.
Paper 1 Section C
‘ Cabinet ministers still matter as heads of department, but the whole cabinet is no longer at the
centre of important government decision making.' Analyse and evaluate this statement. [25 marks]
hilst both the argument that the cabinet is no longer at the centre of important government
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decision making, and the argument that it is still, both contain their respected flaws and merits, it is
clear overall the former carries more weight. This can be said to be true due to the
presidentialisation of the PM which is drastically reduced the role of the cabinet.
ne reason as to why it can be said that cabinet retains little role in the decision making is the fact
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that it is the PM, not the cabinet who chairs cabinet. This means that with the cabinet the Prime
Minister is able to have a direct decision on the agenda for cabinet as well as the timetable for
cabinet. For example, Tony Blair was said to leave little decision making to cabinet has he had few
cabinet meetings set up as part of his sofa government with cabinet meeting for only half an hour
per session. This meant the cabinet was unable to gain any influence on decision making as there
was little room for debate. However, it is still important to consider that the use of bilaterals can be
seen to support the view the cabinet is at the centre of important government decision making as
ministers, especially in Tony Blair's cabinet, were able to influence the policy agenda. Whilst this may
at first appear to support the opposing view, it is important to consider that even if particular
ministers were involved in bilaterals this does not include the whole of cabinet. For example, few
ministers were informed of Blair's decision to support President Bush in the invasion of Iraq, cabinet
was not officially told until three days prior to the invasion, suggesting Blair was able to control the
cabinet agenda. This highlights how the PM's powers as cabinet chair have the direct impact on
cabinet and the extent to which they are even informed of policies and decisions, let alone involved
in the process of implementing decisions.
dditionally, it may be argued that cabinet is no longer at the centre of important government
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decisions due to the principle of Primus inter pares or first among equals which means the PM has
control over final decisions made by cabinet. This alongside the fact that ministers have to abide by
decisions as part of collective responsibility, suggests they do not have control over decisions. On the
other hand, it may certainly be argued that the principle of Primus Inter Pares can be used in favour
of opposing the argument as it is first among equals suggesting the PM and cabinet both have
influence over decisions. Despite this, it is clear that when looking at the actions made by a PM
whose style is more presidential that this is the case. For example, Thatcher was seen as a strong
presence in her cabinet to extent she was nicknamed the Iron Lady. Comparison, David Cameron was
said to have a collegial style of government, similar to John major's cabinet, in which cabinet was
involved heavily in decision making, upholding the principle of Primus inter pares due to the need for
agreement in the coalition government. Therefore, it can be said that when a strong PM is in power,
the influence of cabinet in decision making is limited this is not the case for week appearance such as
John Major and David Cameron suggesting it is likely an elastic band like Michael Foley suggested.
espite this, it may be argued the cabinet is still at the centre decision making as they can control
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policy in their departments. For example, the secretary of state can control policies within their own
governmental departments as they have access to their own special advisers to help them direct
policy however it can still be said that cabinet ministers are not at the centre of decision making as
they are restricted by both collective and individual ministerial responsibility which holds them to
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a ccount, preventing them from making decisions as head of their departments. For example,
mistakes in their departments and policy failings mainly ministers have to resign as both cabinet
ministers and heads of their departments. For example, following the 2011 marking scheme scandal
the secretary of education was urged to quit similar to the secretary of agriculture following the
crichel down affair. These examples highlight that not only are cabinet ministers restricted in their
decision making influence in cabinet, but also their own department suggesting that the whole
cabinet is no longer at the centre of decision making.
In conclusion, it is clear that the whole cabinet no longer has significant role nor is in the centre of
decision making as they are restricted by both the departments and ministerial responsibility and in
their position as cabinet ministers, by the presence of the PM as chair of the cabinet, especially with
PMs with strong majorities and presidential styles of governing. Whilst there are certainly
agreements to support the opposing view that ministers are still able to influence government
decision making, these are easily refutable suggesting the view in opposition to the statement carries
little validity. For example, whilst this is certainly true that cabinet is supposed to follow the principle
of primus inter pares it is clear that in recent years the PM has retained a strong control of
government decision making, especially when they hold strong majorities. Therefore, it is clear
overall that despite being heads of their respective departments, cabinet ministers are no longer at
the centre of government decision making.
‘ The UK judiciary has had an increasingly significant impact upon the working of the executive and
parliament since 1997’ Analyse and evaluate this statement (25 marks)
hilst it can be argued that the UK judiciary has had an increasingly significant impact on the
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working of the executive and parliament since 1997 due to its application of the ECHR and
judgement on ultra virus cases, these impacts have been fairly minor and parliamentary sovereignty
continues to guarantee the inferior status of the judiciary.
T here is credibility in the argument that the UK judiciary has had an increasingly significant impact on
the workings of the executive and parliament since 1997 due to the application of the ECHR as per
the Human Rights Act 1998. Placing the ECHR into British law has allowed a number of judicial
reviews to be made by the Supreme Court (UKSC), there are now thousands of judicial reviews each
year compared to the hundreds in the 1970s. Judgments made under the ECHR such as the repealing
Reilly versus Secretary of State for work and pensions (2019) which dictated that the government
must calculate housing benefit before the deduction of bedroom tax from the start, shows that the
UKSC is having an increasing role in UK politics for its application of the ECHR. The effects of this is
seen in parliament in the joint committee on human rights which raised questions over in the legality
of the police crime sentencing and courts bill in 2021, showing the impact of the judiciary in the
workings of parliament therefore a case can be made that judicial influence has increased as
legislation now has to be much more careful to abide with the ECHR in order to avoid interference
from the judiciary.
espite this the impacts of the judiciary is lesser given how minor its rulings are in the context of UK
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politics. Whilst the UKSC has gained influence under the ECRL seeing in the aforementioned ruling on
housing benefit, these decisions are of negligible importance to the UK political system when the
wider picture is considered. The calculation of housing benefits is far less significant than areas of
public policy such as taxation and healthcare, and in these more important areas the influence of the
judiciary is minimal. Nevertheless, the power of the UKSC in judicial review looks set to decrease
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a nyway, amid plans to allow ministers to overrule judicial review, and the insertion of an outlier
clause into the dissolution and calling of parliaments act 2022 confirms that the judiciary will have
will continue to have influence in the future. Therefore, whilst there has been increased judicial
impact over parliament and the executive since 1997 under the ECHR, this effects only minor areas of
government policy and the influence is set decrease in future.
different area where the judiciary has certainly had greater impact since 1997 is in ultra virus cases,
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regarding the government in Westminster and the devolved governments. The intervention of the
UKSC in the Brexit process in both Miller versus secretary state for exit in the European Union (2017)
and Miller versus the Prime Minister (2019) showed drastically increased influence over parliament
and the executive as the judiciary became highly involved in the relationship between the branches
of government. Unlike the application of the ECHR, this has had a profound impact on the UK
political system with the 2017 decision forcing a vote in parliament to trigger article 50, and the 2019
decision leading to the calling of the general election to resolve Brexit. On top of the Westminster
government, the UKSC has intervened to check the powers of the Scottish Executive and parliament
in striking down the continuity bill in 2018 and attempts to enshrine the UN declaration of the rights
of the child in law during 2021 deeming the Scottish government went beyond its powers,
representing a significant influence in did the balance of power between the devolved and the
national parliament in Scotland. Therefore, interventions from UKSC in the Brexit process and in the
balance of power with regards to devolution show that judiciary has had increasing influence over
the national parliament since the devolution programme announced in 1997 has forced actions such
as a general election and positioning to Westminster for a second independence referendum where
the decisions was otherwise have been taken elsewhere.
owever, despite the gaining influence of the judiciary on the executive and parliament, it remains
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clear that parliament is sovereign, and the influence of the judiciary has not grown to a point where
this can be challenged. Despite high profile interventions in the Brexit process, the UKSC was
powerless to uphold laws such as the fixed term parliament Act 2011 in calling the 2019 general
election, parliamentary sovereignty meant that the UKSC cannot simply strike down an act of
parliament. This lack of influence was seen in regard to the job seekers Act 2013 which the UKSC
declared incompatible with the ECHR, although the legislation remained active until it was amended
in 2020 due to the UKSC's lack of ability to force parliament to comply with the ECHR. This is
significant as it shows that even if the impact of the judiciary in the workings of the executive and
parliament has increased its 1997, these changes are not enough to challenge the principle of
parliamentary sovereignty which is central in the UK political system. Therefore, it is important that
the increased impact of the judiciary is not overstated due to a lack of major change to the UK's
constitutional arrangement.
verall, while it is clear that the UK’s judiciary has had an increasingly significant impact upon the
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workings of the executive and parliament since 1997, it is important to consider that the change in
its influence has been minor. Regarding the Human Rights Act 1998, devolution and the creation of
independent Supreme Court have allowed for the influence of the judiciary to increase, seen in the
application of the ECHR and ultra virus decisions, the impact of this have been relatively minor. These
changes have done little to undermine parliamentary sovereignty as a key principle of the UK
constitution, and the ECHR judgments involve minor decisions. Therefore, the increase in judicial
influence has been relatively minor, and its influence is set to fall in future now that restrictions on
the power of judicial review meaning that the increased impact we have seen has led to no major
reconfiguration of the British political system.
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comprehensive response. Clearly focussed on the question and evaluation sustained throughout.
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Excellent and relevant range of supporting examples.
I would argue that in some areas of politics within the UK, political participation levels are severely
lower than where they should be, with a steady decline in general election participation since the
early 2000s. There is however still hope in some other areas in my opinion, for example in pressure
groups and online.
In 2016 the UK voted 52 percent 48% to leave the European Union, a referendum that saw a 69%
turn out in members of the population who are eligible to vote. In my opinion, for such a major
decision that would impact tens of millions across the country, to have 30% of people not casting a
vote doesn't display a crisis in participation, but is an issue nonetheless. In contrast, in the Scottish
independence vote members of Scottish public who were eligible to vote and did was at 85% a
considerable increase in comparison to Brexit. Say perhaps the question maybe, is there a
participation crisis in England and Wales rather than the UK. With Scotland’s turnout figures being
significantly greater than the UK as a whole.
In terms of voter turn out in the UK things may not be looking brilliant, as seen by the 2012 PCC
elections which had just a 14% votes turn out, but political participation comes in multiple different
forms. The number of people in pressure groups in the UK had increased in more recent times, with
worldwide pressure group Greenpeace now having over 110,000 members within the UK and trade
union numbers also rising, with the British nurses association now having more than 60,000
members including doctors, nurses and medical professionals. Despite the generally poor voter
turnout across the UK people are finding other ways to participate in politics which is important in
terms of more people having a say in what takes place within a democracy.
n top of this, other forms of political participation are also prevalent within the UK, from social
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media platforms to the classroom. Thousands of people each day in the UK interact with each other
in political debates on Twitter sharing thoughts and feelings on the vast array of topics. Twitter pages
politics for you which keeps followers updated on its UK politics gained over 600,000 followers within
two years of being on the platform, suggesting that, in fact, participation in the UK is alive and right.
verall, I feel that despite poor voter turnout in recent times across many areas of the UK,
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participation within politics is not in a crisis and a small rise in turn out worse, in fact, per political
participation within UK in a very healthy place.
T he student was awarded band 3, at the bottom of the level. Some sound knowledge and
understanding. Further development required in places to progress out of the level, particularly in
terms of focus of the question ‘a participation crisis’.
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statement. [25 marks]
T he term participation crisis connotes a number of factors in the democratic process failing or being
undermined by a lack of public interest. In regard to the UK, this implies low electoral turnouts and
membership of parties, all a rise in slacktavism and limited public interest. This essay shall examine
the debate that the UK is experiencing a crisis in political participation, addressing arguments like the
falling turn out, falling membership and the use of direct democracy, the media and online methods.
T he most important indicator of a crisis in participation is general election turn out. Since the 1950s
when turn out averaged 80%, the UK has faced a somewhat steady decline. The 2001 election saw
the lowest in recent UK history at 54%, though this can be somewhat explained by the success of
Blair's government and the predictions from opinion polls pointing towards a labour landslide. Since
2001, turn out has increased to around 65% in 2010 and peaking after Brexit vote in 2016 at 68%.
This suggests that the UK is suffering from a minor participation crisis due to the fall in turn out.
However, this argument is limited in scope, other democratic nations face similar or even lower turn
out than the UK, implying that lower turn out is in fact a feature of modern democracies. For
example, in 2014 Switzerland’s turnout was 45%, and US elections generally average 60 to 70%.
Overall, the turn out in the UK is rising despite its decline in recent years, and compared to other
democratic nations the UK meets expected averages. Therefore, the statement is incorrect in its
postulation, and the UK is not suffering from a crisis in participation.
nother crucial indicator in a crisis of participation is the membership of political parties and
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organisations. In the 1950s, the conservative party boasted over 3 million members which has
substantially fallen, including a large drop of 500,000 members in the 1990s, to under 200,000 in
2019. Similarly, the Labour Party has seen a drop in members since the 50s but saw a large increase
in 2015 of 200,000 to 300,000 members, putting them at 500,000 members under Corbyn. In 2017
and 2019 only 1% of the electorate was a member of conservative, labour or the Lib Dems which
understandably implies a huge drop in participation, particularly when considering membership in
the 1950s. A lack of members gave parties a smaller talent pool to pick candidates from and an
increased reliance on large donors from the wealthy, of which the Tories received £19 million in
2019. A fall in membership undermining core principles of democracy, though the new machines of
parties and does imply a crisis in participation. However, one can criticise this through the increased
membership of other political organisations like pressure groups. The National Trust currently has 5
million members making it largest pressure group in Britain. Additionally in history pressure groups
like the chartists have seen more engagement than current parties, for example receiving 1.8 million
signatures in 1842. Though membership of, for example, the National Trust can be explained through
chequebook members who signed up only for benefits, the membership of pressure groups does
show an imbalance interest in political matters and points to a lack of interest in parties rather than a
participation crisis.
clear example contrary to the statement is the turnout of referendums and role of the media and
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online methods. The 2014 Scottish independence vote saw turnout of 84%, also allowing 16 and 17
year olds to vote of which 75% did, and off that 75%, 97% said they would again. This immediately
points to a more valuable argument contrary to the statement and is more successful interlaced with
aforementioned stats on increasing general election turn out. The 2016 Brexit referendum also saw a
generally higher turnout than most general elections at around 72%. Other online methods also
show a high participation, for example E-petitions. In 2016 an E-petition to revoke article 50 and
remain in the EU received over 6,000,000 signatures., showing how the modern methods still
provide areas for large amounts of participation. One can criticise this with the role of the media for
example the Brexit referendum saw a sharp increase in fake news. The high turnout of the Brexit
referendum may be due to vote leave's £300 million per week NHS campaign encouraging a response
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f rom taxpayers. Though inevitably this criticism is flawed, and evidence suggests contrary to the
statement.
T o conclude, though election turnout has not consistently stayed high, through other examples like
referendums, E-petitions, and pressure groups it is clear that the UK is not facing a crisis in
participation. There is some value in arguing that the low turnout connotes the crisis, however this is
limited in scope.
T his student was awarded a level 5, with full marks. The response has detailed and accurate
knowledge. Analysis is balanced and confidently developed.
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