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Case Study 2 Niger Delta Frustration Aggression Theory Sodiq
Case Study 2 Niger Delta Frustration Aggression Theory Sodiq
Afinotan and Ojakorotu (2009) narrated that prior to the commencement of oil production in the
area now called the Niger Delta in the year 1958, the region was largely untouched and it
provided enormous subsistence resources for its relatively still population. The area offered
medicinal herbs and bark, fish, shrimp, crabs, clams, wood for fuel and shelter, and fertile soil
for agriculture. It served as a natural habitat for a variety of wildlife species including the Delta
elephant, the white-crested monkey, the river hippopotamus, and numerous colourful birds,
crocodiles, turtles, and alligators. Furthermore, the area contributed to Nigeria’s commercial
fisheries industry.
However, this tranquil ambiance was disrupted upon the discovery of Oil in Oloibiri in 1956, by
the oil exploration company Shell Petroleum Development Company (known at the time as Shell
D’arcy). As a result of this discovery, Shell increased its exploration in the Niger Delta
augmenting its discoveries to twelve production areas and laying the foundation for future
onshore and offshore exploitation of oil sites. The crude oil in the Niger Delta is ‘sweet crude’ to
indicate its low sulfur content, thus, amplifying demands for it by Multinational Oil Companies.
Per Taleb (2021), the significance of crude oil and natural gas lies in the fact that they are the
most sought-after sources of energy worldwide. Currently, Nigeria ranks as one of the top ten
Consequently, Nigeria witnessed an oil boom which bolstered its economic strength. However,
this is not without vital consequences. Since becoming heavily reliant on crude oil in the 1970s,
the issue of who should control the resources of the region and what percentage of shares should
be taken has been pushed to the limelight. The once vegetation-filled area was laid waste by oil
spillages that sabotaged the aquatic and agrarian lifestyle and grandeur of the indigenous rural
people. Taleb (2021) relates that environmental degradation, economic deprivation, exclusion of
the local elites, alienation, and lack of sustainable development in the region were the major
Taleb (2021) has identified several causes of conflict in the Niger Delta region. One such cause
is the colonial legacy of the British imperial government. The British government had amplified
the prominence of ethnic issues that have shown to promote ethnic rivalries in terms of resource
control. One of such fears of the people of the Niger Delta was marginalization by recognized
ethnic groups and this prevalent problem led to the Willink’s Commission which recommended
that the Niger Delta region be regarded as a unique area for development.
Another cause of the uprising was the revenue allocation formula that the Nigerian government
had employed which does not benefit the region considering that it contributes over 80% of the
country’s national assets. A recurring reason for the conflicts within the region is the rate of
poverty and staggering development that has plagued the area despite being the hub for
Furthermore, with the transition to oil production, the traditional mode of living of the people has
been altered leading to unemployment in the novel style of living. Taleb (2021) explained that oil
resources significantly alter the primary forms of employment and livelihoods for the local
communities, especially when farmland or fishing areas are taken over for oil activities.
However, these changes do not create equivalent job opportunities for those displaced from their
original occupations. This leads to structural inequality within the host communities.
Finally, environmental degradation due to gas flaring, oil spillage, carbon emissions, etc. and
land of compensation for these damages were pivotal considerations in inciting youths to pick up
arms against multinational oil companies and the Nigerian government. Since environmental
degradation affected everyone, the associated costs of violence were spread broadly across the
community. This widespread impact made the consequences of inaction appear greater than the
the conflict. As earlier stated, this theory posits that people are influenced to exhibit aggressive
behaviour due to frustration (Dollard et al, 1939). This, according to Amadi et al (2020) implies
a circumstance where an individual or group of persons think that their means of achieving their
objectives are unduly constrained by external players whom they vent their aggression.
It follows from the abovementioned that after the environmental degradation and change of
means of livelihood resulting in high unemployment, the inhabitant of Niger Delta naturally
regards the Nigerian government and various Multinational Oil Companies on oil exploration
and exploitation as agents sabotaging or ‘frustrating’ their aim for infrastructural and sustainable
development and human living. Rather than address the grievance of the people of the region, the
Nigerian government would often launch an offensive military assault to weaken any hindrance
to enforcement their concession with this oil companies. As a result, groups, militant and
otherwise, arose to counter government’s interest and pursue individualistic goals for presumed
good cause such as self-protection and asset control. The aim was to keep the affront of
government in check and resolve the issues of ‘hardship and marginalization’ (Amadi et al,
2020).
Amadi et al, (2020) has succinctly detailed the series of events which marked the Niger Delta
people’s aggressive response to government’s frustrating activities on their soil. The primordial
of these events was the militant self-determination effort of the Niger Delta Volunteer Service,
an organization formed in 19i66 and led by Isaac Adaka Boro. The declaration of independence
of the Niger Delta Republic on 23 rd of February, 1966 was initiated against the Nigerian
In 1992, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) was established by Ken Saro
Wiwa, a human and environmental protection activist, to protest government and Shell’s
exploitation of Ogoni land. Sani Abacha’s government frowned at the activity of this group and
thus, arraigned Wiwa and eight others in a military tribunal where they were summarily
convicted and hanged for treason, an action which propelled the group into hostile
confrontations.
In the same vein, Asari Dokubo established the Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVT)
to challenge the revenue allocation formula of the government considering the fact that 80% of
federal government revenue are generated from the region and that unemployment is caused by
the gargantuan expanse of oil exploitation activities. He reasoned that if the youths of the area do
not militarily address their plight, they would remain stricken with poverty in the future.
With a much austere approach, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)
led by Jomo Gbomo fought resiliently against the exploration activities of Agip and it bore
responsibility for several kidnappings, hostage taking including the vandalization of Agip set ups
in Brass, Bayelsa state. The group demanded the release of Asari Dokubo, the payment of
compensation from Shell for communities affected by oil spillage, self-control of assets by the
region and the release of all inmates incarcerated for their activism in the Niger Delta.
2016 witnessed the rise of the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) which assaulted oil facilities in the
region, resulting in the closure of oil terminals and a significant drop in Nigeria’s oil production
rate. The group also announced its intention to establish a sovereign country in the region and
The long years of strife and military warfare in the area has massively devastated the economic
development of the region. Per Kalama and Oriakhi (2022), Nigeria suffered significant losses
due to the violence and insecurity in the Niger Delta. Between 1999 and 2005, oil losses
released in late 2009, revealed that in the first nine months of 2006 alone, the Nigerian
government lost an astounding $23.7 billion in oil revenue due to militant attacks and violence in
In conclusion, the Niger Delta conflict underscores the great impact of environmental
degradation and economic deprivation based on the frustration-aggression theory. The unfair
allocation of resources, oil spillages, unemployment and poor standard of living are variables
that frustrates the people of the region who demonstrate their displeasure through aggressive
protests and conflicts that has resulted in several kidnapping, vandalism, hostage taking amongst
others; consequently, Nigeria’s economic loss skyrocketed due to the conflicts. Addressing the
issues in the region on the frustration-aggression theoretical framework would enhance measures
REFERENCES
Afinotan L. A., and Ojakorotu V., 2009. “The Niger Delta Crisis: Issues, Challenges and
Prospects.” African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 3(5): pp 191 – 198.
Amadi J. C., Udumaga C. C. U., and Maduka E. C., 2020. “Oil Exploration and Armed Conflict;
Implications for the Development of Rural Communities in Niger Delta Region of Nigeria.
“Journal of School of Arts and Social Science (JOSASS) 8(1): pp 182 – 189.
Kalama J., and Oriakhi F. O. U., 2022. “Understanding Conflict Analysis: A Review of the Niger
Delta – Boko Haram Uprisings in Nigeria”. The Nigerian Security Dilemma Since 1999:
Challenges, Strategic Options and Way Forwards.edited by Atelhe G. A, and Garba A. W., 29 –
Taleb, W. 2021. “The Niger Delta of Nigeria: The Curse of Oil.” Journal of Politic and Law
Uwafiokun I., and Uwem E. I. 2006. “Demystifying the Niger Delta Conflict: Towards an