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intelligence and earnestness of the whites, we find the problem
simplifying. So far from the future bringing trouble, we feel confident
that another decade or so, confirming the experience of the past ten
years, will furnish the solution to be accepted of all men.
Let us examine briefly what the South has been doing, and study
the attitude of the races toward each other. Let us do this, not so
much to vindicate the past as to clear the way for the future. Let us
see what the situation teaches. There must be in the experience of
fifteen years something definite and suggestive. We begin with the
schools and school management, as the basis of the rest.
Every Southern State has a common-school system, and in every
State separate schools are provided for the races. Almost every city
of more than five thousand inhabitants has a public-school system,
and in every city the schools for whites and blacks are separate.
There is no exception to this rule that I can find. In many cases the
law creating this system requires that separate schools shall be
provided for the races. This plan works admirably. There is no friction
in the administration of the schools, and no suspicion as to the
ultimate tendency of the system. The road to school is clear, and
both races walk therein with confidence. The whites, assured that
the school will not be made the hot-bed of false and pernicious
ideas, or the scene of unwise associations, support the system
cordially, and insist on perfect equality in grade and efficiency. The
blacks, asking no more than this, fill the schools with alert and eager
children. So far from feeling debased by the separate-school system,
they insist that the separation shall be carried further, and the few
white teachers yet presiding over negro schools supplanted by negro
teachers. The appropriations for public schools are increased year
after year, and free education grows constantly in strength and
popularity. Cities that were afraid to commit themselves to free-
schools while mixed schools were a possibility commenced building
school-houses as soon as separate schools were assured. In 1870
the late Benjamin H. Hill found his matchless eloquence unable to
carry the suggestion of negro education into popular tolerance. Ten
years later nearly one million black children attended free-schools,
supported by general taxation. Though the whites pay nineteen-
twentieths of the tax, they insist that the blacks shall share its
advantages equally. The schools for each race are opened on the
same day and closed on the same day. Neither is run a single day at
the expense of the other. The negroes are satisfied with the
situation. I am aware that some of the Northern teachers of negro
high-schools and universities will controvert this. Touching their
opinion, I have only to say that it can hardly be considered fair or
conservative. Under the forcing influence of social ostracism, they
have reasoned impatiently and have been helped to conclusions by
quick sympathies or resentments. Driven back upon themselves and
hedged in by suspicion or hostility, their service has become a sort of
martyrdom, which has swiftly stimulated opinion into conviction and
conviction into fanaticism. I read in a late issue of Zion’s Herald a
letter from one of these teachers, who declined, on the conductor’s
request, to leave the car in which she was riding, and which was set
apart exclusively for negroes. The conductor, therefore, presumed
she was a quadroon, and stated his presumption in answer to the
inquiry of a young negro man who was with her. She says of this:
“Truly, a glad thrill went through my heart—a thrill of pride. This great
autocrat had pronounced me as not only in sympathy, but also one in
blood, with the truest, tenderest, and noblest race that dwells on earth.”
If this quotation, which is now before me, over the writer’s name,
suggests that she and those of her colleagues who agree with her
have narrowed within their narrowing environment, and acquired
artificial enthusiasm under their unnatural conditions, so that they
must be unsafe as advisers and unfair as witnesses, the sole
purpose for which it is introduced will have been served. This
suggestion does not reach all Northern teachers of negro schools.
Some have taken broader counsels, awakened wider sympathies,
and, as a natural result, hold more moderate views. The influence of
the extremer faction is steadily diminishing. Set apart, as small and
curious communities are set here and there in populous States,
stubborn and stiff for a while, but overwhelmed at last and lost in the
mingling currents, these dissenting spots will be ere long blotted out
and forgotten. The educational problem, which is their special care,
has already been settled, and the settlement accepted with a
heartiness that precludes the possibility of its disturbance. From the
stand-point of either race the experiment of distinct but equal schools
for the white and black children of the South has demonstrated its
wisdom, its policy, and its justice, if any experiment ever made plain
its wisdom in the hands of finite man.
I quote on this subject Gustavus J. Orr, one of the wisest and best
of men, and lately elected, by spontaneous movement, president of
the National Educational Association. He says: “The race question in
the schools is already settled. We give the negroes equal
advantages, but separate schools. This plan meets the reason and
satisfies the instinct of both races. Under it we have spent over five
million dollars in Georgia, and the system grows in strength
constantly.” I asked if the negroes wanted mixed schools. His reply
was prompt: “They do not. I have questioned them carefully on this
point, and they make but one reply: “They want their children in their
own schools and under their own teachers.” I asked what would be
the effect of mixed schools. “I could not maintain the Georgia system
one year. Both races would protest against it. My record as a public-
school man is known. I have devoted my life to the work of
education. But I am so sure of the evils that would come from mixed
schools that, even if they were possible, I would see the whole
educational system swept away before I would see them
established. There is an instinct that gathers each race about itself. It
is as strong in the blacks as in the whites, though it has not asserted
itself so strongly. It is making itself manifest, since the blacks are
organizing a social system of their own. It has long controlled them in
their churches, and it is now doing so in their schools.”
In churches, as in schools, the separation is perfect. The negroes,
in all denominations in which their membership is an appreciable
percentage of the whole, have their own churches, congregations,
pastors, conferences, bishops, and their own missionaries. There is
not the slightest antagonism between them and the white churches
of the same denomination. On the contrary, there is sympathetic
interest and the utmost friendliness. The separation is recognized as
not only instinctive but wise. There is no disposition to disturb it, and
least of all on the part of the negro. The church is with him the center
of social life, and there he wants to find his own people and no
others. Let me quote just here a few sentences from a speech
delivered by a genuine black negro at the General Conference of the
Methodist Episcopal Church (South), in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1880. He
is himself a pastor of the African Methodist Church, and came as a
fraternal delegate. This extract from a speech, largely extempore, is
a fair specimen of negro eloquence, as it is a fair evidence of the
feeling of that people toward their white neighbors. He said:
I.
II.
III.