DUNCAN, Mary E. A sixteenth-Century mexican chant book. Pedro Ocharte's Psalterium, an(t)iphonarium sanctorale cum psalmis & himnis, (1584)

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DUNCAN, Mary E l i z a b e t h , 1940-

A SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN CHANT BOOK: PEDRO
OCHARTE'S PSALTERIUM, AN[T]IPHONARIUM SANCTORALE
CUM PSALMIS & HYMNIS, (1584).
U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington, Ph.D., 1975

Music
X e r o x University M i c r o f i l m s , Ann Arbor, Michigan 48io6
© Copyright by
MARY ELIZABETH DUNCAN
1975
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED.

A SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN CHANT BOOK:
PEDRO OCHARTE'S PSALTERIUM, AN[T3IPHONARIUM
SANCTORALE CUM PSALMIS & HYMNIS, (1584)
by
MARY ELIZABETH DUNCAN
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON
1975
Approved by ((_
fi~ ft
ir -<Xx_
<^J-*~
/(fcwu
i$yw-v^rvw
(Chairperson of Supervisory Committee)

Program Authorized >
to Offer Degree ' h . t/i/3-^c-
Date 9.-^. b-H^J^l+r, I9?£
UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON
P ntf >. ^n n r - f n h p r 10,75
We have carefully read the dissertation entitled A 1 6 t h - c e n t u r y Mexican Chant

Book; P e d r o O c h a r t e ' s P s a l t e r i u m , A n [ t ] i p h o n a r i u m Sanctorale
cum P s a l m i s & Hymnis (1584) submitted by
Mary E l i z a b e t h Duncan in partial fulfillment of
the requirements of the degree o£ D o c t o r o f P h i l o s o p h y
and recommend its acceptance. In support of this recommendation we present the following
joint statement of evaluation to be filed with the dissertation.
We have found this dissertation to be an excellent piece

of research, in which Miss Duncan demonstrates a thorough grasp
of the liturgical and sociological background to the Mexican
Chant Book in question, includes admirable analyses of the music,
and argues fairly and convincingly for it's Jesuit provenance.
DISSERTATION READING COMMITTEE: /\j --o-c- cy-EW^r/vy

Doctoral Dissertation
In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the doctoral degree at the University of Washington, I agree that the
Library shall make its copies freely available for inspection. I further
agree that extensive copying of this dissertation is allowable only for
scholarly purposes. Requests for copying or reproduction of this disserta-
tion may be referred to University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann
Arbor, Michigan U8106, to whom the author has granted "the right to repro-
duce and sell (a) copies of the manuscript in microform and/or (b) printed
copies of the manuscript made from microform."
Signature "/f*^ f/^ttrM sjA~ «—

Date JJee. 2- /</75
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE . . , vi
Chapter
I. SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN LITURGICAL IMPRINTS
WITH MUSIC 1
II. DESCRIPTION OF THE PSALTERIUM 13
III. CONCORDANCE 21
Antiphons 21
Short Responsories 28
Great Responsories 30
Invitatory . . . . . . 30
Psalm 30
Hymns 30
IV. ANTIPHONS 33
Survey 34
Unusual Treatment of Specific Feasts 49
V. OFFICE OF THE DEAD 60
Great Responsories 60
Psalm and Invitatory 63
VI. SHORT RESPONSORIES 79
VII. HYMNS 85
VIII. HYMN MELODIES WITH SQUARE NOTATION 90
IX. HYMN MELODIES WITH MENSURAL NOTATION 101
Mensural Notation in Other Sixteenth-Century
Mexican Liturgical Books . . 136
X. THE PSALTERIUM: AN HISTORICAL ANOMALY 139
ii
XI. THE CASE FOR JESUIT SPONSORSHIP 14 6
Inscription . . . . . . 146
Feasts . . . . . . . . 151
Notation 172
Jesuit Motive and Opportunity 173
Summary . . . . . . . . 182
Appendix
I. ANTIPHONS . . . . . . . . . 183
A. Textual Variants in Class A, B, and C
Antiphons ' 183
B. Melodies and Texts in Class D and N
Antiphons . . . . . . 184
JL X • AIJLIVIJNO « « » « 0 O » c o o e o * « o e « « i » o * * XO.7
III. SPANISH LITURGICAL SOURCES . 210
IV. SPANISH THEORETICAL TREATISES 218
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 224
iii
LIST OF TABLES
Feasts of the Proprium Sanctorum with Music L9

Distribution of 330 Psalterium Antiphons in
Classes A Through N Based on Comparison
with Counterpart Antiphons in Modern Editions 36
Feast Associations of Class C, D, and N An-
tiphons 50
Treatment of the Mexican Council Feasts of the
Proprium Sanctorum in the Psalterium 154
Non-Mexican Council Feasts with Music 156
Feasts of the B.V.M. 169
Feasts of the Holy Cross 171
iv
LIST OF PLATES
1. Lauda mater (M 3) : A Hymn Melody in Proporcion

de Sesquialtera from the Psalterium 107
2» Iste Confessor (M 10): A Hymn Melody in Tiempo
de por medio from the Psalterium 119
v
PREFACE
This dissertation is the first available detailed study

of the Psalterium printed by Pedro Ocharte in 1584 in New
Spain. The Psalterium is the penultimate publication in a
series of thirteen liturgical books with music which were
printed in Mexico City between 1556 and 1589. Although the
existence of an astonishingly large body of sixteenth-
century Mexican imprints has been recognized since the pub-
lication of Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta1s descriptive cata-
logue, Bibliografia Mexicana del Siglo XVI (Mexico: Librerla
de Andrade, 1886), and our general knowledge of the field has
been augmented by Joie Toribio Medina, L_a Imprenta en Mexico,
1539-1821 (Santiago: Casa del Autor, 1907-1912), Emilio
Valton, Impresos Mexicanos del siglo XVI (Mexico: Imprenta
Universitari, 1935), and Henry R. Wagner Nueva bibliografia
mexicana del siglo XVI (Mexico: Editorial Polis, 1946),
there have been few specialized studies on the liturigical
books with music. The pioneer efforts of Lota M. Spell (see
bibliography) have been significant in promoting awareness
of the Mexican books with music, as have the more recent
publications by Robert Stevenson. Stevenson's Music in Aztec
and Inca Territory (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1968), provides <? complete list of all
thirteen books with music, and includes a fuller discussion
vi
of the musical aspects than do any previous studies. Other
than these surveys which are of a general nature, attempts
at in-depth discussion of the books with music have been
rare.
Exemplars of eleven of the thirteen books are extant.
Microfilms of each of the eleven imprints have been examined
at length by the present writer in the course of the prepar-
atory research for this dissertation. Each of the books
contains musical material which suggests potentially excit-
ing avenues of exploration which might be of interest to the
musicologist, although the present writer found the 1584
Psalterium particularily intriguing both musically and his-
torically. A brief commentary on each of the other ten books
which have survived, however, is provided in Chapter I. Of
the remaining two books in the series of thirteen, one is not
extant and the other exists only in the most fragmentary con-
dition, but a summary of available information concerning
these two "lost" imprints is included in Chapter I.
The 1584 Psalterium contains antiphons, short respon-
sories, hymns, and the Office of the Dead, all of which are
regarded by the present writer as the direct transplantation
to Mexico of the Gregorian tradition as it was practiced in
sixteenth-century Spain; indeed it would appear that the
Psalterium reflects some aspects of Hispanic musical practice
more completely than any of the other liturgical books with
music printed in New Spain before 1600. Notably significant
in this regard is the inclusion of a substantial number of
vii
chants with clearly printed mensural notation. The mensural-
ly notated hymns appeared to be particularily attractive in
terms of a definitive study and were the primary reason why
the Psalterium was selected as the subject of this disserta-
tion. Wherever possible each of the mensurally notated
hymns has been traced retroactively by the present writer
from its appearance in the Psalterium to' its appearance in
late fifteenth- or early sixteenth-century Spanish printed
books. The results of this search for precedents in Spanish
usage for the mensurally notated hymn me-iodies are included
in Chapter IX, and a brief commentary on each of the
fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Spanish sources which were
studied in microfilm reproduction during the research for
this paper are given in Appendix III. The entire collection
of hymn melodies, both those which are mensurally notated
and those which are not, have been transcribed and may be
found in Appendix II.
No less absorbing was the search in Spanish theoretical
treatises from the fifteenth- to the early seventeenth-
centuries for information vital to the determination of the
proper interpretation of the mensurally notated chants in
the Psalterium. A list of thirty-eight relevant treatises
is given in Appendix IV, together with the citation of the
present location of one or more available copies, and with
an indication of those which have been consulted in the
course of this study. Most of these treatises have been
studied in minute detail by the present writer and the
viii
relevant passages have been extracted and interpolated with
translations in this thesis.
With regard to the notation found in the 1584 Psalterium
and in the Spanish liturgical books, as well as in the theo-
retical treatises, the present writer was able to draw on
experience acquired during the preparation of a Master's
Thesis on Gregorian chant, specifically on that portion of
the thesis which dealt with problems of melodic structure
and notational procedure encountered in a study of seventy-
two Kyrie melodies. Furthermore, some earlier familiarity
with several treatises in Spanish dealing with instrumental
music and/or chant was helpful, as was the experience gained
in the course of transcribing a rather substantial number
of pieces encountered in sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and early
eighteenth-century Spanish tablature.
The University of Texas Library at Austin possesses the
only known copy of the 1584 Psalterium (Gzz/qlc95). It is
housed with their extensive Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta Col-
lection of sixteenth-century Mexican imprints of which it is
a part. Regretably, this copy, an apparent unicum, is lack-
ing folios 84-88 and, in addition, the book suffers from
some page damage which appears to be the result of exposure
to exc3ssive moisture. Further damage has been inflicted at
some unknown point when the book was trimmed and rebound and
the upper edge of some leaves insensitively snipped off. As
a result of this mutilation, only the lower portion of some
folio numbers remains and in a few cases the entire number
ix
is missing. Also some leaves have been repaired with opaque
tape which has obscured the print. This damage, however,
unfortunate as it is, does not seriously impede study of the
book, for the melodies on those pages which have been affect-
ed can be reconstructed in almost all cases from a second
appearance in the Psalterium. In a few instances some MS
reconstruction in the Psalterium is to be found as well as a
very few MS additions, such as the inclusion of the numbers
of the modes, written in the large initials, for the chants
on folios 190v-191v.
My sincere thanks are due Professor R. Alec Harman for
his most helpful guidance and encouragement throughout the
preparation of this dissertation. I would also like to thank
Professors Demar Irvine and Gerald Kechley for their assis-
tance with regard to textual problems, and Professor Edith
Woodcock, not only for her many helpful suggestions, but
also for her generosity in allowing me use of her private
collection. I am indebted to Professor Thelma Franco for
her assistance in the preparation of the Spanish transla-
tions, to Rev. Kevin Waters, S.J., for his help in the area
of early Jesuit history, and to both Dom Alexandre Maria
Olivar, O.S.B., and Rev. Daniel P. Jensen, M.M., for help
in the location of particularily elusive sixteenth-century
sources.
I would like to express my gratitude to the following
libraries who kindly allowed me to use microfilms of source
material in their possession: Biblioteca de Cataluna,
x
Barcelona; British Museum; Bodleian Library; El Escorial;
Hispanic Society of America; Huntington Library; Library of
Congress; Lilly Library, University of Indiana; Biblioteca
Nacional, Lisbon; Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid; Biblioteca
Nacional, Mexico City; Newberry Library; New York Public
Library; Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; Biblioteca capitular
y Columbina, Seville; Biblioteca Publica, Toledo; University
of Texas Library at Austin.
xi *
CHAPTER I
SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN LITURGICAL

IMPRINTS WITH MUSIC
In Mexico City between 1556 and 1589, thirteen liturgi-

cal books with music are known to have been printed. One or
more copies of eleven of these thirteen books in good to ex-
cellent condition are extant, of which the 1584 Psalterium
is the penultimate one.. Short descriptions of each of the
ten books that have survived which are related, geographi-
cally and historically, to the 1584 Psalterium are given be-
low. In addition, summaries of the available information
relating to the publication of the two books which are not
extant have been included, namely the Passionario of 1572 and
the Antiphonarium of c. 1575.
1556 Ordinarium sacri ordinis heremitarum sancti Augustini.

Juan Pablos.
This 40-folio Ordinarium was the first liturgical
book with music to be printed in Mexico City. It is
the second section of a tripartite work designed as a
practical handbook containing those essentials necessary
for the Augustinian seminarians. The presentation of
1 The Ordinarium is preceded by the 84-folio Constitutiones

„ . . Augustini and followed by the 12-leaf Regula . . .
Augustini; neither the Constitutiones nor the Regula contain
music. The printer, Juan Pablos, is not identified on the
title-page of the Ordinarium, but his Latinized name, loannes
Paulus, appears on the colophon which follows the Regula,
i.e., the final section of the triptych. Apparently Lota
2
the material included is concise and compact. Steven-
son has commented on its value as an instructional
manual and has pointed out that the first twelve pages
alone cover such pertinent topics as "(1) how and when
to ring bells, (2) when to face the altar, (3) when to
stand and when to sit, (4) when to sing, (5) the proper
tone for benedictions and absolutions, (6) when to
kneel while in choir, (7) when to genuflect, (8) when
to bow, and (9) versicles and invitatories."2
The first strophe of Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, and
Agnus Dei melodies appropriate for the several classes
of feasts are given as well as some Benedicamus and Ite
missa est chants (fols. 6 V -12 V ). Fols. 32 to 40 include
various tones for the Office Hours and the Common Tones
of the Mass, including those for the epistle and gospel.
Almost all of the melodies are in square notation, but .
traces of some mensural tradition can be identified in a
few instances, e.g., the use of the independent semi-
breve in Jube domne benedicere (fol. 4V) .
Copies of the Ordinarium are at the New York Public
Library and British Museum. References are in Joaquin
Garcia Icazbalceta, Bibliografla Mexicana del Siglo XVI,
revised and augmented by Augustln Millares Carlo (Mexico:
Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1954), No. 27 (26); Henry R.
Wagner, Nueva bibliografia mexicana del siglo XVI
(Mexico: Editorial Polis, 1946) , No. 26a; Jose" Toribio
Medina, La Imprenta en Mexico, 1539-1821 (Santiago: Casa
del Autor, 1907-1912), No. 29.
1560 Manuale Sacramentorum secundum usum ecclesiae Mexicanae.

Juan Pablos.
The second liturgical imprint with music, the 176-
folio Manuale Sacramentorum, also emerged from the press
of Juan Pablos. Unlike the Augustinian Ordinarium, how-
ever, this book was commissioned for the general use of
the Mexican Church under Archbishop Monttifar. In an
'Epistola' following the title-page it is stated that
this Manuale and no other must be used in Mexico, and
Spell, "The First Music Books Printed in America," Musical

Quarterly, XV (1929), 51, and Robert Stevenson, Music in
Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York, 1952), p. 71, did
not have access to the colophon because both writers comment
on the problem of identifying the printer. In Robert Steven-
son, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), p. 175, Pablos
is clearly recognized as the printer, but it is not clear that
the colophon is the source of his identification as the print-
er.
2 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 175.
3
that the contents have been extracted from the usages
of "Rome, Toledo, Salamanca, Seville, Granada, Plascen-
cia, and others"3
The Manuale covers the proper administration of the
sacraments of baptism, matrimony, penance, and extreme
unction in some detail. It also contains additional
special prayers for the sick, solemn blessings, the
exorcising of devils, and reception of a prelate. Music
is found on seventy-six pages and includes chants for a
Nuptial Mass (fols. 44 v -58), the Office, Mass, and
Burial Service for the Dead (fols. 86-118), solemn
reception of a prelate (fol. 159 v -[160 v ]), 4 and proces-
sional litanies for rogation days (fols. 162v-163). A
number of the chants in the Manuale reveal Spanish roots
in their mensural orientation, e.g., the Invitatory for
the Office of the Dead, Regem cui, (fol. 96 ff.). The
Manuale Sacramentorum is a particularily interesting
document, both liturgically and historically, and offers
possibilities for further exploration.
Copies are in the University of Texas Library at
Austin, the New' York Public Library, and the British
Museum. References may be found in Garcia Icazbalceta,
op. cit. , No. 39 (30); Wagner, op_. cit. , No. 38; Medina,
op. cit., No. 43.
1561 Missale Romanum Ordinarium. Antonio de Espinosa.

The 338-folio Missale is the longest and one of the
most striking liturgical books with music to be printed
in Mexico City.5 Stevenson has pointed out that the
viceroyal printing privilege reveals that the Franciscan
and Augustinian Orders jointly commissioned this work,
and that a Dominican, Bartolome de Ledesma, served as
censor.6 In the Missale itself it is stated that the
use of the Roman Curia is followed (fol. 1). The
3 Sig. aij.
4 There is an error in the numbering of folios; the im-
print has two folios numbered 159 and lacks folio number 160.
The chant terminates on the verso of the second 159.
5 The Missale has 330 numbered leaves plus the title-page
and seven unnumbered preliminary leaves. Stevenson, Music in
Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 178, quoting from S. A. Green,
A Second Supplementary List of Early American Imprints
(Cambridge, Mass.: University Press, 1899), p~ 20, who in
turn, has drawn his quotation from George P. Winship, refers
to the Missale as "a magnificent folio volume of 330 leaves."
4
Missale is definitely less Hispanic than many of the
other Mexican imprints, including its immediate prede-
cessor, the 1560 Manuale. Those Spanish saints who are
nomrally accorded considerable veneration in Hispanic
sources here receive little or no attention. There is
no hint of mensural notation on any of the fifty-two
pages containing chants. The Missale contains the tex-
tual portions of the Mass for the Proper of the Time and
for the Proper and Common of the Saints. The chants in-
clude texts and melodies for twenty-two Prefaces, seven
Glorias, seven Ite missa ests, Blessings for the water
and Easter Candle on Holy Saturday, and common tones for
the Pater noster.
Copies of the Missale are in the New York Public
Library and the Huntington Library. References to the
imprint are in Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit. , No. 42 (41) ;
Wagner, op_. cit. , No. 41; Medina, op_. cit., No. 44.
1563 Psalterium Chorale secundum consuetudinem sancti Domi-

nici. Pedro Ocharte.
The Dominican Psalterium, a 174-leaf imprint, oc-
cupies a unique position among the Mexican liturgical
books with music. The Dominican fathers had originally
engaged Juan Pablos to print the Psalterium, but Pablos'
death in 1560 prevented him from executing the work. 7
By 1563, however, Pablos' son-in-law, Pedro Ocharte, and
his widow, Ger6nima Gutierrez, had assumed the responsi-
bilities of the printing house and had received the neces-
sary license from Archbishop Montufar to print the Psal-
terium. The most extraordinary feature of this license,
which is printed on the verso of the title-page, is the
provision that two Dominican fathers must examine the
Psalterium and attest to its complete agreement with a
Dominican Psalterium which had been printed in Venice by
Petrus Liechtenstein in 1523.8 This is the only instance
in which a source is so clearly identified for any of the
Mexican imprints with music. Stevenson has found a copy
of the 1523 Psalterium in the Lisbon National Library and
7 In a letter, which is printed on the verso of the title-

page, from the Dominican prior, Pedro de Feria, to Archbishop
Montufar, a need for "Salterios de choro" for the celebration
of the Divine Office is expressed, and the initial arrange-
ments with Juan Pablos are mentioned. See Stevenson, Music
in Aztec and Inca Territory, pp. 181-182 for a reprint of the
compete letter.
8 See Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p.
182 6 , for reprint ol 'licencia1.
5
has remarked on the similarity of the title and the in-
clusion of "antiphons for each psalm, Athanasian and
Apostles' creeds, the Litany, and Te Deum laudamus" in
both books.9
The initial section of both the Venetian and
Mexican Psalters includes the short responsories for
the Office Hours (Mexican fols. 3-36, Venetian, fols.
2-22v) which is followed by the Psalterium proper with
antiphons for each of the Psalms. An extensive section
is devoted to the hymns. Each imprint terminates with
chants for the Office of the Dead although the Mexican
book is lacking its final leaves.
A comparative study of the hymns in the Mexican
Psalterium with those in the Venetian is, at points,
impossible because of missing and damaged leaves in the
Mexican book. A study is further hampered by many er-
rors in the foliation. There are, however, more than
sixty-seven hymns in Ocharte's book, many of which are
preserved in full. Stevenson has noted that the Tabula
of the Venetian imprint (fol. 202) lists 139 hymns, but
the actual number in the book is at least 162.^-0
All the chants in the Mexican Psalterium appear on
a pentagram and those in the Venetian book on a tetra-
gram. The printing in both books is clear and legible,
although the Italian imprint exhibits a greater degree
of delicacy. Of particular interest in the Mexican
Psalterium, however, is an exquisite full-page woodcut,
a Crucifixion scene, which is remarkable not only for
the detail in, for example, the face of Christ, and the
Roman soldier gripping his S.P.Q.R. banner, but also
because it is signed with Antonio de Espinosa's loao-
gram in the upper right hand corner (fol. 36 V ). 1:L
Ocharte's Dominican Psalterium remained undiscover-
ed and unsuspected until 1963, when it was found in a
remote Guatemalan village.-'-2 The single copy is now
owned by the Lilly Library, University of Indiana.
1568 Manuale Sacramentorum secundum usurn alme Ecclesie

Mexicanae. Pedro Ocharte.
As a result of the decrees issued by the Council of
Trent it was necessary to revise and re-issue the 1560
67
9 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 182
10 Ibid.
11 This logogram has been found on several woodcuts, in-
cluding those used for the title-pages of the 1576 Mexican
Graduales. This appears to be one of Espinosa's earliest
woodcuts.
6
Manuale Sacramentorum. The required changes, however,
do not affect the size or scope of the imprint and
appear to be restricted to modification and/or clarifi-
cation of the textual portions of the book. The chants,
except for obvious changes in foliation, remain sub-
stantially the same. There are a few minor re-
adjustments such as the occasional omission or insertion
of an isolated note. The new Tridentine Manuale com-
prises 199 folios (183 numbered) excluding the title-
page, as opposed the 176 folios of the earlier edition.
As was the case with its predecessor, the 1568 Manuale
was commissioned for general use in the Archbishopric
of Mexico and its use was mandatory. A further compari-
son of the two editions suggests that New Spain may
have suffered from the problem of inflation. According
to Archbishop Monttafar himself, the 1560 book was to
sell for three pesos of common gold and the 1568 for
four. •*--*
A copy of the 1568 Manuale Sacramentorum is in the
New York Public Library. References may be located in
Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit. ,No. 58 (56); Wagner, op. cit.,
No. 56; Medina, op_. cit. , No. 58.
Pre-1572 Graduale Dominicale. [Antonio de Espinosa].

Because the title-page, preliminary and final
leaves of this Graduale are lacking, determination of
the exact date of printing and identification of the
printer have been most difficult. The problem of date
has been of particular concern, although now, "it is
conceded to have been printed before 1572, and possibly
as early as 1568."14 i n order not to confuse the issue
further, we have adopted Stevenson's identification of
the imprint as the "pre-1572 Graduale."
The Graduale contains the chants for the Proper of
the Mass from the second Sunday of Advent to the twenty-
second Sunday after Trinity Sunday. It also has votive
Masses of the Holy Cross, B.V.M., and St. Dominic. The
13 According to Montufar's 'Licencia' in the 1560 .Manuale,

the book was printed at the expense of his secretary, Gaspar
Denciso, who was to sell it for no more than three common
gold pesos; the Archbishop's 'Licencia' for the 1568 Manuale
states that the book was printed at the expense of Diego de
Sansores and must be sold for no more than four pesos of com-
mon gold.
14 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 183;

see also Wagner, op.cit. f p . 251, and Emilio Valt6n, Impresos
Mexicanos del siglo XII (Incunables americanos)(Mexico:
Imprenta Universitaria, 1935), pp. 123-133.
7
inclusion of this last Mass, the only one in honor of a
saint, has led liturgists to suspect that this was a
Dominican-sponsored book. Romero de Terreros was the
first to suggest that Dominican sponsorship was virtu-
ally confirmed by the repeated invocation "Sancte pater
Dominice" in the Litany for Holy Saturday.15 According
to the printed rubric which precedes the invocation, it
was to be sung both times "vox exaltetur. "16
Stevenson has pointed out that the pre-1572 Graduale
contains "five pre-Tridentine sequences . . . which in-
vade no later Mexican imprint: Laetabandus exultet fide-
lis chorus (Christmas prosa at fols. 23-24), Omnes gentes
plaudite (Ascension sequentia at 186-187v), Sancti Spiri-
tus adsit nobis gratia (Pentecost sequentia, 195v-197v),
Profitentes unitatem veneremus Trinitatem (Trinity se-
quentia, 212-214), and Laudes ergo Dominico (sequentia
lauding Dominic at 279v-280). To these, the pre-1572
adds the Easter prosa, Victimae paschali laudes, and the
Corpus Christi sequentia, Lauda Sion Salvatorem."17
None of the melodies in the Graduale are mensurally
notated. Handwritten comments in the margins are scat-
ttered throughout the imprint, and the music of the first
two folios has been reconstructed in MS.
The only surviving copy of the Graduale Dominicale
is housed at the Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City. Re-
ferences are in Wagner,^ op. cit., No. 57^; Garcia Icaz-
balceta, op. cit.i"p. 503.
1572 Passionario Apuntado. Antonio de Espinosa.

Only a fragment of this Passionario is extant, but
a number of facts concerning its publication history are
available. The Passionario was in the process of being
printed by Pedro Ocharte when he was seized by the Mexi-
can Inquisition for having made some ill-considered re-
marks concerning papal policies. Data relating to the
Passionario has been gleaned from Inquisition Documents
which deal with Ocharte's incarceration and trial. One
informative Document states that the printing of 310
15 Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit. , p. 503, quotes from M. Ro-

mero de Terreros, "Un Cantoral mexicano del siglo XVI," Bib-
los, II (1920), 202; see also Valton, op_. cit. , p. 124, and
Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 183.
16 The repetition of St. Dominic's name in Litanies in Do-
minican imprints is not restricted to this Graduale. We have
observed the same repetition in the Litany in the Mexican
Psalterium of 1563 (fol. 121), and in its Venetian prototype
of 1523 (fol. 133V). The inclusion of a dynamic indication
with such a repetition is most unusual.
8
Passion Books had been completed by Antonio de Espinosa
(for Ocarte) and were to be sold for twenty pesos
each. 18 In a letter of March 4, 1572, to his wife,
Maria de Sansores, Ocharte mentions that 100 of the
total 310 Passion Books were ordered by the Bishop of
MichoacSn.19 According to Wagner, the Bishop, Antonio
Ruiz de Morales y Molina, had supplied the original
source from which the new Passionario was prepared and
printed.20 We also learn from this same March 4 letter
that the Passion Books were to have contained the music
of Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, and Holy Saturday in-
cluding the blessing of the Easter Candle.21
All traces of the 310 Passion Books seemed to have
disappeared until fragments of three liturgical books
with music were discovered in a small village near
Puebla in the 1930's. One of these books has been iden-
tified as one of the editflons of the 1576" Graduale and '
another as a Passionario. Comparison of the type used
for the Passionario with that used in other imprints
which were issued from Ocharte"s press indicate that the
work came from his press and, therefore, must be the
lost Passionario.22 These few pages of the Passionario
were originally in the possession of two private col-
lectors, senor Conway and senor Fedrico G6mez de Orozco.
References to the Passionario may be found in
Wagner, op. cit., No. 61c; Garcia Icazbalceta, op. cit.
No. 61; Medina, op_. cit. , No 175 (Notes).
c. 1575 Antiphonario Dominical.

Less is known about this lost Antiphonario than
about the Passionario and there are no fragments to
prove its existence. However, the Inquisition Documents
which refer to the Passionario also indicate that Ocharte
was concerned with the details of an Antiphonario which
18 "Iten, que puede vender Diego de Sansoris en mi nombre,

los Pasioneros que imprimi6 Espinoza a veinte pesos cada uno
y no•raenosy que de los primeros pague a Espinoza 20 pesos
que soy obligado a pagalle como los hay.a acabado de imprimir
y son 310 cuerpos los Pasioneros que me ha de entregar."
(Reprinted in Francisco Fernandez del Castillo, Libros y
Libreros en el^ Siglo XVI [Mexico: Tip. Guerrero Hnos. , 1914]
p~i 139) ; see also Valton, op_. cit. , p. 479.
19 Fernandez del Castillo, op_. cit. , p. 99.
20 Wagner, op_. cit. , p. 273.
21 Fernandez del Castillo, op_. cit. , p. 99.
Wagner, op_. cit. , p. 273.
9
was being printed. Ocharte instructed Diego de Sansores
to give Antonio de Espinosa all the high quality paper
which remained in the Ocharte shop so that Espinosa would
be able to finish the Antiphonario.23 Another reference
to an Antiphonario is in the Actas del Cabildo ecclesias-
tico of February 12, 1577, in which a payment of "40 pe-
sos de tepuzque" is ordered for Pedro Ocharte, for an "An-
tiphonario para esta santa iglesia" ("Antiphonario for
for this Holy Church").24 it seems most probable that
this work was the same Antiphonario on which Espinosa was
working in 1572. Since Ocharte was in jail until Febru-
ary 3, 1574, completion of the imprint may have been de-
layed until 1575 or 1576. 25
References to this Antiphonario may be found in Wag-
ner, op_. cit., No. 61d; Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit., p.
479; Medina, op. cit., No. 175
1576 Graduale Dominicale.

In 1576 three different editions of a revised Gra-
duale were printed. This revision was necessitated by
the formulation of the new Tridentine policies. The
three editions of the Graduales are similar in content,
but each exhibits some discrepancy in the title-page and
colophon. Each edition contains the Mass chants from the
first Sunday of Advent to the twenty-third Sunday after
Pentecost (fols. l-206v). The final leaves are devoted v
to the Asperges vme (fol. 207), and Vidi aquam (fols. 207 -
208) . Fol. 208 bears the colophon. The votive Masses
and sequences which are in the pre-1572 Graduale are not
found in the 1576 revised Graduale, nor are the indica-
tions of Dominican sponsorship, which are characteristic
of the earlier Graduale, in the revised edition.26 Like
the pre-1572 Graduale, however, there are no examples of
indisputable mensural notation, but there is use of the
punto cargado.^'
23 "Iten, que de el papel de marca mayor que tengo en casa,

a Espinosa para que se vaye acabando el Antiphonario Domini-
cal, " Fernandez del Castillo, op_. cit. , p. 139.
24 Wagner, op_. cit., p. 274.
25 Ibid.
26 The invocation to St. Dominic in the Litany appears only
once and is without dynamic indication (fol. 144).
27 A punto cargado ( fl ) is equal in value to two tactus; see
infra, Chap. VIII, p. 90 ff.
10
The Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City, the Library
of Congress, and the Newberry Library each possess one
edition of the 1576 Graduale. The title-page of the
Graduale at the Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico City, states
that the work was printed by Antonio de Espinosa, but at
the expense of Pedro Ocharte.^8 The colophon confirms
this arrangement.29
The title-page of the Library of Congress edition
does not mention Espinosa, but simply says "by Pedro
Ocharte."30 Espinosa's name has also been removed from
the colophon of this edition and replaced by Ocharte's
name.3-*-
The title-page of the third edition, which is now
at the Newberry Library, duplicates the Library of Con-
gress edition in the content of the title-page, but
differs in the type used for the printing. Wi€h regard
to the colophon, the printer's mark used by Espinosa
has been replaced and the_repetition of Ocharte's first
name has been corrected.
All three editions are enriched by a large woodcut
of Peter and Paul on the title-page.33 The Biblioteca
Nacional, Mexico City, and the Newberry Library editions
both possess the required 'Licencia' which was issued to
"Antonio de Spinosa, impressor y a Pedro Ocharte" (verso
of the title-page), and both have a 'Tabula' on the
recto of the subsequent unnumbered leaf. The'Licencia'
and 'Tabula* are lacking in the Library of Congress edi-
tion. This omission is apparently the result of damage.
The title-pages of all three ditions of the Gra-
duale state that the chants have been emended in accor-
dance with Tridentine directives by Joannis Hernandez,
28 "Mexici./ Inedibus Antonij Spinosa./ Sumptibus & expen-

sis Petri Ocharte./ 1576."
29 "Explicit Graduale . . . Sumptibus & expensis Petri
Petri [sic] Ocharte . . . 1576 . . . Excudebat Antonius Spi-
nosa . "
30 "Mexico./ Por Pedro Ocharte."
31 "Explicit Graduale . . . Sumptibus & expensis Petri
Petri Ocharte . . . 1576/ Mexici/ Excudebat Petrus Ocharte/
1576."
32 See Wagner, op_. cit. , p. 21, for reproduction of Es-
pinosa's printer's mark. This emblem should not be confused
with Espinosa's logogram with which he signed his woodcuts;
see infra, Chap. II, p. 16.
33 This same woodcut is used in the 1584 Psalterium; see
infra, p. 16.
11
Reverend Bachiller. In addition to the emendations, which

included the excision of superflous notes, Hernandez is
credited with the composition of new chants.34 The pro-
blem of which melodies Hernandez may have composed, thus
becoming "the first composer to have had anything of his
own printed in the New World" is yet to be solved.35
Stevenson studied the chants in the 1576 Graduale and
found "despite the explicit assurances . . . that 'super-
flous' notes have been removed, many melodies still trailed
long garland of melismas."36 until an exhaustive compara-
tive study of the 1576 Mexican Graduale with the pre-1572
Graduale (despite its Dominican provenance), and with pre-
Tridentine Castilian and Roman Graduales is undertaken,
the extent of Hernandez' pruning, or lack of it, cannot
be determined.
References to the editions of the 1576 Graduale are in
Wagner, op_. cit., No. 70; Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit., No.
80; Valton, op_. cit. , No. 20.
1584 Psalterium, An[t]iphonarium Sanctorale. Pedro Ocharte.
1589 Antiphonarium de tempore. Pedro Ocharte.

The Antiphonarium of 1589 is a very substantial im-
print comprising three successive foliations: (1) fols.
1-132; (2) 2-135; (3) 1-62. The first nineteen folios
are devoted to ten settings of Venite exsultemus, the
Invitatory for Matins. At fol. 20, the Antiphonarium
Dominicale secundum consuetudinem sancte Romane Ecclesie
begins. The imprint follows the Proper of the Time with
34 The title-pages of all three editions state that this is

a Graduale "secundum normam Missalis novi: ex decreto Sancti
Concilii Triden. nunc denuo, ex industria, studio & labore
admodum Reverendi Bachalaurei Joannis Hernandez, excussum, &
in numeris mendis & superfluitatibus (quibus scaturiebat)
notularum cantus repurgatum. Superadditis & de novo composi-
tis per eundem Bachalaureum, cum Introitibus officii, cum
Gradualibus, Alleluia,fieTractibus, cum demum Offertoriis, &
Communionibus, quorum antea non fuerat usus."
36 Ibid. Although Stevenson appears to have based his study
of the chants on the Newberry Library copy, he refers to the
Newberry edition as "the best preserved of the 1576 graduals
published by Ocharte and printed by Espinosa." The informa-
tion on the title-pages and colophons suggests that Espinosa
printed only one of the three. This edition, a unicum, is at
the Library of Congress.
12
antiphons and hymns for canonical hours. Special atten-
tion is accorded to Palm Sunday and the subsequent days
of Holy Week. Proper for the Masses from Palm Sunday
through Maundy Thursday are included.
Stevenson contends that the Antiphonarium was edit-
ed jointly by Dominican and Franciscan friars. He inter-
prets the bar-lining of the words in the Holy Week chants
as a Dominican influence, and attributes the inclusion of
the chants for St. Francis' octave (third foliation, 60-
62) to an obvious Franciscan influence.37 i n contrast to
the other Mexican imprints with music, the Antiphonarium
has printed sharps and flats. The use of these sharps
and flats is confined to the Holy Week chants, which
tends to substantiate the theory of partisan editorial
policies. B-flats are by far the most common and usual-
ly appear as occasional accidentals (e.g., second
foliation, 25), although they may also be found as a
signature (Maria ergo unxit, second foliation, 62v).3°
The sharp is used as a precautionary natural to indi-
cate that b-flat is not to be sung (e.g., second foli-
ation, 64 v ), or as an f-sharp.39 A H the melodies are
clearly notated, but there are no mensurally notated
pieces as there are in the Psalterium which preceded
this Antiphonarium.
A copy of the imprint is at the University of
Texas Library at Austin. References may be found in
Garcia Icazbalceta, op. cit., No. 117 (100); Wagner,
op. cit., No. 100; Medina, op. cit., No. 107.

38 Antiphonale sacro sanctae Romanae ecclesiae . . . ,
edited by the Benedictines of Solesmes (Paris, Tournai,
Rome: Descl£e, 1934), p. 739, gives a similar version of
this antiphon, but the melody is transposed up a perfect
fifth in the Antiphonale . . . Romanae,i.e., the chant in the
Antiphonarium is in F.
39 See example in Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Ter-
ritory, p. 192.
CHAPTER II
DESCRIPTION OF THE PSALTERIUM
The Psalterium-*- is a handsome liturgical book with

music printed in Mexico City by Pedro Ocharte in 1584.
The title-page identifies the work as:
Psalterivm,/ Aniphonarium [sic] Sanctorale, cum/
Psalmis, & Hymnis, positis in/ suis locis proprijs
vniuscuiusque,/ diei festi totius anni, nunc
primo/ cum licentia excussum./ Mexici./ Excude-
bat Petrus Ocharte./ M.D.LXXXIIII.3
The Psalterium, in large folio (30 x 45 centimeters),
is a libro de coro or choir.book. Its 300 numbered leaves
contain antiphons, hymns, and short responsories for the Day
Hours of the Divine Office as well as chants for the Office
of the Dead as they were sung in the churches of New Spain
almost 400 years ago.
In addition to the title-page and numbered folios, the
Psalterium includes two unnumbered folios, the first of which
directly follows the title-page. The 'Tabula', or Table of
1 The term Psalterium will be used hereafter to refer to

the 1584 Psalterium unless otherwise specifically indicated.
2 For biographical details concerning Ocharte's life, see
Garcia Icazbalceta, Bibliografja Mexicana, pp. 36-37; Wagner,
Nueva bibliografia mexicana, p. 22; Medina, La Imprenta en
Mexico, I, pp. LXXXV-LXXXIX.
3 Facsimile of the title-page is included in Garcia
Icazbalceta, op. cit., pi. CXXIII.
14
Contents, begins on the verso of the title-page and termi-
nates on the recto of the first unnumbered leaf. The second
unnumbered leaf, which is impressed on both sides with a
large woodcut, has been inserted directly after folio 83.
The book does not possess a standard colophon, but ends sim-
ply with "Laus Deo" followed by the 'Registrum' and refer-
ence to the signatures (fol. 300 v ).^
All the music in-the Psalterium is notated on a five-
line staff, a practice which is common in many Spanish
imprints. Most of the notes and clefs which are superimposed
on the pentagram by double impression, are clearly and
accurately printed, but occasionally Ocharte has become en-
meshed in alignment difficulty. Many of the basic neumes
common to the vocabulary of Gregorian notation are encounter-
ed in the Psalterium, although there are no liquescent
neumes. The vast majority of the chants are notated in
standard square or Gregorian notation, but more than half of
the hymn melodies and certain chants for the Office of the
Dead are mensurally notated. These mensurally notated melo-
dies involve the use of breves, semi-breves, and binary and
ternary ligatures, including the ligatura cum opposita pro-
prietate.^ That Ocharte possessed the type to print these
note-shapes indicates the extent to which his print shop was
equipped, and the accuracy and clarity of the printing
4 The Psalterium bears the signatures A-PP; each signature

has eight leaves except PP which has four.
5 The notational and musical aspects of the antiphons,
hymns, and short responsories are discussed in Chaps. IV-IX.
15
demonstrate a high degree of technical expertise comparable
to that found in many of the best Spanish liturgical imprints
with music.
Most of the text in the Psalterium is printed in Gothic
lettering with Roman lettering reserved for the title-page,
'Tabula*, and occasional inscriptions on woodcuts. Many
woodcuts, large and small, enhance the book, as do the numer-
ous historiated initials.
On the title-page a large Crucifixion scene occupies a
central position, and vignettes of Old and New Testament
figures form a border around the page with God, the Father,
appearing in the upper horizontal section. Both these vi-
gnettes and the Crucifixion scene, however, appeared in
earlier Mexican imprints.° A second and larger woodcut de-
picting the death of Christ is imprinted on the verso of the
first unnumbered leaf with the words "Foderunt manus meas et/
pedes meos, et dinume/ rarunt ossa mea" forming a border for
this scene. The third major woodcut in the Psalterium is of
the Apostles Peter and Paul and is found on the recto of the
unnumbered leaf following folio 83. Beneath this large wood-
cut are three smaller woodcuts of the Apostles Andrew,
Bartholomew, and James. Remarkably, this striking woodcut
is repeated on the verso of the same leaf, but the order of
the small accompanying woodcuts is reversed. As is the case
6 The vignette border is used in Antonio de Espinosa's

Missale Romanum (Mexico City, 1561), fol. 10; see Medina,
op. cit., I, 270 for reference to the use of this woodcut of
the Crucifixion in two earlier Ocharte imprints without music.
16
with the Crucifixion scene on the title-page, the woodcut of
Peter and Paul was used in earlier imprints.? Numerous small
woodcuts are sprinkled throughout the Psalterium. The use
of woodcuts in Mexican liturgical books with music, and
especially in the Psalterium, is lavish in comparison to
Spanish prototypes, and it seems probable that the pictures
may have had an instant appeal for the Indians which would
account for the inclusion of so many.
Although Ocharte obviously took great care in the print-
ing of the Psalterium, a few errors in the numbering of
folios are to be found. Those leaves which are mis-numbered
are: 33 for 25, 212 for 112, 121 for 132, 179 for 169, 240
for 234. In this last instance, the mis-numbered folio, 240,
is not found between 233 and 235, but rather is interpolated
immediately after 239 and before a second and correctly
numbered folio 240. Also there are two different folios
numbered 276, the second of which follows the first, there
being no folio numbered 275, although the contents indicate
that no folio is lacking. In this case, the first folio 276
is simply mis-numbered and should be 275.
Ocharte*s Psalterium falls into two major sections:
the Psalterium proper (folios l-83v) and the Sanctorale (89-
7 The woodcut of Peter and Paul is used for the title-

page of all three editions of the 1576 Graduale Dominicale
printed in Mexico City. The woodcut bears the logogram, #"?
(Antonio) , an identifying mark of Antonio de Espinosa (d.
1576), printer (and artist ?) in Mexico City.
17
285). Folios l v to 70 of the Psalterium section contain
antiphons, hymns, and short responsories which were to be
sung on the days of the week, Dominica through Sabbato. The
remaining leaves of this section are devoted to chants for
special commemorations. Included among these are antiphons
for Commemoratio de Cruce (fols. 70 v -71), Commemoratio de
Sancta Maria (fols. 71-71 v ), Commemoratio de Apostolis
[Petrus et Paulus] (fol. 72), Commemoratio Sancti Joseph:
Patroni totius nove Hispanie (fols. 72 v -73), and Commemoratio
de Pace (fol. 73). Five different settings of the Compline
hymn, Te lucis ante terminum, to be sung on double and semi-
double feasts and on Sundays, follow the Commemorations (77-
78). The final leaves of this section contain the four
Marian antiphons: Alma Redemptoris Mater, Ave Regina caelo-
rum, Regina caeli laetare, and Salve Regina (80-83).
In the Sanctorale the chants for the Commune Sanctorum
occupy folios 89 to 145V, while those for the Proprium
Sanctorum are found between folios 146 and 285. Feasts
which are included in the Common of the Saints are Apostles
(89-101v), Apostles and Evangelists (102-105v), One Martyr
(106-114), Several Martyrs (114v-119v), Confessor Bishop
([120]-128v), Confessor not a Bishop (129-133), Virgins
(133v-137v), and Holy Women (138-145v).
Forty-one feast days of the Proper of the Saints have
music and each of these feasts with its date and foliation is
8 The imprint lacks folios 84-88, i.e., the initial leaves

of the Sanctorale.
18
g
given in Table I. A brief section of chants appropriate
for the Dedication of a Church (285v-289v) follows the
Sanctorale. The terminal leaves contain the Office of the
Dead (290-300v).
9 An analysis of the significance of the feasts, both
with and without music, of the Proprium Sanctorum is given
in Chap. XI.
19
TABLE I
FEASTS OF THE PROPRIUM SANCTORUM WITH MUSIC
Feast Date Folio(s)

Commemoration of St. Saturnius Nov. 29 146 - 146v
St. Andrew Nov. 30 146v - 150
St. Ambrose Dec. 7 150V _ i51v
Immaculate Conception of B.V.M. Dec. 8 152 - 160V
St. Lucy Dec. 13 160v - 163
St. Thomas Dec. 21 163 - 163 v
St. Paul, First Hermit Jan. 15 164v - 165
Commem. of St. Maurus
St. Peter's Chair at Rome Jan. 18 165v - 168 v
Commem. of St. Paul
Commem. of St. Prisca
SS. Marius, Martha, Audifax, and
Abachum Jan. 19 168v - 169*
St. Agnes Jan. 21 169v _ 171v
Conversion of St. Paul Jan. 25 172v - 176v
Commem. of St. Peter
St. John Chrysomstom Jan. 27 176v - 177
Purification of B.V.M. Feb. 2 177v - 184
St. Agatha Feb. 5 184 - 186v
St. Thomas Aquinas Mar. 7 188 - 189
Commem. of SS. Perpetua and
Felicity
St. Gregory Mar. 12 189v
Annunciation of B.V.M. Mar. [25] 190v - 193
SS. Philip and James May [1] 194 v _ 197
Finding of the Holy Cross May 3 197 - 202 v
St. John before the Latin Gate May 6 202 - 202
Nativity of St. John the Baptist June 14 205vv - 210v
SS. John and Paul June 26 210 - 213
SS. Peter and Paul June 29 213v - 219
Commem. of St. Paul
Octave of Peter and Paul July 3,4,5 219 - 220
Triumph of the Holy Cross July 16 220vv - 225vv
St. Mary Magdalen July 22 225 - 227
St. Peter's Chains Aug. [1] 229v - 232 v
Finding of the Body of St. Stephen Aug. 3 232v _ 235
Commem. of St. Stephen Aug. 4 235 - 235v
Our Lady of the Snows Aug. 5 235v - 237 v
Transfiguration Aug. 6 238 - 242 v
St. Lawrence Aug. 10 243v - 246
Assumption of B.V.M. Aug. 15 247 - 251
Beheading of John the Baptist Aug. 29 253v - 255
Nativity of B.V.M. Sept. 8 255v - 258 v
Fol. 169 incorrectly numbered as 179.

20
TABLE I
Feast Date Folio(s)

Exaltation of the Holy Cross Sept. 14 258v - 263v
Dedication to St Michael, Sept. 29 265v - 270
Archangel
All Saints Nov. 1 273 - 277 v
St. Martin Nov. 11 278 - 280
St. Cecilia Nov. 22 280vv - 282 v
St. Clement Nov. 23 282 - 285
CHAPTER III
CONCORDANCE
This concordance is designed to serve as a guide to

the chants contained in the Psalterium. Each chant has been
categorized according to type, i.e., antiphon, short respon-
sory, great responsory, invitatory, psalm, and hymn. The
chants within each category have been alphabetized and the
folio number for each given.
Antiphons
Incipit Folio(s)
A viro iniquo [62v]
Absterget Deus 119
Accipiens Simeon 181
Adhaesit anima 233, 244
Adhuc eo loquente 239
Adjutorium 48
Adjuva me 29 vV
Alleluia 8 , 25 29,v 33,v38 v ,
42 v , 58 64 , 69
Alleluia (another melody) 8 V , 25 29, 33
Alma Redemptoris 80
Amavit eum Dominus 128 v
Andreas Christi famulus 147 v
Angeli, Archangeli . . . laudate 266
Angeli, Archangeli . . . cherubim 275**
Angeli Domini 266vv
Annulo suo 170
Archangele Michael 266
Argentum et aurum 214
Arguebat Herodem 254V
Fol. incorrectly numbered as 33.

22
Aspice in me 33V
Assumpsit Jesus Petrum 238
Assumpta est Maria 247
Astiterunt justi 211
Ave Maria 190 v
Ave Regina caelorum 81
Beata Agnes 169v*
Beatam me dicent 240 v
Beati omnes 51
Beati pacifici 92, 92 v
Beati qui ambulant 19v
Beatus Andreas 147
Beatus ille servus 129 v
Beatus Laurentius dum 246
Beatus Laurentius orabat 244
Bene fac Domine 48 v
Bene fundata est 286
Benedicite Dominum 274
Benedico . . . Apostolum 185
Benedico . . . Filium 161 v , 171, 281 v
Benedicta filia 247 v
Benedictus Dominus [66v]
Caecilia famula tua 281V
Cantantibus organis 281
Christus Jesus 240
Clamavi 42
Collocet eum Dominus 97 v , 98
Conceptio est hodie sancte 153, 154
Conceptio gloriosae Virginis 152, 153
Conceptio tua Dei 160
Confortatus est 100, 101
Congaudete 171
Convertere Domine 296, 296v
Corde et animo 155, 155v, 256V
Corpora sanctorum 115
Credidi 41
Crucem sanctam 45 vv , 201v (var.)
Crucem tuam 221
Cum jucunditate Conceptionem 156, 156v, 257
Cum palma 114Vv
Cum pervenisset 149
Cumque accendisset 198
Da mihi in disco 255
Dabit ei Dominus 191
Damasci praepositus 173
De pacem Domine 73
De posuit potentes 65
De profundis 52 v
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 179 v .

23
De sub cujas 284
Dedisti Domine 284 v
Deduc me Domine 25 v *
Deo nostro 69
Dirige Domine 294 v , 295 v
Dirupisti Domine 98 v , 99
Dixerunt discipuli 278
Dixit Angelus 214, 230
Dixit Dominus Domino 35
Domine clamavi 63 v
Domine mi rex 254
Domine ostende 194 v
Domine probasti [62]
Domine quinque talenta 129
Domine si adhuc 278
Dominus custodit te 290
Domum tuam Domine 285V
Domus mea 285V
Dum esset rex 138, 138 v , 235V (var.)
Dum esset summus pontifex 128V, 168 V
Dum praeliaretur 266 v
Dum sacrum mysterium 267
Ecce ancilla Domini 191 v
Ecce Crucem Domini 221 v , [259V] (var.)
Ecce Maria genuit 179
Ecce quam bonum 55
Ecce sacerdos magnus [120], 121, 150 v
Ecce video caelos 233 v
Ego plantavi 172 v
Elisabeth Zachariae 209
Est secretum 282
Estote fortes in bello 101 vv
Et audientes discipuli 242
Et ecce apparuerunt 238 vv
Et omnes Angeli 273
Et omnis mansuetudinis 55
Euge serve bone et
fidelis . . . intra 164 v
Euge serve bone, in modico 129
Euntes ibant 99, 99 v
Ex utero senectutis 206
Exsultet spiritus 50
Fac Deus potentiam 59 v
Facti sumus 49
Fidelia omnia mandata 36
Fidelis servus 129vv
Fulgebunt justi 102 , H I
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 33v.

24
Gabriel Angelus . . . Ave 192 v
Gaudent .in caelis 119 vv
Germinavit radix 178
Gloriosae Virginis 158, 257*
Gratia Dei in me 173 v
Gratias tibi ago 184
Haec est domus Domini 286
Haec est quae nescivit 134
Haec est virgo sapiens et "una 133 v
Haec est virgo sapiens quam 133 v
Herodes enim tenuit 254
Herodes rex apposuit 229 v
Helena Constantini mater 197
Heu mihi 290 v
Hec [sic] vir despiciens 72 , 133, 167 v
Hoc est praeceptum meum 89, 90
Hodie Maria Virgo 251
Hodie Simon Petrus 217 v
Hymnum cantate 58
Hymnus omnibus Sanctis 274
Ideo jurejurando 122, 122 v , 151
In caelestibus regnis 199 v
In caelestibus regnis . . . alleluia 102, 110 v
In conspectu angelorum [60v]
In diebus illis 226v
In domum Domini 47
In ferventis olei 202 v
In mandatis 36
In odorem 139, 139v, 247 v
In patientia vestra 92 v , 93
In tua patientia 162 v
In velamento clamabant 102 vv , 111
Inclinavit Dominus 40
Ingressa Agnes 170
Ingresso Zacharia 207 vv
Innuebant 209
Inter natos 210 v
Ipse praeibit 205
Ista est speciosa 134 vv
Ista est speciosa (another melody) 141 , 142
Istarum est enim 188 v
Iste puer 206
Iste sanctus 107 vv , 146
Isti sunt duae olivae 212
Isti sunt Sancti 118 v
Istorum est enim 116, 168 v
* Fol. 158, Gloriosae virginis Marie conceptionem dignis;

fol. 257, Gloriosae virginis Marie ortum dignis.
25
Jam hiems transiit 139 v , 140v, 236v
Joannes est nomen 206
Joannes et Paulus cognoscentes [sic] 212
Joannes et Paulus dixerunt 121V
Joannes vocabitur nomen 209v
Lapidaverunt Stephanum 232v
Lapides pretiosi 286
Lapides torrentes 233
Laudabo Deum meum I68VJ
Lauda Jerusalem 69 v
Laudate Dominum omnes 41V
Laurentius bonum opus 243v
Laurentius ingressus est 24 3 V
Leva eius 236
Levita Laurentius 244V
Libenter gloriabor 173
Lucia Virgo 161
Lux perpetua
103v, 112 v *
Magnificat 43
Majorem caritatem 90, 91
Maria Virgo assumpta est 247v
Martinus Abrahae sinu 279
Martyres Domini 115
Martyrum chorus 115
Maximilla Christo amabilis 147
Mecum enim 170vv
Medicinam 184
Miserere mihi 76V
Missit Dominus . . . manu 214, 230v
Missit rex incredulus 255 v
Misso Herodes 253
Missus est Gabriel 190vv
Mors et vita 197 v
Mulier quae erat . . . attulit 227
Nativitas est hodie 256
Nativitas gloriosae 256
Nativitas tua 258
Nazereus vocabitur 206v
Nequando 297, 298
Ne timeas 191
Nigra sum sed formosa 236 v
Non confundetur 50
Non est inventus 121,v 122, 151
Non meis meritis 283
Non turbetur cor 196 v
Nos autem gloriari 259v
Nos qui vivimus 38
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 212v.

26
O admirabile commercium 177v
O beatum Pontificem 280
0 beatum virum 279
0 crux benedicta 225
O crux benedicta . . . alleluia 263
O crux splendidior 223, 261 (var.)
O crux splendidior . . . alleluia 199
O Doctor optime 125, 151 v , 176v, 188,
189v
0 magnum pietatis 221, 258v (var.)
0 quam gloriosum 276v
0 quam metuendus 289v
0 virum ineffabilem 278v
Obtulerunt pro eo 181 v
Oculis ac manibus 278v
Omne quod dat mihi 291
Omnes gentes 284
Omnes sancti 114 v
Omnia quaecumque 56^
Opera manuum tuarum 290v
Orabat Judas 198
Orante sancta Lucia 161
Orante sancto Clemente 283v
Oremus omnes 282 v
Paulus et Joannes . . . Juliano 211v

Paulus et Joannes . . . ad
Terentianum 21 l v
Per signum crucis 45 v , 70 v
Per signum crucis (another melody) 260
Per singulos dies 67 v
Per te Lucia 161v
Petrus Apostolus 72, 219v (var.)
Petrus et Joannes 213V
Petrus quidem 230
Philippe qui videt me 195
Placebo Domino 290
Portio mea 64
Princeps gloriosissime Michael 270
Prudentes virgines 135Vv
Puellae saltanti 254
Puer qui natus est 210 v
Pulchra es et decora 248
Quando natus es 178
Qui habitas 47 v
Qui me confessus fuerit 106
Qui Jiie dignatus 185
Qui mihi ministrat 106v
Qui persequebantur justum 147 v
Qui sequitur me 106
Qui vult venire 110
Quia vidisti me 163v
Quis es tu 184
27
Quoniam in aeternum 58
Redemisti nos 273v
Regali ex progenie 154, 155, 256
Regina caeli 81 v
Respexit Dominus 53 v
Resplenduit facies 238 v
Respondens autem Petrus 239
Responsum accepit 181
Revertere in terrain 181 v
Rub urn quem viderat 178 v
Sacerdos et Pontifex . . » ora 125
Sacerdotes Dei 123, 123 v , 151
Salva nos Christe 221, [259] (var.)
Salva nos Domine 78 v
Salve crux pretiosa 146 v
Salve Regina 82 v
Sancta Maria [71], 237*
Sancte Paule Apostole 167, 176v (var.)
Sancti et justi 105v
Sancti per fidem 118V
Sancti spiritus 212
Sancti tui Domine 102, 110 v
Sanctificavit Dominus 287v
Sanctorum velut aquilae . 119
Senex puerum 180
Sepe expugna 51 v
Sepelierunt Stephanum 235v
Serve bone 123 v , 124, 130
Si cognovissetis me 195v
Si diligitis me 195 v
Si iniquitates 190 v
Si manseritis in me 196v
Si quis mini ministraverit 106 v
Simeon Justus 180 v
Similabo eum 72 v , 131
Sit nomen Domini 37
Solve jubente Deo 232v
Soror mea Lucia 162
Speciosa facta es 236v
Speret Israel 52 v
Spiritus et animae 102 v , 111
Spiritus Sanctus 191v
Stans beata Agatha 186
Stans beata Agnes 171v
Stephanus autem 234**
* Fol. 71, Sancta Maria . . . commemorationem; Fol. 237,

Sancta Maria . . . festivitate.
** Fol. incorrectly numbered as 240.
28
Stephanus vidit 233vv
Stetit Angelus 265
Suscepit Deus 70 v
Tanto pondere 163
Tanto tempore 195 v
Ter virgis caesus sum 173
Tradent enim vos 94, 95
Triduanas a Domino 282 v
Tu es pastor ovium 166 v, 175,v 216
Tu es Petrus 214 , 230
Tu puer Propheta 210
Tuam crucem adoramus 222
Tunc praecepit 19 7 V
Turavit Dominus 96 v , 97 v
Dnde veniet 42V
Unus ex duobus 148 v
Vade Anania 174 v
Valerianus in cubiculo 281
Veni electa mea 134 v
Veni electa mea (another melody) 140 , 141
Veni sponsa 135,v 143, 168
Veni sponsa (another melody) 137 , 145V
Vidi supra 284
Vidi turbam magnam 273
Virgo gloriosa semper 283
Virgo prudentissima 249 v
Volo Pater 106
Vos amici me 90, 91 v
Short Responsories
Incipit Folio(s)
Adjuvabit earn 136v, 144 v , 159, 182 v
Adoramus te Christe 224, 262
Adoramus te Christe alleluia 201
Amavit eum 126
Ascendit fumus 269
Assumpta est Maria 250
Benedicam Dominum 30
Christe Fili Dei 8 V , 19 v
Clamavi in toto 33 v
Constitues eos 96
Domum tuam Domine 288
29
Elegit earn Deus 137, 145, 159 v , 183
Elegit eum Dominus 126 v
Elisabeth Zachariae 209
Exaltata est sancta 249v
Exsultent justi 117 v
Fuit homo 208
Gloria et honore 108 v
Gloria et honore . . . alleluia 24 l v
Gloriosus apparuisti 241
Haec est domus Domini 289
Hoc signum Crucis 224, 262
Hoc signum Crucis . . . alleluia 200 v
In aeternum Domine 29 v
In conspectu Angelorum 269v
In man[u]s tuas Domine 78
In omnem terram 95v
Inclina cor meum 25*
Inter natos mulierum 208 v
Justi autem 118
Laetamini in Domino 117
Laetitia sempiterna 105, 114
Lex Dei ejus 132V**
Locus iste sanctus est 288 v
Lux perpetua lucebit 104 v , 113 v
Magna est gloria 109v
Magna est gloria . . . alleluia 242
Maria Virgo assumpta 250 v
Nimis honorati sunt 96 v
Omnis terra 262 v
Omnis terra . . . alleluia 201 v
Os justi 132**
Per signum crucis 224 v
Posuisti Domine 109
Redime me Domine 34
Sana animam meam 26
Sancti et justi in Domino 104, 113
Specie tua 136, 143 v , 158 v , 182
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 33.

30
Stetit Angelus 268v
Stolam gloriae induit 132*
Tu es sacerdos 127
Great Responsories
Incipit Folio (s)

Credo quod Redemptor 29 8 V
Domine quando veneris 300
Qui Lazarum 299v
Invitatory
Regem cui 292 v
Psalm
Venite exsultemus Domino 293
Hymns
Incipit Folio (s)

Aurea luce 215**
Ave maris stella 157, 179, 248
Caeli Deus 53
Christe Redemptor omnium 274 v
Deus tuorum militum 107
Deus tuorum militum (another melody) lllv
Doctor egregie 174
Exsultet caelum 93 v , 147 v
Huius obtentu Deus 142 v
Immense caeli 42 v
Iste Confessor 124 v
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 121.

31
Iste Confessor (another melody) [130]
Jam lucis orto sidere lv
Jam lucis orto sidere
(another melody) lv
(another melody) 2
(another melody) 2
(another melody) 2V
(another melody) 13
Jesu corona virginum 134 v , 185v
Lauda mater Ecclesia 226
Lucis Creator optime 39
Magnae Deus potentiae 59
Nunc Sancte nobis 21
Nunc Sancte nobis (another melody) 21 v
Nunc Sancte nobis (another melody) 21 v
Nunc Sancte nobis (another melody) 22
Nunc Sancte nobis (another melody) 22
0 lux beata Trinitas 70
Petrus beatus 231
Plasmator hominus Deus 64 v
Quicumque Christum 239v
Quodcumque vinclis 166
Rector potens 26 v
Rerum Deus 30 v
Rex gloriose 112*
Sanctorum meritis 115V
Te lucis ante terminum 77
Te lucis ante terminum
(another melody) 77
(another melody) 77 v
(another melody) 77v
(another melody) 78
T e l l u r i s ingens conditor 491

Tibi Christe splendor 267
Tristes erant Apostoli 103
Urbs beata Jerusalem 286v
Ut queant laxis 206v
Vexilla Regis prodeunt 19 8 V
Vexilla Regis prodeunt
(another melody) 222, 260
CHAPTER IV
ANTIPHONS
The music and related texts of the antiphons, short re-

sponsories, hymns, and Office of the Dead in the Psalterium
would appear to be the result of the transplanting to Mexico
of the sixteenth-century Spanish tradition and practice of
chant. Because of the dearth of intensive studies of Grego-
rian chant in Spain, however, it has been frequently necessary
to turn to non-Spanish sources in order to gain some perspec-
tive on the body of transplanted chants in the Psalterium.
In all possible cases a comparative study of each melody and
text with its counterpart in an authoritative modern edition
has been undertaken in order to determine the degree of sim-
ilarity between the melodies and texts in the Psalterium and
those in modern editions. If the chants available in modern
sources may be reasonably considered as representative of the
mainstream of Gregorian chant in Western Europe, then by such
1 The editions consulted are Antiphonale Monasticum pro

diurnis horis . . . ,edited by the Benedictines of Solesmes
(Paris, Tournai, Rome: Desclie, 1949); Antiphonale . . .
Romanae; Liber Usualis with Introduction~and Rubrics in Eng-
lish, edited by the Benedictines of Solesmes (Tournai, New
York: Desclê, 1962); Processionale monasticum ad usurn con-
gregatiois Gallicae . . . , edited by the Solesmes (1893);
Variae preces ex liturgia turn hodierna turn antigua collectae
aut usu receptae, fifth edition edited by the Solesmes (1901).
34
a comparative study the degree of divergence from or adher-
ence to the mainstream of European chant in the Psalterium
may be determined. Special consideration has been devoted
to chants which represent a departure from traditional Euro-
pean literature and practice and which may afford some special
illumination into the history or theory of chant in Mexico
and Spain. Wherever possible a prototype for these exception-
al chants has been located in a Spanish source.
Survey
There are 330 antiphons in the Psalterium all of which
are notated in standard Gregorian or square notation on a
five-line staff. Each antiphon has been categorized in one
of five classes on the basis of degree of textual and melodic
similarity between the Mexican chant and its counterpart in
a modern edition. The general guidelines employed to deter-
mine appropriate melodic classes of antiphons are given below.
Comparative Relationship of Psalterium Antiphon

Class Melody to Counterpart in~Modern Edition
A Identical or very similar
B More extensive variation, but predominantly concor-
dant
C Only remote relationship discernable
D Dissimilar with only infrequent and coincidental
concordance
N Not located in a modern source
In Classes A through D, texts are identical or very similar

and these melodic Classes have been subdivided with regard to
35
the textual treatment. The number of chants in each Class
and Sub-Class and the corresponding percentage of the total
number of antiphons in the Psalterium are given in Table II.
All Class A antiphons exhibit a close relationship to
the mainstream of Gregorian tradition. The ten A 1 chants
are textually and melodically identical to their counterparts
in modern sources. Only one chant is contained in the Psal-
terium in which the melody is identical to that in a modern
edition, but in which the text differs to some degree (Class
A 2). This antiphon, Conceptio est hodie, is an anomaly
which will be discussed subsequently in relation to the other
antiphons for the Feast of the Conception of the B.V.M. with
2
which it is associated.
The texts of the thirty-one A 3 chants are identical to
those in modern sources, but the melodies are characterized
by some slight deviation from the modern sources which in no
instance involves more than 8% or three notes of the total
number of notes in the linear structure. These melodic de-
viations may take one or more of the following forms:
1 Interpolation of one or more notes
2 Omission of one or more notes
3 Vertical transposition of one or more notes
A comparison of the incipit of Petrus Apostolus in the Psal-
terium and in LU (Liber usualis), illustrates the first two
deviational phenomena and a similar comparison of Missus est
2 See infra, Chap. IV, pp. 57-58.

36
TABLE II
DISTRIBUTION OF 330 PSALTERIUM ANTIPHONS IN CLASSES
A THROUGH N BASED ON COMPARISON WITH COUNTERPART
ANTIPHONS IN MODERN EDITIONS
Percentage of Mean Number of Percentage

Average of Pitch Antiphons of Total
Class Discrepancy between in Number of
Psalterium and Modern Psalterium Antiphons in
Edition Psalterium
1 M= T £ 10
A 2 Ms T var 1
3 M var T = N 9.5 31
42 13
•
B
1 M var T = 30 226
2 M var T var 35
r
261 79
1 M rem T = 12
C
2 M rem T var ) - ' 1
13 4
D
1 M <•& T
91 3
2 M ^ T var 1
4 1
N Chant not located in modern

edition. 10
10 3
TOTAL 330
KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

USED IN TABLE II
M Melody
T Text
var Variation
rem Remote relationship
Identical
Dissimilar
37
Gabriel reveals an example of partial vertical transposition
(Example 1 [a] and [b], respectively).3
Example 1 (a). Interpolation and Omission of Notes.
IS&A T^salJ-erium, -to I. 111".
3 "Pe- 4-rus 77- j>o- s-to- Ius
#584 'Psalierium. -fol. IX.
6 Pe- -#V«/« Z7- J-/o- A/S
t</, /a- / 5 4 7
8 Vc~ -t-rvs H- po- S-fo- lus
Example 1 (b). Partial Vertical Transposition.

&. " ——— / j, £
K!) J J * * 4 4 * 4 * J
i Q Missus est Ga- bri-til an- ye-/us
LU, p. tAtb
ify r J J J J JP J ^ J J? J
a Missus est Ga-bri- el an-ye- /<</S
Transposition of an entire melody, up a perfect fifth in

Class A has not affected the determination of its categori-
zation. The mean average of the pitch differential factor
3 In Ex. 1, and in all subsequent examples, the punctum

has been transcribed in modern notation as a^ , unless other-
wise indicated, and the bar-lines are those found in the
original sources, unless otherwise indicated.
38
which results from the melodic deviations for the thirty-one
A 3 antiphons is 9.5% as indicated in Table II.
Class A chants are typically short and prevailingly syl-
labic, although the use of two- or three-note neumes is not
uncommon, and there may be an occasional incorporation of a
short melisma. The most common melodic deviations encounter-
ed in the Psalterium antiphons involve ornamental interpola-
tions, e.g., the addition or omission of an upper auxiliary
or addition or omission of structurally non-essential conjunct
motion within the confines of a particularly memorable inter-
val.
The 261 Class B antiphons, which represent a substantial
79% of the total number of antiphons, are characterized by a
greater degree of melodic variation than that found in the
melodies classified as A 3 and, although the deviations from
the counterpart melodies in the modern editions are more ex-
tensive, the types of variation remain the same, i.e., inter-
polation and omission of notes and vertical transposition of
particles of the linear structure. The melodies are always
clearly and demonstrably related to their counterparts in
modern sources. The mean average of pitch variance between
Psalterium and modern edition versions does not exceed 30%.
Class B antiphons are often longer than Class A antiphons, may
be neumatic or syllabic, and may possess one or more melismas.
In Class B antiphons, as in Class A, the transposition by a
fifth of a complete melody has not been a determining factor
in the classification system.
39
In Example 2, the incipit and a section of a subsequent
internal phrase of the Marian antiphon, Ave Regina, from the
Psalterium may be compared with the versions in AM (Antipho-
nale Monasticum), and in six Spanish sources, i.e., Manuale
chori (Salamanca 1506), Processionarium (Compluti 1573) , Pro-
cessionale (Lugduni 1522), Processionum ([Tarragona] 1527),
Ordinarium (Lugduni 1548) , and Processionarium . . . Valentinae
(1578).^ These Spanish books reflect both early and late
sixteenth-century practice as well as Castilian and Catalonian
practices. Aside from the obvious factor of transposition in
AM, the incipit as it occurs in all the sources is quite simi-
lar, but some melodic variation may be found in the "salve"
phrase. Small melodic variations may be observed between one
Spanish source and another, but all preserve the essential
contours of the Gregorian melody. Both the Processionum
([Tarragona] 1527) and the Ordinarium (Lugduni 1548)are melo-
dically identical, although there are a few minor deviations
in the barring and ligatures. The fact that otherwise the
two imprints are identical indicates the scrupulous attention
devoted to the preservation of local practice.
The text in AM differs from the Spanish sources in the

use of Salve radix, salve porta, instead of Salve radix sancta,
which is consistently found in the Spanish books. This tex-
tual deviation represents a significant departure from the
non-Spanish source.
4 A short reference will be used to identify all primary

sources, i.e., Spanish and Mexican liturgical books and Spanish
theoretical treatises. For full bibliographic information for
40
Example 2. Ave Regina. Comparison of two phrases in eight
sources.
IS84 "Psalleriurr,. f0L &l.
¥p g * j f*~
S 71— ve V&oi-na caclo- rum, Sal- i/e radix San-c4-a.t
TIM, p. /7S.
I y j r T^
* * * •
8 77- ve. 'Re.oina cae-lo- rvm, Sal- ve w o / . x , salre por4-<x.,

Afgrtua/e chori C Sala.mnnco. *St>6 Sr -foi- XIS-
1
m\ JTT] rli* TJ'JW^J J h J ^ f l ' W W ^
- . •• 111 Til C » J L A _
0 77- Â .—•{.-•— i i f i—
«re iii I y ii Hi
"Reai-na i i •-.mi
cae/o- ii By ii
rtsm, I i. Hr i
Sol i.—i. mi. . . . I - 1 ^ •-
i ^jCgp.1
we ra-clix S f l nii -i wrc M
.—^—
,
TroC&SS tort art cm I CornplirJ-i tS 73 ) § -foi- *•
^p « 77-
n- ve
wc
—*^-3—5-^*
*_*
Tteal-na
«
coe-/o-
*>2-5-
rt/m,
*V-
Sal-
JUT flfi ilni>
*
ve racfix San- c4-a.t
"Procession a, / e C LuaJun! /jzi), 7^0/. ccncif".
^ -.' J* £Z * w
alZ-Jl £ ^•^-y
P
«<
8 77- ve V&oi-na cox. torum, Sal- ve radix San- C4-CL,

"Processionum (CTnrra.aona.l tsz.7), fol. Xxxx/H*.
'fta j * >JIMfluiLkjfliJ
3 77- ve f?ea;-na cae-lo- rum, Sal- tie
^.TO
ra.- ofSx sa.n-da.,
OrJinar/orrr C LuocJuni *£4&), -foL f*j.
2=iXr^
**JJ 3=* iP—v ^ J'1 SP
rrrrJ^ rJi^> «» * y
Q 77- ve Tteqi-nn. cae-lo- rumt Sal- ve ra~ alia San- cV-a,
e
"Process /on<>- rium . . ValenJ-inae. /S7Q"), p. CC/KXX/V//".
i 8 w-
*
ve "Tfeai-na Cae-lo- ram, Sal- re ra-af't San-c/-at

41
The vast majority of Class B antiphons, 226 out of a
total 261, have texts which are identical to their modern
counterparts. If the 41 Class A, 12 Class C, and 2 Class D
antiphons with identical texts are added to the 226, the num-
ber of identical texts is a substantial 282, or 85% of the
total number of antiphons in the Psalterium. If the 10 anti-
phons from Class E, the texts of which are not available in
modern editions and, therefore, for which there is no evidence
at the present time of any broad spectrum usage, are excluded
from the total number, there remain 320 antiphons which are
textually comparable to modern sources. Roughly 88% of the
320 have texts which are identical to those in modern editions,
which indicates a rather strict degree of adherence to the
mainstream of Gregorian tradition in an extensive body of
transplanted literature. The remaining 12%, i.e., those with
textual variants, involve minor changes in orthography (other
than those changes necessitated by the transformation of a
text into modern liturgical Latin), or the transposition, omis-
sion, or addition of one or two words, or in rare instances,
five or six words.
The thirteen Class C antiphons are characterized by a

degree of melodic relationship between Psalterium and modern
edition versions which has been assessed as remote, but
sixteenth-century Mexican imprints, see Chap. I; for full bib-

liographic information for Spanish liturgical books and Spanish
theoretical treatises, see Appendices III and IV, respectively.
5 Textual deviations involving more than three words have
been given in Appendix I.
42
identifiable. The antiphons in this category are:
Adhuc eo loquente
Aspice in me
Assumpsit Jesus Petrum
Dum praeliaretur
Et ecce apparuerunt
Gloriosae Virginis
Lauda Jerusalem
Lux perpetua
Missit rex incredulus
Nigra sum sed formosa
Regina caeli
Sancti spiritus
Veni electa mea
Identifiable points of similarity may involve the retention of
characteristic intervallic relationships and/or significant
sections of the melody with a clearly parallel melodic struc-
ture. The mean average of pitch discrepancy between Psalterium
and modern source versions of Class C antiphons is 65%, which
is slightly double that of the Class B chants.
Only one antiphon, Nigra sum, involves any unexpected
transposition; in the Psalterium this melody is found a whole
step lower than in any other available source (Example 3 ) . 6
Example 3. Nigra sum.

I5Q* 7>sal4-cricrm, -fal. 3.3 6-
d Jj*>i,. J>j-J >>>>> n r

& ft/;- ora Sum Sed SOT mo- SOL -fili- a e 7k.- rte- set
LU, p. 13.59.
Q M* fc
i\ -—r
6
F¥f
Hi-otn Sum S&J
fc
-formosa
^
yr/.//_
*
Qe
*
7e- r«j- sa - tern
6 In John R. Bryden and David G. Hughes, An Index of

43
Although there is no evidence to refute the interpreta-
tion of these Class C antiphons as being representative
examples of a possible Spanish practice which developed in-
dependently of the mainstream of Gregorian activity, national
consistency in the reflection of textual or melodic deviations
in geographically separate Spanish sources is not always found.
If the Psalterium version of Regina caeli is compared with
that in the Processionarium (Compluti 1573), which may be con-
sidered representative of Castilian use, much closer melodic'
correlation is found than if the Psalterium melody is compared
with those versions in the Processionale (Lugduni 1522) and
the Processionum ([Tarragona] 1527) which represent Catalonian
practice, and which exhibit less melodic deviation from the
Gregorian tradition exemplified in the Antiphonale . . .
Romanae (Example 4).
The four Class D chants exhibit no, or only coincidental,
pitch concordance with modern edition melodies. These melo-
dies, which are listed below, represent only 1% of the total
number of antiphon melodies in the Psalterium.
Adjuva me
Et audientes discipuli
Placebo Domino
Respondens autem Petrus
Similar or identical texts for these chants can be found in

modern sources, and one melody, Placebo Domino, from the
Office of the Dead, occurs in an eleventh-twelfth-century
Gregorian Chant, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

1969), I, 290, no final other than e is given for this
antiphon.
44
Example 4. Regina caeli.
tSQA "Ps*l4n.r-(urn, -fol. 8/".
^ f e J] JJj \P T&&^fttffo$
8 7?e- of- eta cae- // Me- /•«- re a/- /e- £,-
t , - /a
"process! onari tr m ( Complu-li /S73), •fo/. icy.
o>jyiJjj3j'ni
8 TPe- «/- /wi cae- yj
d ' s
Me- +a- re.
&})14
at- le- lu /a
"Processionale ILuocfuni fS2"2.), -fo/. cc-xciiif"'.
£ £E* K
8 "We-
"Tfe- o/-
oi- /7a
na cae//
Cae/i /ae- -/a- re al- te- lu-
Processto nc/m (LTarraoonaJ tS2V), -fol. /Xx/'//'.
S32?z ni Jl
^
8
P ftz- f/- #ia cae/i
>> >
/«e- -Ai- w o/—
JS f=S
^M
/ e - /«-
j * -
/a
0-
£ P^$
^
8
^
We- o/- /»a
0 ^ = §
»
ipss
eae-ti re of-
^
/e /„- /a
Lucca MS compiled for monastic use.' Precedents for the use

of the other three melodies either in printed books or MSS
remain to be found.
The Psalterium Placebo melody has also been located in
7 Bryden and Hughes, op_. cit. , I, 326; see Paleographie

musicale, 17 vols., edited by the Solesmes (1889-1925), IX
(Codex 601) ,. fol. 560.
45
a printed 1569 Venetian Sacerdotale for general use,8 and in
the Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506). The Antiphonarium
(Montserrat 1500), the Psalterium ([Alcala] c. 1513), and
Peturs Liechtenstein's 1523 Dominican Psalterium printed in
Venice all contain the more familiar Placebo melody found in
LU. Although the folios which contained this part of the
Office are lacking in the Psalterium (Mexico 1563), it is rea-
sonable to assume that this imprint followed its prototype,
the 1523 Liechtenstein Psalterium, in the choice of Placebo
melody. These two melodies as they occur in the several
printed sources mentioned may be compared in Example 5.
Both Placebo chants are simple, syllabically set, and
relatively free of melodic embellishment. Neither melody
appears to be associated exclusively with monastic or general
use books although evidence of the preservation of melodic
tradition within a given order is often the case, especially
in Benedictine and Dominican books. Such a rule cannot be
applied dogmatically to all Orders, however, nor is it appli-
cable if strong extra-Order instrusive influences are present.
The Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506), a Franciscan book, contains
the Psalterium Placebo melody, the Psalterium (lAlcalS] c.
1513), which was sponsored and closely reviewed by Cardinal
Cisneros who was steeped in the traditions of the Franciscan
Order, contains the other Placebo melody. The title-page of
the Psalterium ([AlcalaJ c_. 1513) states that it is a
8 Sacerdotale £ Paganinum de Paginimis (Venice: Johannem

Variscum, 1569) ; a copy of this rare imprint is in the private
collection of E. Woodcock who kindly allowed us use of the
book.
46
Example 5. Placebo Domino.
IS&4 "Psat-fcrfum. -fol. x9o.
*i t n } n i j j> j? > > > m

S "P/a-cc- bo "Do-mi-no in re.- o / - o- ne. vi~ vo- rum.
Afa/rt/a/e. ehofi (Salamanca. fSO€>)t -f-ol. *9S.
i 8
HJIHJ'
?V«-ce- 6 o 2*»- mi-no
i>i>i> >\>>>
in re-ai- o- ne
Sace.rcfo-fa.fe, (Venice tsbt'i, -fol. /2.L.
%
6
n 1
"}}
* —a>—57
"P/a-ee-bo
; > ; • i }}}>tt
a*—*~
Ho-mi-no in re-qi- o- ne
> J1 j '
vi- i/o- rurrt.
Ttnri phonarium ( Afoa-t-serra-h SSt>o)f C Sia. <x3.
mw & rla.ce-bo
"Psal-t-erivm
2)o-nwi-rto
(Cfffeafal
/n
c. /Ssj),
•0—0
re-qi-
-Ao/.
o-
ex//*.
ne vi-
^
vo- rtjrn.
I > [, i' M > Si S S h S s

g f/a-ce- 6o 7)o-mi-no fn re-ai- ©- /»e Vi- VO- r"c*j
"Vsalierium ( Venice. *S*3 ) , -fol. i93.
4 >gpi m i H ^ j ] JU >
fl
8 ?Yo-ce-Ao
Pfa-ce-bo 2)o-mi-no tn
in re-qi-
re.-at- o- ne vi- vo- ru
rum.
LO, p. t-nz
*—#•
g "P/a- ce-bo ^Xa-m'mo in re.-a*- o- ne vi- vo- rtjrn>
"Psalterium secundum usum sancte ecclesie Toletane magna cum

diligentia correctum." It may be assumed that the melody in
this book represented the most common Toledan use, but not
necessarily that the 1584 melody was not sung in Toledo.
47
Although general patterns of regional and geographical practice
of Gregorian chant in Spain are beginning to emerge and are
helpful in determining the provenance of a given melody, it
would be premature to regard them as absolute determining
factors in this regard. For example, the two relevant Venetian
imprints, 1523 Psalterium and 1569 Sacerdotale, each have a
different melody for the Placebo Domino antiphon, and an analo-
gous usage of this chant in the two Mexican books, Psalterium
(Mexico 1563) and 1584 Psalterium may be inferred.
The three other Class D chants, Adjuva me, Et audientes
discipuli, and Respondens autem Petrus, are equally intriguing
and, although the use of the Psalterium Placebo melody was
not restricted to Spain, a comprehensive survey of both Span-
ish and non-Spanish MSS and printed books for liturgical use
must be undertaken before it will be possible to determine
which, if any, of these three unfamiliar melodies may be pecu-
liarly Iberian.
The texts of the ten antiphons of Class N which are list-
ed below have not been located in modern sources.
Beati qui ambulant

Deduc me Domine
Cumque ascendisset
Helena Constantini mater
Mors et vita
Orabat Judas
Revertere
Tuam crucem adoramus
Tunc praecepit
Unde veniet
The textual and melodic incipits of all but three of these

antiphons, Beati qui ambulant, Deduc me, and Mors et vita, are
48
cited by Bryden and Hughes in the Index of Gregorian Chant
with identification of occurence in MS sources.
Beati qui ambulant and Deduc me are both examples of
anomalous texts. Although Beati qui ambulant is not cited in
the Index of Gregorian Chant, reference to Beati qui audiunt
which occurs in the Antiphonaire . . . de Worcester is given.'
The melodic similarities between the two chants are obvious
(Example 6) „
Example 6. Beati qui ambulant and Beati qui audiunt.
IS6<\ "Psatf^y/urn, fol. /9".
w 8
> n J> I J. ) b >
"Be- a-
Uit-fip/tonaire
//
i EEEJE
qui
• « • «/e Worces4er,
Qm-J>u- ian-f-
-fol- 99
F
an- / e -
Jfc
gem
' $ il
-/-t. ctm
i-fmom "Pa/eojraph/e. /nos/ca/e JJZ?)
-I > n Jf ) ) j fr
3m
• J—a- P*
8 Be- o- A" 7«« ««- di- <//rf ver- &£/»?
No precedent for the use of Beati qui ambulant in Spanish

sources has yet been located.
References to the text Deduc me Domine in semitarn, from
Psalm 1181 used as an antiphon other than in the Psalterium,
where it is associated with Sunday, Terce, have not been locat-
ed, although this text is used as a short responsory in at
least two non-Spanish MSS 10
9 Bryden and Hughes, o£„ cit., I, 61.

10 Ibid., I, 111.
49
The third problematic antiphon text is Mors et vita, for
use on the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross. Again,
no reference for the use of this text as an antiphon or in
any other liturgical capacity has been located in Spanish or
non-Spanish sources.
It is possible that the majority of the Class N chants
may have fallen into general disuse by the advent of the
printed book, since only one antiphon from this category has
been encountered in the Spanish imprints which have been con-
sulted. This antiphon, Revertere in terram, occurs in the
Antiphonarium (Seville 1491) as well as in two non-Spanish MS
sources cited in the Index of Gregorian Chant. -"-^
Unusual Treatment of Specific Feasts

As has been indicated in the foregoing discussion, the
Psalterium antiphons which are most significant in evaluating
trends which may represent a possible departure from the main-
stream of Gregorian chant are those which possess the follow-
ing relationships when compared to modern sources: (1) melody
only remotely related (Class C); (2) melody totally dissimilar
(Class D); (3) text cannot be located (Class N). If these
antiphons are arranged according to their association with
specific Feasts several significant patterns emerge. (Table
III) .
Three important days of the liturgical year, Sunday, the
Transfiguration, and the Invention of the Holy Cross, have
11 Ibid., I, 366.
50
TABLE III
FEAST ASSOCIATIONS OF CLASS C, D, AND N ANTIPHONS
Feast Antiphon Incipit Class

C D E
Sunday Prime Beati qui ambulant X
Terce Deduc me X
. Sext Adjuva me
None Aspice in me
Monday Vespers Unde veniet
Saturday Vespers Lauda Jerusalen x
Transfiguration Adhuc eo loquente x
Assumpsit Jesus Petrum X
Et audientes discipuli X
Et ecce apparuerunt
Respondens autem Petrus X
Invention of the Holy Cross Cunque accendisset X
Mors et vita X
Orabat Judas X
Tunc praecepit X
Helena Constantini X
Triumph of the Holy Cross Tuam crucem adoramus
Conception of B.V.M. Gloriosae Virginis X
Purification of B.V.M. Revertere

Our Lady of the Snow Nigra sum X
Marian Antiphon Regina caeli X
S. Michael Archangel Dum praeliaretur X
Beheading of John the Missit rex incredulus X

Baptist
SS. John and Paul Sancti spiritus X
Apostles, Martyrs Lux perpetua X
Holy Women Veni electa mea X
Office of the Dead Placebo Domino

51
a substantial number of antiphons which fall into Classes C,
D, and N. With regard to the Day Hours of Sunday, the anti-
phon for None, Aspice in me, bears only a remote relationship
to that in a modern source; the antiphon for Sext, Adjuva me,
has a melody which has not yet veen located in modern or MS
sources; the text for Prime, Beati qui ambulant, has not been
found elsewhere, although a melodic variation of this antiphon
is associated with a deviant textual incipit in at least one
non-Spanish MS; the text for Terce, Deduc me, used as an anti-
phon, has not been located anywhere other than in the
Psalterium.12
The situation is similar with regard to five of the anti-
phons for the Transfiguration, a major Feast of the Church
Year. Although these five texts can be located in modern
sources, the melodies show remote similarity to or only coinci-
dental concordance with modern edition counterparts.
The text of only one of the six antiphons associated with
the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross can be located in
3
modern editions, although melodic variants with identical or
similar texts for all except one, Mors et vita, can be found
in at least two non-Spanish MSS. Although no precedents for
12 See supra, Chap. IV, pp. 47-48.

13 A textually identical, melodically similar version of 0
Crux splendidior, alleluia for the Invention of the Cross is
in LU, p. 1453; this same antiphon, but without the terminal
alleluia is used in the Psalterium for the Exaltation of the
Cross (fbl. 261); see also infra. Chap. IV, pp. 55-56.
14 Worcester Antiphonarium (Paleographie musicale, XII) and
Lucca Antiphonarium (Paleographie musicale, IX);see Bryden and
Hughes, op_. cit., I, for specific folio references.
52
the anomalous Mors et vita text have been found, a melodic
variation of this antiphon is used to set the antiphon text,
Gloria Libani, for the Feast of the B.V.M. of Mount Carmel,
July 16 (Example 7).
Example 7. Mors et vita and Gloria Libani.

IS8A "Psotterium, fol /9 7".
*4 p ft
8 AforS
h N i L
vi- 4-a.
*
h hb mg
8 MOTS e+ ap-po- si- / « son/- //'- bit
TiM, p. 97/.
^m
8 Gto- ri-a H-
i'j ' i >< m
t,ai e/a- -/-a es-f-
Two Feasts of the Holy Cross, the Invention, May 3, and

the Exaltation, September 14, are universally celebrated in
the Roman Rite, but in the Psalterium, and in several Spanish
books, there is the inclusion of an additional Feast of the
15
Cross, the Triumph of the Holy Cross on July 16. Infor-
mation relating to the celebration of this Feast is elusive,
but that evidence which is available indicates that the Feast
was established in Spain in the thirteenth century, and cele-
brated a monumental Spanish victory over Arab armies. On
July 16, 1212, Alfonso VIII (1158-1214) routed the forces of
Mohammed ben Yacub at the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa.
15 The July 16 date given in the Psalterium (fol. 220v) for

the celebration of the Triumph of the Holy Cross agrees with
that found in the Psalterium ([Alcala] c. 1513), Processiona-
rium (Compluti 1573), Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1560), and
Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568) . .
53
Contemporary accounts, which state that 200,000 Arabs perish-
ed while the Christian loss was numbered at 25 or 50, suggest
some degree of Spanish bias, but none dispute the overwhelming
Spanish success, and the Feast of the Triumph of the Holy
Cross was originally celebrated in commemoration of Alfonso's
victory.^
Two hymns, Clangant coetus gloriosi and Mucro secat
Iberorum, which were to be sung "In Triumpho s. cruce" have
been found in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Toledan
Breviaries. These same two hymns associated with the Triumph
of the Holy Cross are represented also in at least five print-
ed Breviaries for Toledan use encompassing the period from
1483 to 1551.17 Furthermore, the hymns occur in the Cisneros'
Intonarium (Compluti 1515), but appear without any specific
festal designation. The five Toledan Breviaries also contain
an additional hymn, Jesu Redemptor omnium gentes conserva,
for the Triumph of the Cross, as do four non-Toledan Breviar-
ies, two from Palencia and two from Cuenca. These last four
Breviaries also have Clangant coetus gloriosi, but not Mucro
secat Iberorum. 18
In the Toledan and one Cuencan Breviary, the Office for
the Triumph of the Cross is prefaced with the inscription
16 Enciclopedia vniversal ilustrada europeo-americana

(Barcelona: Hijos de J. Espasa), XXXVII, 1301-1313.
17 Analecta hymnica medii aevi, 55 vols., edited by G. M.
Dreves in collaboration with C. Blume and H. M. Bannister
(Leipzig; O. R. Reisland, 1886-1922), 16, 41-42.
18 Ibid., 40-42.
54
"Triumphus belli de Benamarin. 19 This citation refers to
the retaliatory victory of Alfonso XI (1311-1350) over the
North African Benemerin kings in 1340 at the Rio Salado after
a costly Castilian loss earlier in that same year. The text
of Clangant coetus gloriosi contains a specific reference to
"Albohacen" (Abul Hasson), a powerful Arab ruler from 1331 to
1348, and Mucro secat Iberorum mentions the victory of the
"King of Castile" at the "flumine salado." By the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries the Feast of the Triumph of the Holy
Cross may have assumed a more general character with regard to
the commemoration of Christian "triumph" over Arab infidels,
and thus would be eminently suitable for inclusion in Mexican
books where once again the triumph of Christian over "infidel"
was seen as a desirable goal.
The only sources in which we have found mention of the
Triumph of the Cross are all Castilian, which supports the
evidence that the Feast was associated closely with Castilian
victories, such as that of Alfonso XI. In addition to the
sources which have been previously mentioned, a well-rooted
Sevillian commemoration of the Feast may be inferred from the
inclusion of a Sequence for the Triumph of the Cross in a
fourteenth- fifteenth-century Sevillian MS, in two later
fifteenth-century MSS, and in a 1507 Missale printed by
Cromberger.2 0
19 Ibid., 41.
20 Ibid., 37, 26-27.
55
In the calendar of the Psalterium ([Alcala"] c. 1513),
red ink is used for the printing of "Triumphum s. crucis",
and the Feast is further distinguished by an accompanying
small red cross, a technique used to signal significant feasts.
The Processionarium (Compluti 1573) includes the Triumph of
the Cross in its roster of Feasts, and states that the feast
"non est in breviario Romano sed ex devotione celebrar
alicubi."
Catalonian sources which have been consulted are devoid
of reference to the Feast. The Processionale (Lugduni 1522)
for the Church of the Holy Cross in Barcelona where the cele-
bration of the feasts of the Cross is to be expected, has no
reference to the Triumph, although the Invention and the
Exaltation of the Cross are both represented (fols. clv-clx
and ccvv-ccvijv, respectively).
With regard to the Mexican imprints, the only reference
that is found to the Triumph of the Cross other than that in
the Psalterium, is the citation of the Feast in the calendars
of the 1560 Manuale Sacramentorum and the re-issued 1568
Manuale Sacramentorum. It is significant that both these
Manuales were issued under the aegis of the Mexican Church
rather than being sponsored by a particular order present in
Mexico.
Because of the close topical relationship between the
three Feasts of the Cross—Invention, Triumph, and Exalta-
tion—it is not surprising to find "borrowing" of antiphons
from one feast for use at another. Five of the seven
56
antiphons, 0 magnum pietatis, Salva nos Christe, Ecce crucem,
0 Crux benedicta, and O Crux splendidior, which are given in
the Psalterium for the Triumph are melodic variations of those
used for the Exaltation. In LU these first four antiphons are
used for the Invention and the Exaltation and the fifth is re-
served for the Commemoration of the Exaltation on the Feast of
the Seven Dolors. Of the remaining two antiphons in the
Psalterium associated with the Triumph, one, Crucem tuam, may
be found in LU for use on Good Friday, and the other, Tuam
crucem, is not found in a modern edition but does occur in
Graduel de Saint-Yrieix.21 The antiphons in the Psalterium
for the Exaltation are consistent with usage found in LU.
In summary, the evidence indicates that the Psalterium
possesses at least one feast, the Triumph of the Holy Cross,
which represents a Spanish, specifically Castilian development
in the evolution of liturgical history, but that the chants
which are associated with this feast in the Mexican book are
borrowed from other Feasts of the Holy Cross and are not newly
composed.
Special consideration should also be given to the Feast
of the Conception of the B.V.M. Several of the antiphons for
this Feast are characterized by uncommon examples of textual
modification. In the Psalterium, Gloriosae virginis Marie
ortum for the Feast of the Nativity of the B.V.M. is identical
to Gloriose Virginis Marie conceptionem for the Feast of the
21 Bryden and Hughes, op_. cit. , I, 422; see Paleographie

musicale, XIII, 142.
57
Conception, except for the substitution of conceptionem for
ortum and the subsequent melodic adjustment necessary to
accomodate the additional syllables. Although the text for
Gloriosae Virginis Marie ortum can be located in modern edi-
tions, the melody associated with this text is dissimilar.
If, however, the melody of Jam hiems transiit, found in LU
for Feasts of the B.V.M., is compared to that of Gloriosae
Virginis some striking melodic similarities become apparent
(Example 8).
Example 8. Gloriosae virginis and Jam hiems transiit.

iSB4 T>s«t4eriumt -fot. 3.S7.
JpjjiJ'Hfr-flJ^ i>p[?p[{^ W
8 Gfori-o-sae vir-aitr/s Ma- fi- e or-tx/m c/iam'ssimam rs-ao~ fa- rrtus '
lU, p. tzs<t
ip £ ^ E £
8 3am
« hi-
J
cms
1 fl> J
4*^*-
4-ransi-
4-
r'-f
tmnu r
itn
%
ber abi-rf- ef re cess if:
Examples such as this, in which minor melodic adjustment

is required by the interpolation of additional syllables and
in which the element of contrafacta may be involved, illus-
trates the occasional difficulty of locating melodic prece-
dents for chants which may have been subjected to a particular
regional usage.
Three additional antiphons for the Feast of the Concep-
tion, Conceptio est hodie, Conceptio gloriosae, and Conceptio
tua, have undergone textual modification. In these cases,
however, only the incipit has been changed while the remainder
. 58
of the text is identical to that found in chants in modern
editions for the Feast of the Nativity of the B.V.M. The
Psalterium melody for Conceptio est hodie is identical to
that in LU, and the melodies for the other two antiphons are
quite similar to those in LU. Such a procedure, though not
commonly encountered in the Psalterium, perhaps would not be
quite so remarkable were it not for the complete absence of
any reference in the Index of Gregorian Chant and accessible
Spanish printed sources to the modified form of the antiphons.
This must be considered a departure from tradition, albeit a
minor one, and there is no evidence as of yet to suggest which
Spanish regional practice, if any, the Psalterium may have
been following at this point. The initial section of each of
these three antiphons, as they appear in the Psalterium and
in LU, may be compared in Example 9.
Example 9. Three Antiphons for the Feast of the Conception.
/504 fta/Zer/wm, fol. /SA.
K=S=E
S
^ ^ H
Con-cep+i- o est ho-
Jmf
«//- e Sanchxc
f^
Afa-ri- ae
•m—#
Vir-ai-nis,
LU, p. /6ZS
:
l) j f f p f r M & f f f r ' f f E p ^ '
S=S
1 i
8 Afo- //*- vi- -/as es-f ho- di- e Sa/tc/ae /Ya-*"*"" « ^ Vir- o«- rr/s,
59
ISB+ "Ptafteriurrt, -f-ol. /SZ
',f, M > rg > > n - i > > Ji rj n i>

g Con-ce.pt!-
fi»/»- ccp-H- o qlo-ri- o- Sae. Vfr- yi- nis Afti- ri- oe
LU, p. *62S
I ft ft > j s n n > > ' > EJE^

+*—* * *
0 A&- / / - i"'- -^ns alo-ri- o- sae. Vir- of- nis A>fn- ri- ac,
/S8A Vsnl-f-crit/m, -f-ol. /60,
m i m Q
#
E
0
Con-ce.- p4h
• ^m
-»
X>e- &e-
£
tti- +r*x Vir-qo
W
+„-
LU, p. Z62.7.
i <
8
^ |
j/o-f-t-
P3
vi- +as +o-
>vh
a,
Those antiphons included in Table III which are associat-

Z>e- / <Pe-
s
tii-
~*
-frix,
* f
\fir-yo,
ed with liturgical days other than Sunday, the Transfiguration,

and Invention or Triumph of the Holy Cross, may be considered
as isolated instances of deviations from the traditional lit-
erature and practice of the chant which have not yet been
perceived as, or in some or all cases, may in fact not be,
part of a definitive pattern of unique Spanish usage.
CHAPTER V
OFFICE OF THE DEAD
Great Responsories
The three Great Responsories from the Office of the Dead,
Credo quod Redemptor, Domine quando veneris, and Qui Lazarum
resuscita, found in the Psalterium, flow from the heritage of
Gregorian repertory and are similar to the versions in LU.
Not unexpectedly, close melodic parallels exist between these
chants and those in sixteenth-century Castilian sources, an
example of which may be seen in the following comparison of
the initial phrase of Credo quod Redemptor in the Psalterium,
LU, Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506), and Psalterium ([AlcalS]
c. 1513). (Example 10.)
If the opening phrase of Domine quando veneris in the

Psalterium is compared with that in the Manuale chori (Sala-
manca 1506) and the Antiphonarium (Montserrat 1500), a
similar degree of melodic consistency may be observed between
the Castilian and Mexican imprints, but the Catalonian
version differs (Example 11).
It would be premature at this point, however, to attempt
to postulate a general rule regarding consistency of Catalo-
nian versus Castilian practice with regard to melodic treat-
ment of any of the Great Responsories. As is the case with
the antiphons, other factors, such as the degree of influence
61
excercised by inter-European Order affiliations, must be as-
sessed prior to the formulation of guidelines which may be used
in a definitive manner to evaluate the variations in provincial
practice. If, for example, the incipit of Qui Lazarum in the
Mexican Psalterium (1584), Salamancan Manuale chori (1506), and
Toledan Psalterium (c. 1513) is compared with that in the Mont-
serrat Antiphonarium (1500) and in a general use 1522 Urgel
Processionum, it is apparant that there is certainly insuffi-
cient evidence to support any clearly definable juxtaposition
of Castilian versus Catalonian practice (Example 12).
Example 10., Credo quod Redemptor.
tS8A Tsal-ferivm, f-ol. 2 9 8*.
'{Ê'tc P ere; uii/crir^S

6 Cre- do QooJ 7fe d&m- o4-or rne-
&m-p+or vS Vt- *•"+.
LU, />• tr&s
3p £ p fff ocrmum » *T\ft_*_7ft* 1**4 14 *

8 Cra-do quoJ ffedem-p-tor me-us ¥'- *M.
fianaa-le. chori (Safamancct tsoh)t Xa/. IS5*.
& Cre- do
da OuoJ "Red&m-
quod T?ecfem- f>4-o.
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Ui
fc
8
m
Cre- do
F n
quad Ve-tfem-
(tjiph> f me.-
+'ft**
ut
m
+i
VI-
»i
*i+.
62
Example 1 1 . Pontine quando v e n e r i s ,
fS84 "Psal-fcriumt -f-ol- 300.
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8 2te- mi- ne. Quart Jo
—
t
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ffanuale chori {Salamanca. fSO&), -fol. /s&".
lift 2 ^ t 3
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i
Unriphonarium
1*1 pi € tforitserraJ- tSOo}t -fol. €82-
fc
2)o~ m/-
S ^
i" ' i r i — r ^ ,_k
£ T**1
8 «e. Ivan- cfo
Example 12. Qui Lazarum.
iSBA "Psa.ne.rium. -fol. 2.99"-
t
fo Qui
<?c*<
1
f J 4*
£ La-
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8 Qui La- zo- r«//j? s+t
63
-PsQl-terium (CRIcala.1 c /Si3 ) t fo/. cl-j:*t
re- su- sci- 4a-
Htttiphont\r-ium (Afon4serra4- /SOo)t -fol. £6VJ~
L}\rp
8 Qui la-
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ZQ- rum
£ 2 u i ;j n •" rm >
re- Su- set- -ta- s&
"Processionck/e (LuoJutii iS2~2-), -fol. ccc
&
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8 Qui Itt- za- rum re- su-sct- /o- *//
Psalm and Invitatory

Unlike the Great Responsories for the Office of the Dead,
the Psalm, Venite exsultemus, and the Invitatory, Regem cui,
exhibit a type of notation in which long and short values are
indicated by different note shapes (•,• ), although the melo-
dic lines remain similar to those in LU. Both of these
64
chants in the Psalterium are representative examples of what

the Spanish theorists termed "Psalmody", i.e., a type of
chant in which the durational value of the notes was deter-
mined by the textual accents. Juan Bermudo in his Declaracion
(1549) says:
Tres compases ay enel canto There are three [types

llano, vno sirve para la psal- of] tactus in plain chant;
modia. otro para hymnos one serves for psalmody, an-
particulares, y el tercero para other for particular hymns,
todo lo de mas puntado. El com- and the third for all the
pas delos psalmos no mira hazer rest which is noted. The
todos los puntos yguales: sino tactus of the psalms is not
va midiendo todas las sylabas concerned with making all
breues y longas, segun las the notes equal, but mea-
reglas grammaticales. De formaf sures all the short and
que tato tiempo gasta en vna long syllables according to
longa: como en dos breues. El the grammatical rules. In
que enla psalmodia vuiere [sic] this way, as much time is
de llevar copas: no solamente taken in one long as in two
ha de ser buen cantor, sino, breves. In psalmody he who
tambien latino. Entiendo esto wishes to carry the tactus
de compas ygual, y los puntos must not only be a good
desyguales. Vna vez entra en vn singer, but also a good
compas dos puntos, otra vez Latinist. I understand
tres. En todo y por todo en la this of equal tactus and un-
psalmodia se deue guardar el equal notes. Sometimes two
accento: specialmente en la de notes enter in one tactus,
mediacion de los versos, y enla another time three. In all,
sequencia. Esten muy auisados and for all, in psalmody
enesto los principiantes, porque one must keep the accent,
algunos descuydando se: hazen especially in the chanting
grandes yerros quebrantando los of verses and in the recit-
accentos (fols. lxijv-lxiij) . ing tone. Beginners should
be well advised in this be-
cause many are careless,
making great errors, break-
ing the accents.
An explicit statement of this type from such an eminent

theorist as Bermudo leaves little doubt with regard to the
permissibility of long and short values. Furthermore, when
textually suitable, both binary and ternary subdivision of
the tactus appears to have been an acceptable procedure.
65
Tapia Numantino in the 1570 Vergel (fol. lijv) reiterates
Bermudo's words verbatim and Cerone in 1613 in 121 Melopeo
(p. 414) reiterates the statement nearly verbatim.
Villafranca in the Breve Instruccion (1565) is less definite
in his statements concerning the relative length of values
in psalmodically sung chant, but provides a partial list of
those chants which are to be psalmodically treated:
Para entonar los psalmos In order to intone the

. . . de la manera que leemos Psalms . . . in the way that
(que es guardando el acento) we read (which is keeping
assi cantando los pronuncia- the accent) so singing we
remos deteniendo la silaba will pronounce them detain-
luenga, y coriendo la breue, ing the long syllable and
esto se guardara enlas hastening the short. This
oraciones, prophecias, lec- is kept in orations, proph-
tiones, epistolas y euan- ecies, lessons, epistles,
gelios: teniendo mas respecto and gospels, holding great-
al accento y pronunciacion de- er respect for the accent
las palabras que no a la cantu- and pronunciation of the
ria (fol. [21]). words than for the melody.
Some additional insight into the Spanish practice of

Psalmody is provided by Andres de Monserrate in his Valencian
Arte (1614):
En la Psalmodia, Episto- In psalmody, epistles,

las, Euangelios, Prophecias, gospels, prophecies, les-
Liciones de Maytines, y Prae- sons of Matins, and pre-
facios de la Missa, y en otras faces of the Mass, and in
composiciones semejantes a other compositions similar
estas (en las quales no se to these (in which one is
atiende tanto a la composicion not as attentive to the
y melodia del canto, como a composition and melody of
la pronunciacion dela letra) the chant as to the pronun-
casi siempre las notas son de- ciation of the text), almost
siguales, por causa del buen always the notes are unequal
accento (p. 26). by reason of good accent.
Andres is not as precise as Bermudo, however, in his assess-

ment of the proper durational value of the Long:
66
El Longo de vna plica se The Long with one stem
halla en la Psalmodia, y se is found in Psalmody and is
pronuncia con vna poca mas de- pronounced with a little more
tencion que el Breue, por la detention than the Breve, be-
plica, y por el accento, que cause of the stem and because
de ordinario se haze en el of the accent which is ordi-
(Arte [1614], p. 112). narily made on it.
Sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century theorists such

as Villafranca and Andres de Monserrate are in agreement with
regard to the use of the stemmed Long to indicate accents in
Psalmody, and Duron's earlier enigmatic remark in the Comento
(1498) is not incompatible with their position:
En tiepo atiguo no se In old times these stems

ponia estas plicas saluo al were not placed except on the
puto q estaua sobre la vocal note that would be on the
en q se fazia el accto: mas syllable on which the accent
ya no se guarda (fol.[36v]). would be made, but this is
no longer kept.
It seems most probable that Duran was not suggesting that

accents were not "kept" because psalmodically oriented
notation had fallen into disuse, but rather that the use of
the Long was not restricted to psalmodic notation and could
be used in other notational capacities as well.
Discussion of the independent semibreve in the theore-
tical sources is most usually confined to its durational
value in non-psalmodic mensurally notated chants, e.g.,
hymns. However, in the Intonario (Saragossa 1548) which was
issued for general usage in Spain, the semibreve is mentioned
in connection with Mass Prefaces, which according to Andres
de Monserrate were psalmodically treated as we have seen:
1 See supra, p . 65.

67
Para cantar bien qualquier In order to sing well
prefacio: es menester q se whatever preface, it is nee-
guarden las figuras: a saber es/ essary that the notes be
que hagan detencion y differencia kept; that is to know what
del longo al breue/ y del breue must be detained and the
al semibreue: y haziendo lo difference of the Long from
assi guardaran el accento y la the breve and of the breve
intencion del author (Intonario from the semibreve, and in
[Saragossa 1548], fol. XXII). doing that, thus, the ac-
cent and the intention of
the composer will be kept.
In the Psalterium the breve and the independent semi-

breve are used to indicate the long and short syllables of
the text in Re gem cui and Venite exsultemus Domino. Oc-
casionally r however, there is some deviation from a strictly
syllabic setting which necessitates the incorporation of bi-
nary or rarely ternary ligatures. Depending upon the melodic
requirements these ligatures occur in the following forms:
ft i iflf , *% c The major problem with regard to transcribing
these chants lies in the proper interpretation of the liga-
tures, i.e., it is essential to determine whether it was "the
intent of the composer" that the ligature represent notes of
equal value and should be interpreted as a clivis or torculus
would be in standard Gregorian notation, or whether they re-
present notes of unequal value and should be interpreted as
breves or longs according to the dictates of mensural nota-
tion.
Those fifteenth- and sixteenth-century theoretical trea-
tises which have been consulted that contain some discussion
of Psalmody are concerned principally with the differentia-
tion of the long and short syllables properly set with long
and short note values and which results in the predominance
68
of textual considerations over melodic considerations. The
treatises are devoid of references to the use of ligatures
in a psalmodic context. Furthermore, many Spanish theorists
who wrote treatises prior to 1550 avoid discussion of dura-
tional values other than the double-stemmed punto cargado in
chant in general. It should not be construed, however, that
such an omission indicates that the use of unequal values in
chant was necessarily an uncommon occurrence. The overwhelm-
ing evidence to the contrary in contemporary liturgical book's
precludes the possibility of forming such a conclusion. It
may also be significant that despite the early theorists'
inevitable respect for autoridad they do not include the
definition of plain chant attributed to St. Bernard, which is
cited by later theorists such as Andres de Monserrate: "Musica
plana est notarum simplex et vniformu prolatio, quae nee augeri,
nee minui potest." - •
The practical, progressive Durdn, whose treatises reveal
a greater peninsular orientation than those of his contempo-
raries, is the only early Spanish theorist consulted to
grapple with the definition of plain chant in vernacular
terms:
2 See infra, Chap. VIII, p. 90 ff. for definition and

discussion of value of the punto cargado.
3 Monserrate, Arte (1614), p. 25; Monserrate, p. 17,
gives the same definition in the vernacular: "El cato llano
es vna simple y vniforme prolacion de notas, la qual no se
aumenta ni diminuye;" see also Cerone, El Melopeo (1613),
p. 412.
69
Ite porq llamamos llano Also because we call
al cato llano este vocablo plain chant plain, this word
llano qere <tzir ygual qntidad plain wishes to show equal
dt tardaca d' tpo e cada figura. quantity of length of time
s. q no tardmos mas en vn on each note. It is that we
punto q en otro saluo q todos do not delay more on one note
se conte por vna ygual medida than on another, but all are
de tpo. E porq lo catamos counted by one equal measure
por copas. la ca es porq of time. And because we sing
como co el copas material de it by a tactus which is like
sierro/ o madero se fazen the material measure of wood
muchas mensuras yguales en q or lumber which makes many
no aya mas dela. j. ala. equal measures in which there
ii. que dela ij. ala. iij. is no more from the first to
ni que dela. iij. ala the second than from the sec-
iiij. & assi de todas las ond to the third, nor from
intermedias que ouiere. nin the third to the fourth, and
dela yltima ala penultima. so on for the intermediate
nin dela penultima ala ante- ones, nor from the final to
penultima. Assi a respecto the penultimate, nor from the
y semejaca del compas mater- penultimate to the antepen-
ial llamamos de vna cayda a ultimate. Thus relative and
otra vn compas. & quanto similar to the material mea-
tardamos de vna cayda a otra: sure, we call that from one
tanto tardamos en cada punto. fall [downstroke] to another
& todo sonido que semesura y a tactus. And as much as we
canta por compas se dize mu- delay from one fall to an-
sica mensurable. onde com- other, we delay that much on
pas enla musica es qntidad each note. And all sound
ygual d'tpo d' vna cayda a that is measured and sung by
otra/ o d'vn tpo a otro. & a tactus is called mensurable
assi vn copas es vn tpo & vn music. Undulating tactus in
tpo vn copas. & por vn tpo music is equal quantity of
q es vn copas cto demos vn time from one fall to another,
puto d' catollano (Comento or from one time to another,
[1498], fols. [28-28v]) . and thus a tactus is a time
and a time is a tactus, and
for a time which is a tactus
is, moreover, a note of plain
chant.
But despite Duron's attempt at clarity his definition

may be subject to several interpretations. The primary thrust
of his identification of canto llano lies in the equation of
one equally measured tactus with one note of chant, but what
constitutes one note of chant is not clearly defined. In
the Comento (1498) he.specifies three types of notes which
are used in chant:
70
Tenemos puto cjdrado al- We have JTthe] square
fado y seitonado/ o triagu- note, alfado,4 and semitonado
lar . . . la psecio dela musica or triangular [note] . . .
cSsiste en tres vnidades/ o The procession of music con-
ptes q faga vn nuero ternario. sists of three unities or
& assi toda la practica d'l parts which make one ternary
cSto cosiste y se punta en number and thus the practice
estas tres figuras. s. q- of chant consists of and is
drada q tiene. iiij. agulos notated with these three
& figurase assi [a] alfado q forms. They are the square
tiene dos putos cada vno co which has four angles and is
dos agulos y puede ser sobiete shaped thus: [«];* [the]
y d'cediete y puede ser al fa alfado which has two notes,
de. ij. y iij. y iiij• & de each one with two angles and
quatas mas qsieres y figurase which, may be ascending and
assi [^]. puto semitonado es descending and may make [the
el q tiene dos angulos al doble interval of a] second, and •
menos q e/ qdrado/ o es third, and fourth, and of
triagular q tiene. iij . greater quantity [if] wished,
agulos exeplo [\| A ] (fol. and is shaped thus: [**]; the
[30]). semitone note is that which
has two angles doubled, less
than in the square, or is tri-
angular which has three angles,
example: [fe £ ] .
4 The terms "alfado" (="alphado") and "alpha" are encounter-

ed in many Spanish treatises written in the vernacular and are
apparently used interchangeably to specify an oblique ligature.
With regard to those treatises which we have consulted, "alpha"
is more commonly found in works written prior to c. 1500 than
in later sources. The anonymous Tratado de canto de 6rgano
(late 15th-century) includes ^ , fa, and t%~ as examples of the
properly-notated alpha, but mentions that one may find 0, ^ ,
and l^ "en alguna cantorla por ignorancia de puntadores"
(Higinio Angle's, "La notaciBn musical espanola de la segunda
mitad del siglo XV," Anuario musical, II [1947], pp. 167-168).
Both alphado and valpha are used in Dur&n, Lux bella (1492,
fols. f3] and [3 j, respectively), but in Duran, Sumula (c.
1507) , ^ and * are identified as alfados or obliquos (fol.
3) . ^ is referred to as an alphado in Spanon, Introduccion
(c. 1500, fol. v [lv]), and as an alfado in Martinez, Arte
(1532, fol. 24 ), and the Intonario (Saragossa 1548, fol. 4 V ) .
In Bermudo, Declaracion (1549), however, both alphado and the
then somewhat archaic (?) alpha are used to indicate oblique
ligatures (fols. cix and cixv, respectively).
5 Since DurSn's examples are lacking, we have taken the

liberty of supplying representative note shapes for the quad-
rado, alfado, and semitonado or triangular note which are found
in the numerous musical examples in other parts of the treatise,
6 Duron's reference to the doubled angles of the semitonado
71
Furthermore, DurSn mentions that the terms "figuras, punto,

nota, grado, individuo, and tono simple are synonomous in
signifying the same thing which is whatever shape of note."^
Thus, bearing in mind his earlier equation of one punto with
one tactus, it seems not unreasonable to infer that both the
square note and the triangular note are of equal temporal
value and should receive one tactus. However, the applica-
tion of such an inference is invalid in some or all cases
because a few folios later DurSn inserts the following remark:
. . . & avn puto qdrado . . . And yet a square

dava vn copas. & dos putos note has been given one
semitonados/ o semibreues tactus. And two semitonados
passaua e otro copas (Comento or semibreves have been pass-
[1498], fol. [37]). ing in another tactus.
Unfortunately it is not clear whether Duran1s statement refers

to the practice of all chant or only to psalmodically treated
chant, or perhaps to mensurally notated hymns in binary
meter. ** If, at this point, DurSn is restricting his comments
to the area of Psalmody or mensurally notated hymns, there is
no conflict with his earlier definition of plain chant in
which one note was to equal one tactus.
probably refers to the two large and two small angles of the
typical diamond shape.
7 Comento (1498), fol. 30.
8 See infra, p.101 ff. for discussion concerning binary
meter in hymn melodies; Duron's specific reference to two
semibreves equaling one tactus is in agreement with the
position maintained by late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-
century theorists concerning tiempo de por medio.
72
DurSn prefaces the foregoing explanation of the quadrado
and semitonado with a brief discussion of the durational im-
plications of the alpha.
Ite e las alphas se Also this manner of sing-

tenia este modo al catar. ing has been held for the
q enel primer pGto fazia alphas; that in which the first
copas y medio: & enel. note has been a tactus and a
ij. otro medio q era dos half, and the second another
copasses(Comento [1498], half which has been two tactus.
fol. [37]).
Aside from the extraordinary attribution of dotted rhythm to

the alpha, the identification of this ligature as being the
equivalent of two tactus negates any suggesion that both
notes should be sung in the time of one tactus.
It is significant in Duron's treatises that the quadrado
is equated with one tactus and that quadrados bound in liga-
ture are omitted from discussion. Dura"n, in the Comento
(1498), does not expand significantly his earlier statement
in Lux bella (1492) with regard to the square-note ligature:
Ligadura es linea que A ligature is a line that

toca dos puntos y no entra touches two notes and no letter
letra saluo enel primero. enters except on the first.
La siempre enel primer punto The first syllable always enters
entra la primera sillaba on the first note.
(Lux bella [1492], fol.
[73T.
If some additional rhythmic significance was implied in the

use of the square-note ligature, other than the stated inter-
pretation of one tactus for each quadrado, it is most probable
that the conscientious DurSn would have mentioned it at this
point, as he does with the oblique ligature.
73
Other Spanish theorists who refer to the ligadura in
their treatises on plain chant mention it in connection with
proper stem placement or correct setting of the text.
Molina, in Lux videntis (1506), for example, provides the
following illustrated commentary.
Nota q ay plica/ virgula. Note that there are

& ligadura en canto llano. La stems, lines, and ligatures
plica se pone ala mano esquierda in plain chant. The stem is
& ala derecha del canto. Alia placed to the left hand side
esquierda se pone enel principio and to the right of the chant.
dela ligadura descendtedo: & ala It is placed to the left at
derecha enel fin dela ligadura the beginning of descending
subiendo & no en otra manera. ligatures and to the right at
Exemplo. , ifr, , the end of ascending liga-
tures and not in any other
way. Example:
*£
. . . Ligadura es vn A ligature is a union of
ayuntamiento d'dos o tres o two or three or more notes,
mas putos: d'los quales todos only the first of which is
el primero fabla solamete. spoken. There are three dif-
de quien ay tres differencias. ferent ones. Example:
Exeplo.
W1 ^s SEI• • a ^
Sic foe •fea-f- sic fac -fecit
En la primera differecia no In the first, no more than

habla mas d'l primero puto: the first note is spoken be-
porq los otros todas van atados cause the others are tied to
con el. En la segunda differe- it. In the second, only the
cia fabla solo el primero punto first note is spoken and the
y los otros van ligados con el: others are bound to it. In
. . . En la vltima differencia the last one, the first note
fablo el primero a quien o de speaks to which and from
quien los otros van ligados: which the others are bound
que se llaman triangulares que which are called triangular
siempre se siguen de puto which always follow from the
quadrado con plica y van para square note with a stem and
abaxo & nuca para cima: & mas go lower and never higher and
fabla el vltimo que es quadrado moreover, I should say that
74
el qual nunca es ligado saluo the last which is square is
enlas dos maneras susodichas never bound except in the
(fols. [6-6v]). two aforementioned ways.
The Spanish treatises on mensural notation offer no

additional enlightment with regard to the determination of
the proper durational value of the problematic binary liga-
tures in Psalmody because they conform to standard European
practice in attributing the value of B L (breve. Long) to
both ligatures:fit«f . The application of this mensural
interpretation of the binary ligatures is musically untenable
when the short-long juxtaposition essential to psalmodically
conceived chant is represented by S_ (semibreve) and B, as it
is in the Psalterium and in many other Spanish sources. The
sudden intrusion of an L would result in a gross rhythmic
distortion.
Therefore, from a musical point of view, and also because
of the reasonable inference which may be drawn from the
notable absence of discussion of any special durational value
for the ligadura in the theoretical treatises, these two
binary ligatures used in Psalmody have been interpreted as
comprising two B of equal length, with each B being the equiv-
alent of one tactus.
The Psalm, Venite exsultemus Domino, is a typical example
of the type of Psalmody which, is described in the Spanish
treatises, i.e., a type of chant in which the textual accents
determine the long and short durational values and in which
the "melody" is subordinate to the text. If the first phrase
of this Psalm as it occurs in the Psalterium, Antiphonarium
75
(Seville 1491), Intonarium (Compluti 1515), Manuale Sacra-
mentorum (Mexico 1560) , and Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico
1568) is compared, the consistency of practice with regard
to the rhythmic setting of the text is apparent (Example 13).
The first syllable of "Deo" in the Antiphonarium, Intonarium,
and both Manuales is set as an S but is found as a B in the
Psalterium; conversely, the first syllable of "salutari" is
set as a B in the Antiphonarium, Intonarium, and both Manuales
but as an S in the Psalterium. It is not improbable that an
inconsistency of this type might be the result of a printer
oversighto
A more interesting deviation in the sources may be ob-
served in the setting of the initial syllable of "Venite"
which, in the Toledan Intonarium and Psalterium is set as a B,
but in the Antiphonarium and both Manuales is set as an S.
The Psalterium ([Alcala] c. 1513), another Toledo imprint,
gives only the first three notes of the Psalm, but also treats
this initial and most significant syllable as a long accent.
Furthermore, the f_ which is found in the 1515 Toledan Intona-
rium does not occur in the c. 1513 Toledan Psalterium where
g is used, as it is in the other Spanish books. The L on the
second syllable of "Venite" in the Psalterium is not duplicat-
ed in any of the other sources and may be a printers' error
or may represent an anomolous usage which reflects the set-
ting of "Venite" in the second part of the Invitatory, Regem
cui, which precedes the Psalm (fol. 292 v ): .•^ 4
A b-flat reciting tone is used in all the sources except the

Example 13. Venite exsultemus.
••J, • » *
IS8 4 Vso.l4crium, -fol. 2.93.
i8 %te-/ri- -fe
f ex-Sa/-4e-
0 1 — - J ^ — .1
f M 1/
tnus 7>o- mi-no,
^
T ^
^ ^
r Fr r
ju-ii-le-muS Da- o
JJ
So,-lo--fa-
* d—
ri no- j4ro.
Wnliohonarium {Seville /49i")t fol. XLVI'.
fr4=ft £
8
1* t
\fe-ni-
f
4e
f f f
ex-Sul-re-
ft
mus "Do-
f
mi-no
£ « «i
•*—4-
•fv-bi-le-
-m mos&c-o SO.- lu-4a- ri no - S-J*-o.
Zn-hnarium (Compluri /S/S). fol. exiiy".
^S & )/e- ni- -fe ex-sol-fe-

rt f r
mus Do- mi- no
* 1 &
•0—4
9—P-
-t V
H J )]
ri
t—*• 4—a
J*•
•ju-bi-Is- tnus 2>eo Sa- let-4a- ri no- s4ro.

7>Sal4eriurn (CTJIcalaJ c- is*3\ fol. el.
i s
8 Vie -ni- 4e.
tfcwi/a/e Sacrame.n4orarrt (Mexico tS60),fol. 96" and Sfant/ole. Sacra. men4-orum (IJexico /S 6 8) fol /oo.
i 8
k J > I j»J>J J>
-f—a
Ve- ni- ie
Z=H
-if- •* A—j
exSal-4e.-
a—
mus "Do- mi- no
U.J >!>>IJ
-f—1—'
•
*—-"—"—**
H]=S
*
w—*—r
iu- bi- / e - mas "Deo
l * -*
Sa- If- 4a- ri

^ ~m
no-s4ro
This note is B not S in the Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568)

77
Mexican Manuales which amploy f (i.e., a transposition down
a perfect fourth), but only the Toledo imprints have a
printed b-flat.
The rhythmic treatment of long and short syllables in-
dicated by B and S is similar in Regem cui, and may be
compared in the Psalterium, Antiphonarium (Seville 1491),
Psalterium ( [Alcalci] c. 1513) , Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico
1560), Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568), and Manuale chori
(Salamanca 1506) (Example 14). The version in the Salamancan
book is distinctive in its lack of reflection of long and
short syllables via the use of mensural values. The binary
ligatures in the sources which employ psalmodic notation have
been interpreted as consisting of two equal breves, as have
those in Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506) which is written in
square notation.
78
Example 14. Regem c u i ,
iS04 "Psallerivmt f0l. x9X*
%
»e
i
ye m
d
Ctf-
d
e om-
£ VI- Mtmrh,
Unl-i phonariu m (Seville /49/)# fol- *i-V * •

ft • • • • 'Jl • &
zzzat
A "We- °etn cc/- / Orrt- m-
7>sallerium (£Rlcala.3 c. /S'3), -fol. el-
^p Q 7fe- t e,r
i f c~u
E>
i 0 /W- W -
t~> S
v#- vun4--
Manuals Sacra merrf-orum (S/e*ico fS60\ -fol. fb anJ ffanuole Sacmm.(/tfex-ss<68),
6 Tit-
— oem
F r«- / o/w-
(F
ni- >li-
g
Mvrrr.
ffarjaa/e chori (Salamanca /so6\ -fol- i4b-
?!I I I I I I I J J M l ] J=:
0 "We~ êm cu- vi- Mun4-.
omni -
CHAPTER VI
SHORT RESPONSORIES
There are fifty-one short responsories in the Psalterium

and, as is the case with most short responsories, the responds
and verses are brief and predominantly syllabic. Texts of
forty-eight of the short responsories are set to one or the
other of two standard melodies each of which remains substan-
tially the same with regard to the linear structure through-
out the Psalterium, although some modification in the number
of repeated notes to accommodate a given text, or some other
slight melodic adjustment may occur. The two melodies, which
have been labeled A and B respectively, are identical to or
exhibit a very close degree of melodic similarity to their
counterparts in modern sources. This melodic relationship is
apparent if the setting of the text, Gloria et honore, to
both melodies, A and B, in the Psalterium and in the
Antiphonale . . . Romanae are compared (Example 15[a] and [b].
The three short responsories which are not set to either
of the two standard melodies are those for Sunday Terce, Sext,
and Compline. The short responsory for Terce, Inclina cor
meum, is consistent with tradition by using the melody which
is associated specifically with this text. The Psalterium
80
version is a melodic variation, transposed down a fifth,
of that in LU. In aeternum Domine and In manus tuas, for
Sext and Compline respectively, are both set to another melody,
which is a variation of that associated with the In manus tuas
text found in LU for use during Advent.
Example 15(a). Gloria et honore Set to Melody A.
tS84 'PsaH-crium, -to/. A>8
*4 > ) ) ) ) îjr^hfyirh^ * > S

8 Glo- ri- a e/ ho- no- re. Co- ro- net- J/» e-um J)o-mi-ne.-
TJni-iphonale. - - . Tfomonae, p. C20J.
i > f> h > N p JI I f> f ] J> h > > > > E

8 C/o n- a ei bo- no- re Co- ro- na- s-i-i e-um "Do-mi-ne..
Example 15(b). Gloria et honore Set to Melody B.
IS84 "Psal-Leriurn, fol. i4l".
H d- )d
d
I fr h I *li dK >* >
d *
U
d
I* )> >
8 Glo- ri- a ei ho- no- re coro- na-j-J-i e-um lio-mi-ne.
7fn4iphonale = . • fPomanne, p- 8o9
XJ d d d d d • d d A d d d l ' * *
G-Io-ri- a e-f ho- no- re Co- ro-na- sJ-f e-um 3)o- mi- ™c.
8
1 LU, p . 237.
2 I b i d . , p . 270.
81
One exception to usual practice may be found in the
Psalterium with regard to the Feast of the Triumph of the
Holy Cross, where the text, Per signum crucis, is used as a
short responsory. There is no reference in the Index of
Gregorian Chant to the use of this text as a short responsory,
although its use as an antiphon, Communion, and Tract is
cited. However, precedents for the use of Per signum crucis
as a responsory may be found in the Cisneros' Intonarium
(Compluti 1515) for the Feasts of the Invention of the Cross
(fol. lxxix v ), and for the Exaltation of the Cross (fol.
lxxxjv), and in Petrus Liechtenstein's Psalterium (Venice
1523) and the Psalterium (Mexico 1563) for the Invention
(fols. ll v and 18, respectively), and for the Exaltation (fols.
12 v and 20). Aside from the mensural values, which are so
characteristic of the Cisneros' Intonarium, the Exaltation
version of Per signum in this source is an obvious melodic
parallel of the short responsory in the 1584 Psalterium. The
Psalterium (Mexico 1563) melody is less closely related to
the 1584 book (Example 16). 4
Forty-six of the fifty-one short responsories are notated
in standard square notation, but the remaining five reveal the
influence of psalmodic notation in the incorporation of men-
sural values. Two of these responsories, Elisabeth Zachariae
and Inter natos mulierum for the Feast of the Nativity of
3 Bryden and Hughes, Index of Gregorian Chant, I, 324.

4 The Intonarium (Compluti 1515), the Psalterium (Venice
1523), and the Psalterium (Mexico 1563) all contain a second
melody for Per signum for the Invention, but this version is
82
Example 16. Per signum c r u c i s .
IS84 T>saWerium, fol. z z 4
A*'
m 8
i> h t> n )
Ttr Si- qnurn era- eis
i n , n n i>
de iTrjj- c»!5
^
rto- sJriS.
~Xn4t>na.rium (Complu-H iSis),4al. /xx*-* v . _

• • • ' • ! ^'7 a7 a r fc • q •
sis £ i "Per si- anum era- eis «fe i-

* v » ^ **
•
- —|V—
i j. > J) P5 ^ > — # •
*
a "Per •*«- Qnurn era- CiS n* - mt *• <?#* no- •s-^r-i.

f S -
John the Baptist, are set to Melody A, and three, Adoramus te

Christe . . . alleluia, Hoc signum Crucis . . . alleluia, and
Omnis terra . . . alleluia for the Invention of the Cross, are
set to Melody B. Two note values, L and independent S, are
used to set these predominantly syllabic short responsories.
In Elisabeth and Inter natos, however, the use of S is minimal
and occurs only in responds and not in verses. If these short
responsories are considered as examples of transplanted
not found in the Psalterium; unlike the Exaltation Per signum

melody, the Invention Per signum melody is almost identical
in the three sources.
83
Castilian practice, the remarkable factor is not that they
involve psalmodic notation, but rather that they do not contain
more extensive use of psalmodic notation.
In the three short responsories set to B Melodies, both
the responds and verses are mensurally set with L and S_, but
the equation of long and short note values with long and short
syllables of the text is not as elaborately observed as it is
in some Castilian sources, e.g., the Intonarium (Compluti
1515). The respond of Adoramus te Christe . . . alleluia
from the Psalterium and this Intonarium may be compared in
Example 17.
Example 17» Adoramus te Christe.
IS84 "Psal-fcrium, fol- 20 I.

• • • • • ^
!§p H i It f> b fr l> N I U 1 J

8 ft- do- ra- mus -/-c Chri- s-J-c c4- be-ne-e//- Ci- rrwtfS r « - f> »•
"Xn-tonariom C&>mp/uf-i *S/s)t f-ol. / * x / x " .
A A A A A ' n M
• • • • 1 1
m
fc
S df) *[ -*f> s
*
M>
dii J
IA a a
U *•
8 &- **»- ' « - "**s 4e CAr:- W e <?•/ be-r»e.-d;- ci mus 4-i- bi
Why only two feasts in the Psalterium, the Invention of

the Cross and the Nativity of John the Baptist, have mensurally
84
influenced short responsories remains an enigma. The fact
that the music for the Nativity of John immediately follows
that for the Invention, except for the interpolation of a
single antiphon for the Feast of John before the Latin Gate,
suggests that some source other than that used in the prepara-
tion of the rest of the Psalterium may have been used at this
point. Such a thesis is supported by the choice of antiphons
for the Invention of the Cross, one of which has not been
recorded previously.5
5 See infra, pp. 50-52.

CHAPTER VII
HYMNS
The Psalterium contains forty-eight complete hymns, but

the total number of different hymn-texts in the book is
thirty-two, and the total number of different melodies is
twenty, in addition to two simple intonations. Liberal ap-
plication of the technique of contrafacta is a practice
which is commonly encountered in Spanish hymns.
All hymn-texts are drawn from the universal heritage of
Gregorian chant and do not represent a major departure from
established practice. One complete verse of each hymn is set
in the Psalterium, and the text only of additional verses is
printed below, with the exception of the four hymns associat-
ed with the Feasts of Peter and/or Paul which have all the
given verses set.^ The complete text of each Psalterium hymn
has been compared with that given in AM or the Analecta
hymnica, and deviations between Psalterium and AM or Analecta
hymnica versions are given in Appendix II.
1 Higinio Angle's, "Early Spanish Musical Culture and Cardi-

nal Cisneros's Hymnal of 1515," in Aspects of Medieval and
Renaissance Music, edited by Jan La Rue (New York: Norton,
1966), pp. 12, 14, was the first to comment on the extensive
use of contrafacta in a major Spanish collection of hymns when
he pointed out that of the 225 complete hymns in the Intonarium
(Compluti 1515), 139 different texts and 102 different melodies
were used.
2 Aurea luce, Doctor egregie, Petrus beatus, and Quodcumque
86
Nine of the twenty hymn melodies are notated in tradi-
tional square or Gregorian notation, but the remaining eleven
are mensurally notated. As a result of this notational dicho-
tomy the hymn-tunes will be considered in two related but
separate groups, i.e., those with square notation which have
been designated as S hymns, and those with mensural notation,
designated as M hymns. Within each group, S and M, the melo-
dies have been categorized according to the ascending order
of pitch levels in the melodic structure so that each melody
may be numerically identified. Each of the twenty hymn melo-
dies has been transcribed into modern notation and is given
in Appendix II.
Higino Angle's, in his study of the hymns in Intonarium
(Compluti 1515), identified three types of hymn melodies:
(1) those "with free rhythm, like that found in liturgical
chant;" (2) those "with semi-free rhythm, i.e., a little
mixed between mensural and almost free;" (3) those "with
ternary mensural rhythm . . „ and . . . with binary, non-
modal, mensural rhythm."3 Angles points out that with regard
to the hymns with free rhythm, those which have "an adorned
or melismatic melody . . . are always printed in square nota-
tion," but for those in which "the melody is syllabic or
vinclis for the Feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul, Con-
version of Paul, Peter's Chains, and Peter's Chair.
3 Angles, " . . . Cardinal Cisneros's Hymnal," p. 14.
87
semi-syllabic, a mensural notation consisting of semibreves
is used, resulting also in a free rhythm.'"*
There seems little doubt that anyone who has given
thoughtful consideration to the Intonarium, or to any other
of several Spanish liturgical books, would disagree with
Angles' assessment of the three varieties of notational
practice in hymn melodies. Furthermore, it is clear that the
key to the choice of those melodies which were completely or
partially mensurally treated was determined by the presence
of a syllabic or semi-syllabic setting of the text. However,
it should be stressed that not every syllabically or semi-
syllabically set text is necessarily mensurally notated in
5
the Intonarium or elsewhere. Also, many syllabically or
semi-syllabically set texts' which are mensurally treated
involve the use of B as well as independent S_ in measured,
i.e., long-short, but non-metrical rhythm.
There is sufficient historical documentation to postu-
late some differentiation between that notation involving
relative long-short measurement indicated by the combinato-
rial use of B and independent S and/or c.o.p_. ligatures, and
square notation which is characterized by the absence of un-
equal mensurally conceived values, although both mensurally
and non-mensurally notated chants may lack the superimposi-
tion of a regular metric pattern, i.e., in Anglesian termi-
nology, both may have "free rhythm."
4 Ibid., p. 13.
5 Intonarium (Compluti 1515), Virginis proles (fol. lx-
lx v ), for example.
88
On the basis of the kind of notation employed in the
hymn melodies, Angles1 assessment of melodic types might be
categorically redefined: melodies which use (1) square
notation; (2) mixed notation or psalmodic notation; (3)
metrical notation. In square notation, single notes and
ligatures are used which are identical in shape to the neums
found in conventionally written, square Gregorian notation,
and which do not provide any idication that they are to be
interpreted according to the code of mensural notation. In'
mixed or psalmodic notation there is some degree of incorpora-
tion of mensurally oriented notes of unequal value, e.g., B
and independent S and/or £.o.p_. ligatures, but these notes
do not necessarily fall into a regular recurrent metric pat-
tern. In metrical notation notes of unequal value are
arranged completely or predominantly in binary or ternary
metric patterns. Metrical notation may involve B, S, M
(minims), and dotted notes.
Categorization of hymn-melodies with regard to specific

notation employed rather than on the identification of the
presence of "free" or, conversely, "non-free" rhythm is not
incompatible with the Spanish conceptualization of canto
llano which emerges in the theoretical writings. Bermudo's
identification of three different tactus in chant, i.e., for
psalmody, hymns, and all the rest of canto llano, and the
reiterration of his statement by subsequent theorists is
89
suggestive in this regard. The appropriate tactus was
necessarily reflected in the type of notation used.
The hymns in the Psalterium fall into these general
notational categories, i.e., square, mixed or psalmodic, and
metrical, although there are none in this book which exhibit
the notational sophistication of some of those in the
Intonarium (Compluti 1515).
6 See infra, p # 54m

7 Angles, " . . . Cardinal Cisneros's Hymnal," pp. 10,
12, has commented on the "admirable logic and accuracy" of
the notation in the Intonarium (Compluti 1515), "prepared by
men who were experts in the mensural notation of the 15th
and beginning of the 16th centuries," and suggests that "a
choirmaster or perhaps a professor of music in the University
of AlcalS de Henares" may have contributed to the preparation
of the Intonarium.
CHAPTER VIII
HYMN MELODIES WITH SQUARE NOTATION
The neumes which are encountered in the nine S melodies

in the Psalterium are given below.
Single-note: • •
Double-note: ..j ^ ^ J^ ^
Triple-note: A !•• T W rf*l
Multiple-note: J* ^ 1 % /!*•• !••! ^#**^
The majority of these neumes are drawn from the standard

Gregorian neumatic vocabulary, and the note shapes do not sug-
gest that they should be other than conventionally interpreted,
However, the punto cargado ( H ) , which is shown above as the
first note of a climacus, is an extraordinary exception, and
represents a specifically Spanish development in square nota-
tion. Most theorists from DurSn in 1492 to Monserrate in 1614
concur that this note was to receive double value. DurSn, Lux
bella (1492), remarks:
Ite punto co dos plicas: Also a note with two stems:

vale dos copases sin spre- it is worth two tactus with-
sar cantando el 2°(fol. out separately singing the
[7]). second.
91
In the Comento (1498) t DurSn not only reiterates his earlier
dictum but elaborates on its
Ite punto co dos plicas Also a note with two

&c. s. q. por ellas se d'nota stems: and each of them in-
valer cada vno dos copasses q dicates the value of two
cada plica d'nota vn puto q es tactus, for each stem indi-
vn copas. & si el cato sube cates one note which is a
ponese abas las plicas fazia tactus. And if the chant
arriba. & si deciede ponese rises place both stems ris-
abas fazia baxo. si el cato ing and if it descends place
vnisona puede las tener sobi- both descending. If the chant
etes/ o d'cedietes. & la senal is a unison they may rise or
q tiene e medio como legueta? descend. And the sign that
d'nota diuisio/ ca pece di- it holds in the middle like a
uidirlo e dos putos. & como little bell clapper will di-
esta dos plicas pedietes d'vn vide the note into two notes
punto: significa ser dos co- and if two stems are hanging
passes & Hamate puto cargado from one note they signify
porq tato tardamos enl como e that it will have two tactus
dos putos. qiso dos copasses and it is called a punto car-
d*los qles el. ij. no hemos gado because we delay as much
d'pnuciar cola spssiua y e do time on it as on two notes.
catado saluo cotarlo enl We must not expressly pro-
copas (fol.[36v]). nounce the second tactus, but
must count it as a tactus.
The shape of Duran's punto cargado and the rules govern-

ing use and proper stem direction are illustrated in examples
from Lux bella (1492). (Example 18.)
Example 18. Use of the punto cargado in DurSn, Lux bella

(1492).
€£y- t> if Siq. b 'if
?t£
8E
Seuouoen. Seuova&rr.
92
Molina, Lux videntis (1506), is the only other theorist
to adopt Duran's note shape with the diamond interpolated
between the stems, but he refers to the note not as a punto
cargado but as a punto silabico, and he is less definite with
regard to the specific value of this note than any other theo-
rist who discusses it, stating only that it "es mayor en
cantidad q ninguno delos otros putos" (is greater in quantity
than any of the other notes,-fol. [6V]). Gonzalo Martinez de
Bizcargui, in the 1508 and 1511 editions of his Arte, echoes
Duran's 1492 statement that the note should receive two
tactus, and Gaspar de Aguilar, c. 1530, concurs in the matter
of value and stem direction.
By 1555 Bermudo still adheres to the old principle of
the two-tactus value for the double-stemmed note, but states
that in practice its meaning is not always understood.
Algunas vezes el punto Sometimes the loose note

suelto tiene dos plicas hazia holds two stems made below and
baxo, y vale dos compases en is worth two tactus in plain
cato llano: avn que pocos lo chant, yet few keep it . . .
guardan . . . Some of the modern singers
. . „ Algunos delos can- (because this note with two
tores modernos (porque este stems is not used, at least is
punto de dos plicas no se vsa, not understood by all, since
alo menos no es de todos they do not give it its value),
1 Bizcargui, Arte (Saragossa 1508, fol. [9V] and Burgos

1511, fol. [14v]): "Item punto co dos plicas vale dos compasses
sin expressar cantando el segundo;"
2 Aguilar, Arte (c. 1530, fol. 15 v ), "y todo punto simple q
tuuiere dos plicas vale dos copasses como estefl . y si el cSto
subiere/ las plicas ande subir; y si descediere/ las plicas
ande descendir; y si vnisonare/ las plicas puede ser subietes;
o descedientes"; (And all simple notes which might have two
stems are worth two tactus, like thisfl, and if the chant
rises, the stems rise and if the chant descends, the stems de-
descend, and if a unison, the stems may rise or descend).
93
entendidO/ pues no le dan su in its place put two notes,
valor) en su lugar pone dos the second a little less,
putos, el segudo vn poco menor, and with one stem on the
y con vna plica a la mano right hand. In plain chant
derecha. En cato llano todas all the stems are made de-
las plicas son hazia baxo (Bk. scending.
Vf Ch. X ) .
By the mid-sixteenth century common practice had equated the

pun to doblado (»^ ) with the punto cargado in value.
The confusion to which Bermudo refers regarding the cor-
rect value of the double-stemmed note may be reflected in the
Suma de cantollano of Tapia Numantino's Vergel (1570), when
he statesJ
En vn puto con dos plicas In a note with two stems,

ff detente tanto y medio que en 1 delay as much and half as
los quadrados m (fol. lvij). in the squares • .
Iten ay vnos punctos con Also there are some
dos plicas en canto llano, y notes with two stems in plain
haseles de dar el valor que se chant and they must be given
da al, el, que es, mas que vos, the value which should be
y menos que merced. Y assi given, that is, more than vos
este tal puncto, vale mas que and less than merced. And
vno y menos que, dos. Quiero thus, this such note is worth
dezir, vno y medio en detencion more than one and less than
(fol. liij). two, I wish to say, one and
half in detention.
Of the two seventeenth-century theoretical treatises

consulted, Cerone's El Melopeo (1613) and Monserrate's Arte
(1614), the former sides with Tapia Numantino's evaluation
of one and a half tactus for the double-stemmed note,3 and
3 Cerone, El Melopeo (1613), p. 412, "En vn punto quadrado

con dos plicas . . . quieren que el Cantor se detenga tanto y
medio, que en los otros quadrados", (In a square note with two
stems . . . it is desirable that the singer delay as much and
half as in the other square notes).
94
the latter agrees with the old value of two tactus, but
Monserrate remarks, as did Bermudo, that few observe this
4
practice.
In the Psalterium the double-stemmed note occurs in
only one melody, S 8. This melody, however, is set to two
different texts, Jam lucis and Nunc sancte. Both hymns dis-
play the double-stemmed note at the same point in the melody,
an illustration of which may be seen in the excerpt from
Jam lucis (Example 19) .
Example 19. The punto cargado in S 8.

-fol. Z.
JI±L it U M f Cf P E
<> 2)e- um pre.- tfe- muf Sup- •ili- CeS
It is, of course impossible to determine precisely how

the transplanted punto cargado may have been performed in
Mexico, but if we may rely on Bermudo's testimony relating to
the substitution of the doblado for the cargado by those who
misunderstood the true value of the double-stemmed note, it is
possible that the punto cargado was not correctly observed.
Bermudo's substitute doblado may be found in melodies S 2,
4 Monserrate, Arte (1614), p. 112, "El Longo de dos plicas

. . . vale dos compases, aunque pocos lo notan" (The Long with
two stems is worth two tactus, although few note it).
95
S 3, (Jam lucis, only), and S 5. The incipit of S 2, Rector
potens, illustrates the use of this note form in the Psalterium
(Example 20).
Example 20. The punto doblado in S 2.
fol. Z(>%
i8
RFfr
*—-JL—*
7?ec4or po-
r
-teas
*=}
vc- rax
H3
~3>e- us-
Five of the nine S hymn melodies in the Psalterium have

been located in modern editions, and eight of the nine have
been found in Spanish sources.^ The melodies in the Spanish
books, however, are not all in square notation; some are metri-
cally or psalmodically notated. There can be little doubt
that at least some of these mensurally notated melodies are
"authentically" Gregorian. S 2, Rector potens, for example,
which is written in square notation in the Psalterium and in
the Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506), is also found in such a
reputable source as AM, but in the Intonarium (Coii'pluti 1515)
this melody appears in duple meter notated with B, £«o.p_.
ligatures, independent S, and an occasional M (Example 21 [a],
[b], [c], and [d]).
5 The five S melodies in modern editions are S 1, Christe

Redemptor omnium, in Liber responsorialis pro festis I. classis
. . ., edited by the Solesmel (1895) , p. 54; S 2, Rector potens,
in AM, p. 87; S 3, Jam lucis, in AM, p. 81 (var.j; S 5, Ave
Maris stella, in LU, p. 1259; S 6, Quodcumque vinclis, in AM,
p. 822.
96
Example 21(a). S 2: Rector potens. Psalterium, fol 26 v .
•F *(h f> h h
® Vec4or
i po-4e.nS
7 y
ve.- rax
t t
2>e- </*,
PUPI
<?«" -temperas
» y
re
g
fc
^ h ) H * U' n* * j. #
' .j:
s
* — ** — j* *
Q ram Vi-ces, SpleatJo- r e ma-nG in- s4vais, •£"•/ / - nni- bus
fe
8 /»7e- /-/-
i E
</»- e / 7 J .
Example 21(b). S 2: Rectorv potens. Manuale chori (Sala-

manca 1506), fol. 67 .
97
Example 21(c). S 2 Rector potens. AM, p. 87.
i8
^
E
*Pec4or
i -jj- *
{EEtEEfeESEES
po-
•
iens
W
ve- rax
^ ? }
7>G-trs,
J' ) J'
Qui 4e.m-pc- ras
I M J. IJ # 0
ff m ^ -* t
rerum vi- ces, Sp/enclo- re ma- ne /n- sJ-rv- *St S4
l\ -*
I rJ J I t> —*—*—;jr* *~
8 /- 9n'~ hus meri- di- em.
Example 21(d). S 2 Rector potens. Intonarium (Compluti

1515)e fol. xi.
•-J
U I I
mm P^s
8 T?ec-ror
^ <# *
po--lens
* *
vc- rax
9
&
HI^jt—»—JL *
E ^
3 > e - ens, <?«*•" 4cmpe-
L
I . I I *
t N > 5 S= 2 f> : S N
*
0 r«s re- ram
1 vi- ce.st Splendo- re ma- ne. in- &4rv-
k f i u>
ill £ 3
-»
£ — - ^ z
- »
(E
i
6 is, £"/ ni- btrS me- rt '- «//- em-
93
Although in the majority of Castilian sources some hymns
are metrically or psalmodically notated, an exception is
obvious in those hymns in the Franciscan Manuale chori
(Salamanca 1506), which are printed in square notation. The
problem of isolating those geographical, monastic, or other
influences which determine one or another practice is most
difficult, as we have seen in the case of the choice of
antiphon melody for Placebo Domino. In the case of mensu-
rally influenced versus non-mensural notation, however, the '
evidence in the Salamancan theoretical treatises and liturgical
books suggests that the absence of mensural values in the nota-
tion of the hymns in the Manuale chori (Salamanca 1506) is not
attributable to general regional usage.
6 See supra, pp. 43-47.

7 Duran's Comento (1498), was a Salamancan publication and
contains an explanation of mensurally influenced durational
values in chant (see supra, p.71 ) ; Processionarium secundum
. . . ordinis Praedicatorum, Salmaticensis: Mathias Gastius,
1563, Liber Processionarius . . . ordinis Cisterciensis,
Salmanticae: Ioannem Baptistam a Terranoua, 1569, and Proces-
sionarium monasticum . . . Sancti Benedict!, Salmanticae:
Mathiam Gastium, 1571, all contain the Spanish hymn, Sacris
solemnis, in mensural notation (See Higinio Angles and Jose
SubirS, Catcilogo Musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid,
3 vols. [Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
Cientificas, Instituto Espanol de Musicologla, 1946-1951],
pp. 86, 27, and 80/ respectively). A detailed consideration
of pre-1550 general use and monastic liturgical books from
Salamanca will be necessary prior to the formulation of a
definitive statement concerning usual practice in this city.
It is significant, however, that DurSn received a Bachelor's
degree from Salamanca University where he studied music
(Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus
[The Hague: Marinus Nijoff, 1960], p. 64).
99
Usually the melodic structure of the hymns remains re-
latively free from extensive variation in mensural and non-
mensural versions, as may be seen in a comparison of the ini-
tial phrase of S 5, Ave maris Stella, as it appears in the
Psalterium, in eight Spanish sources, and in LU (Example 22).
The nine S melodies present few performance difficulties
and are eminently suitable for congregational singing. The
ambitus varies from a sixth in S 2 to a tenth in S 9, with
a majority of the melodies having a range of an octave or
ninth. Furthermore, the melodies are characterized by only a
modest use of embellishment. Two melodies, S 3 and S 6, are
predominantly syllabic, and the other seven are neumatic with
the occasional interpolation of a short melisma.8
Example 22. Ave maris Stella.
SS8* 'Psalterium, fa I. 'S7.
^
• ^ ^ 3=* *M V+'
77- *e tna- t-is slel- la. 2te- / Afa- •/«** almae
'Psal-ferium CC/r/ea/ZJ G.. /ss3\ fol. ex**".

•+ I PU l* 1 Su Hi *
^ ^
ft- ye ma- rJs s/cl-fa. "Zte- / Afa- -fer alma.
Hn-fonaritjm (Comp/ul-i /S/s), -fol. x/x*.
11* * 1 3^ =*
^ ^
*
ft- ve maris sic I- la •De-i Afa- -rcr a/- met.
8 See Appendix II for transcriptions.

100
v
"P*oc ess ion a n't* m (Compiu4-i SS73 ) # -fol. c e xi .
A 1 'Ml 5
ft=4 ^
ft- we ma-ris slel- la. 2>e-/ Afa- -fer alma.
in-lorrorio (SoraaoSSQ SS4B), -f-ol. XLVii.

* *n T
£ ft- VC maris &Jel- la 2>e-i
t\
rfa- -J*?r
V»"
al-
Hh
mat
"Process io nale. ( LuaJurti tST.1.}. -foL CCCXVy".

r
- » — i t
> • *• •• « 1 • • .*
r ' T •« ' ^Nl •
"•
fl' ye maris siel- Io. 2*-; ffa- 4er alma.
"Vrocessionum (Cfarrctaorta J tS2l\ -f«f> Zxxv/"
^ * i y% 4 Jl I V»5
77- *e /»ra- riS slel- Io. 7)e-i If*- -^r ol- rntx.
OrJsnarium (Luqduni tS 43 ) , -fol. •» v / V .

1
• 4 •* •" to" f*
1 * B• • • • • La •
« — * * *•»• —• '
H- t/e maris s-fel- la- 7)e-i rfa- -ter alma.
"Proeessionarium - • • </a/e#y///yae 1/S7&), p. CCIHVJ.
77- vc nta- ris s4el- la. 3Je-7 Afa- 4er QI- mo.
LU. p. /2S9.
m m
C 3 B
3 v» «•
1 *4 •
1
• •_
B
—I— ?•— — * - ±
ft- rre maris slel-la 2>e Afa- 4er al- mO.
CHAPTER IX
HYMN MELODIES WITH MENSURAL NOTATION
Eleven hymn melodies in the Psalterium incorporate

mensural note values, and seven of the eleven are indisputably
metric. Five of the metric melodies, M 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, are
ternary, and two, M 10 and 11, are binary. Bermudo, Declara-
cion (1549), identifies these two meters in the following
manner:
El compas de algunos hymnos The tactus of some

es a proporcion de sesquialtera, hymns is proporcion de
que entra tres semibreues en vn sesquialtera in which three
compas . . . Otros hymnos se S enter in one tactus . . .
conta en tiempo de por medio, Other hymns are counted in
que ya se dize vn punto en vn tiempo de por medio which
compas, ya dos, ya tres (fol. calls for now one note in a
lxiij) . tactus, now two, now three.-1
Bermudo*s oblique definition of tiempo de por medio is

partially clarified by his identification of several well-
known hymns, including Sanctorum meritis (M 11), as represen-
tative examples of binary meter.2 The confusion with regard
to the number of notes per tactus is eliminated if Bermudo*s
statement is interpreted in the light of Cerone's remarks:
1 See Tapia Numantino, Vergel (1570), fols. lijv-liij, for

nearly exact reiteration of Bermudo's statement.
2 Bermudo, Declaracion (1549), fol. lxiij; see infra, pp. 11
126 for transcription of Sanctorum meritis as it is found
in the Psalterium and in four Spanish sources.
102
Otros Hymnos se cantan en Other hymns are sung
tiempo de por medio o binario; in tiempo de por medio or
porque ya se dize vn punto en binary [meter] because
vn Compas, como si fuera vna there is one note in one
breue: y a* dos, a! manera de tactus, like a B, and two
dos Semibreues <3 de vna Semi- in the manner of two S, or
breue con puntillo y vna minima: one S with a dot and one M,
y a* vezes a" tres, como si fuera and at times, three, if a
vna semibreue con dos minimas S with two M.
(El Melopeo [1613], p. 415).
Villafranca, in his discussion of binary meters in canto

llano in the Breue Instruccion (1565) refers to the suitability
of different tempos for the tactus. His position is reflected
in remarks concerning tiempo de por medio which he refers to
as "compas mayor" in juxtaposition to "compas menor":
Compas mayor es quando va Compas mayor is when

vn breue al compas muy de one B passes for a very
espacio, como se haze ela missa slow tactus as is done in
desde los kyries hasta los agn^. the Mass from the Kyries
Compas menor es quando va vn to the Agnus. Compas menor
semibreue al compas, como en is when one S_ passes for
las comunicandas, q todos los the tactus as in the Com-
breues se ha de catar apriessa munions, [so] that all the
como semibreues (fol. [7]). B must be sung hurriedly
like S.
Villafranca's inclusion of the terms "compas muy de es-

pacio" and "cantar apriessa" is compatible with similar usage
in sixteenth-century Spanish vihuela and keyboard sources.
Luys de MilSn, in the 1536 El Maestro, refers to "compas a
espacio" ("slow tactus")3 and "compas 'algo apiessa*"
("tactus 'somewhat quickly'"), or "el compas algun tanto
apriesa" ("tactus somewhat quickly").^
3 Charles Jacobs, Tempo Notation in Renaissance Spain (Mu-

sicological Studies, Vol. 8; Brooklyn: Institute of Mediaeval
Music, [1964]), p. 16.
4 Ibid, pp. 15-16.
103
Alonso de Mudarra, in Tres Libros de MGsica en Cifra para
Vihuela (1546), concurs with Milan in the use of "espacio"
and "apriessa" to describe slow tactus and fast tactus,5 but
also refers to the significance of the text in the appropriate
determination of slow or fast tactus:
Diferencia de tiempos (o Differences of tempo (or

compases) . . . no sin causa tactus) . . . were used, not
los Antiguos los vsaron y without reason, by the ancients
segun, mi parecer fue para and, in my opinion, [this] was
conformar la musica (o el [done] in order to bring the
mouimiento della) con el music (or its movement) into
sentido de la letra. Porque conformance with the meaning of
si vna letra es de materia the text. Because, if a text
alegre y regozijada, de is of gay and merry content,
necessidad el compas a de yr the tactus, of necessity, is
regozijado y apriessa. Y si to move merrily and quickly,
otra ni del todo es alegre And if another [text] is
ni del todo triste . . . neither all gay nor all sad
tendra esta necessidad de . . . , this [text] will re-
otro compas que ni va ya muy quire another tactus which
apriessa ni muy despacio. Y moves neither very quickly nor
ni mas ni menos la que del very slowly. And, neither
todo es triste querra el more nor less, that [text]
compas despacio. which is sad throughout will
demand the slow tactus.6
Although Jacobs has pointed out that sixteenth-century

"Spanish vihuela and keyboard music . . . forms the frame of
reference in which a number of significant experiments in the
notation of tempo were carried on" and that "the Spanish in-
strumentalists ' awareness of the phenomenon of tempo and
their grappling with problems like the relationship between
tactus and tempo are what make their activity exceptional",^
references to tactus and tempo such as those in the works of
Mudarra and Villafranca suggest that experimentation with
5 Ibid., p..23.
6 Ibid., p. 24.
7 Ibid., pp. 2-3.
104
tempo notation may not have been restricted to instrumental
music, but may have been extended to some types of vocal music
as well. Furthermore, although Mudarra's comments do not
refer specifically to chant, Villafranca's certainly do. At
the present time, however, one cannot definitively state
whether these references to different speeds of the tactus
may represent an intrusion of contemporary mensural concepts
initially associated with instrumental literature into the
realm of canto llano, or whether there may have been a par-
allel development in some types of chant.
Further understanding of Spanish practice relating to
problems of tempo, tactus, and meter in chant will require
a more precise evaluation of the Spanish conceptualization of
canto llano chronologically traced via an extensive study of
liturgical books, printed and MS, and a comparative study of
the treatment of these topics in theoretical treatises both
on chant and mensural music. For example, the philosophical
differentiation in the sixteenth-century Spanish mind between
a metrically notated hymn and a monophonic canturia has not
been clearly established. Despite the inclusion of discus-
sions of mensurally notated metrical hymns which are apparent-
ly conceived as a type of chant in the works of theorists
such as Bermudo and Villafranca, Cerone, refering to these
same types of hymns says:
Aduiertan finalmente que Be advised finally

los dichos Hymnos . . . no se that the aforesaid hymns
pueden llamar co" razon . . . can not reasonably
Cantollano, sino de Organo; be called Plain Chant, but
iten aduiertan que en Canto- mensural music. Also be
llano, aunque se nombran los advised that in Plain Chant,
105
Compases, no se entienden although the tactus is
como en Canto de Organo: named, it is not understood
porque alii se rizen por as in mensural music because
Modo, Tiempo y Prolacion, there it is directed by
y aca no ay nada desto (El Mood, Time, and Prolation,
Melopeo [1613], p. 415). and here there is nothing of
this.
Cerone's statement is subject to several interpretations,

but one not totally improbable solution to the apparent con-
flict between theorists may be that Cerone, from a rational
point of view, omits the inclusion of metric hymns from the
narrow definition of "plain chant", i.e., that in which "el
compas verdadero . . . es entero, indiuisible y siempre vno"
("the true tactus . . . is whole, indivisible and always one")
and the notes of which "son yguales" ("are equal") but yet
regards the hymns as part of the broader concept of chant in
which more than the one "true tactus" is found. In this
later category, which may include binary and ternary meter,
the tactus cannot be "philosophically" perceived in the same
way as it is in mensural music because the all-important
mathematical concepts of the proportional system are not the
primary governing agents.
Some small support for this currently rather indefen-
sible hypothesis lies in the fact that all the sources but
one, which contain metrically notated hymns, are devoid of
mensuration signs which indicate time and prolation.9
8 Cerone, El Melopeo (1613), p. 415.

9 A Catalonian book, Ordinarium (Lugduni 1548), contains
both binary and ternary signatures (4 and £,, respectively).
The meaning of these mensuration signs in this imprint is
compatible with their usage in mid-sixteenth-century instru-
mental works in which <f. is equated with compas entero
106
Whatever the ultimate solution to this complex situation,
there can be little doubt with regard to the metric and
durational implications of the notational system employed in
these hymns.
In the Psalterium the five melodies in proporcion de
sesquialtera or compas de proporcion or proporcion ternaria10
and the two melodies in tiempo de por medio are notated with
B and independent S. Furthermore, c.o.p. ligatures are in-
corporated in all of the melodies except two, M 6 and M 10,
in which the text is set syllabically throughout. The dotted
B occurs in only one melody, M 10. Melodies M 3, 4, 6, and 7
do not present any excessively disturbing notational anomalies
and may be transcribed in o . ^ The transcription of M 3,
Lauda mater, is given in Example 23(a) and a photograph of
the original is provided in Plate I.
Lauda mater (M 3) is included in the collection of hymns
in the Intonarium (Compluti 1515, fol. xvij), and in the
Psalterium ([AlcalS] c. 1513, fol. cxxxjv). The incorporation
of melodic embellishment via the vse of the M is highly
characteristic of these two Toledo books. The rhythmic shift
Ctiempo de por medio) and (f3 with proporcion de sesquialtera;

see JacoEs, Tempo Notation, 10 ff.
10 Villafranca, Breue Instruccion (1565), fol. 7, uses the
term compas de proporcion to refer to the tactus comprising
three S; Cerone, El Melopeo (1613), p. 414, calls this same
tactus proporcion ternaria.
11 In those cases where more than one text has been set to
a melody, the transcription of another hymn may be found in
Appendix II. All ligatures and the original bar-lines for
the metrically notated M melodies are given above the staff
in Example 23 and all subsequent examples.
107
J
S pmvnfmfctimmtmm^ < *2&»
QolieremfoHemtfoko, u * £ t cetera
oiarctccptrsDreqfcquMrpiopnaJ^.
c6 j l J , Suda matrices?
•A
.r-if-iifir J
mcnttamuiucfcpiepttr
•c
I? jjaftftfatper fcpiiteiiSicm gratiam;
a ©arf^fQwlajan;
K ©tie tot commtfit mmm
n
ftfcdteaiJ viitmmm.
l) oil ftnxc anmkmtistel
d
nvastr&nslatagknte:
Stetafecotminielfe.
ftf gra curnc-ad mcchcumt
ff *
PLATE I
Lauda mater (M 3): a hymn melody in proporcion de sequialtera

from the Psalterium, fol. 226.
108
from long-short to short-long on the word ecclesia in the
1584 Psalterium is noticeably lacking in both Spanish sources.12
Lauda mater (M 3) as it appears in the Intonarium is tran-
scribed in Example 23(b).
Example 23(a). M 3: Lauda mater. Psalterium, fol. 226.
-0
£
0
fc
m Bt m E t
a
8 Laa-ola. ma-4-er "Sc-c.Ie.sJ- , Lav-da. Cfirfsf/ e/e-
m J^f
I
IEEES
8 men--H-am,
£ $
Quae sep4em puraat vi--H-cLt p
JgEES
cr
sep4-iformem
i
qra-4!- am.
Example 23(b). M 3: Lauda mater. Intonarium (Compluti 1515),

fol. xvij.
I u 41 I U I
is
6
&
—-1—t* ^ . — j r »**-^
iaa-ckx ma-ier £ c - cfe- si-a
£
»—y
1
;E
ZZZZ
lau-c/a
fe
C4*risti
te
cle-
u• I i 1| V* U| I I
?—^—•» i J J ^ i j p — 0 * *—^r-*
PF^
^
Q men- 4-S- am Qoi ,ye- «/em *»«//-- o«*/ */- //- a per
ife £ ^
8 ê- pll- f,or- rncm
12 In h i s study of t h e 32 hymns with t e r n a r y rhythm in the

Intonarium (Compluti 1515), Angles discovered only 3 in which
l o n g - s h o r t and s h o r t - l o n g p a t t e r n s were a l t e r n a t e d (Angles,
e e o Cardinal C i s n e r o s ' s Hymnal," p . 1 4 ) .
109
Lauda mater is also found in the Psalterium (Mexico
1563), although here the melody is written in square nota-
tion (Example 23[c]). 13
Example 23(c). vM 3: Lauda mater. Psalterium (Mexico 1563),

fol. 147 .
Q Lau-Ja. ma- /er f e - e / e - J / ' - Q,

i
lau-t/a.
fc
m
Ctiri-sJ-i
i^TT^
8 r/e- men- 4-i- am <?*»/
iÊEEg
.SepJ-cm pur- OQ.4-
£
vi- //-
i a
f)>>J) ]j]Jji
8 x>er
per se-o-l;- - Jar-
se-p-f-i Jor- mem orn-
<?«*- 4-;-
J-i- an
am.
M 4 is set to two texts, Quicumque Christum and 0 Lux

beata trinitas in the Psalterium. Because of the melodic and
rhythmic differences between the two settings, both have been
included (Example 24). There is no evidence to indicate that
13 In the Psalterium (Mexico 1563) the initial stemless quad-

ratic? of Lauda mater is probably the result of printer over-
sight since in the prototype Psalterium (Venice 1523, fol. 167),
the first note is a virga (^ Yl
110
the unusual shape of the £.o.p_. ligature with two left-hand
ascending stems is other than an idiosyncratic usage which
Example 24. M 4: Quicumque Christum and O Lux beata.

Psalterium, fols., 239v and 70, respectively.
• -J H,
& L J
±
^ 7"
£ £ • #
fe
-P P g P.P Jt
3 Qui-cumque Christum quaeri- 4-is, 0 - c«/- los in at-f-t.
|f"
5 /o- /;- 4B:
> * H=E35
27- He /#'- c e - A;/ */-
!FF^
se- r e Si
4 0
$=rf^
3-2
<jnum f> c - ren- nis qlo-
f ri~
LtiSJ
oe,
POTT fr:
«> /
F
e H P
;
&
6 ^ /ex Ae- a- /a 7f/- ni-4-aS, "f-t- prin- ei- p*- lis
lrw> i l s l U n ^ )J >
3 #• ni- -fas, 3~am sol re- ce-t/i-f i- one. us, ;Zo- furr- </e
^
5
B /«/- men cor- <//- bus-
Ill
occurs in the Psalterium. Melodic and rhythmic variations of
this hymn are found in the Psalterium ([AlcalS] c. 1513, fol.
cix), Intonarium (Compluti 1515, fol. x ) , and Ordinarium
(Lugduni 1548, fol. vij v ), all of which use a more conven-
tional shape for this ligature, i.e., k ork
In the original notation of M 6, Immense caeli, in the
Psalterium, a L is found on the eighth and twelfth notes,
which causes an unnatural rhythmic distortion. In the other
four texts which are set to M 6 in the Psalterium, and in the
melodic variation of M 6 in the Intonarium (Compluti 1515), a
B rather than a L is used at these points, which maintains
the established rhythmic pattern. On the basis of the evi-
dence in the other settings, the L has been "corrected" to
read as B in Immense caeli (Example 25[a]). The complete
hymn as it occurs in the Intonarium (fol. xij) is given in
Example 25[b], so that the melody as well as the rhythm in
the two sources may be compared.
Example 25(a). M 6: Immense caeli. Psalterium, fol. 42 v .
m
.-> 1CiLO| Vijc]
fc
U \: I M
•0—#•
f> BEES
8 £tn- men-se. cae- / / Con- d!-4-or. Q*"' • -fa nc Con-
M 8
«F
-fun-derenf,
£
77-quae fluen-4-a «/>"- *I-Jens,
E
Caelum <tcJ>-s-i-i
w fe
//- mi- -fc/

112
Example 2 5 ( b ) . M 6: Immense c a e l i . Intonarium (Compluti
1515) , f o l . x i j .
l I I
-i-* t * t
0 .9
t
J—V
Q "Xm- men-se cae- Ii Con- d:-fort Qui mix- -f-a ne eon-
I I . I . 1 . 1 I
j<jh] i J'J
M : j i'*
j>J I':
\-\J ii>J >*=F=J
|EEfr
•fun- derail,
k
J>:J
77- quae -fluen- /<* di- vi-dens. Caelum deal- S+i
w Ii-
I
mi-4em.
M 5f set to three different texts in the Psalterium,

Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte nobis, and Te lucis ante terminum, is
the last of the hymns in a ternary meter to be discussed, and
is one of the most interesting rhythmically, with its long-
short to short-long cadential shifts. There is, however, one
notational difficulty which is common to all three settings
of M 5 and which concerns the anomalous ligatures used for
the eleventh and twelfth notes. In Jam lucis this ligature
appears in the following shape:kfl . The first note might be
interpreted as S, as in the first half of a £.o.p_. ligature,
but the second is written as a punto cargado. Although in
almost all cases Spanish theorists restrict their discussion
of the double-stemmed note to those treatises or sections of
treatises dealing with plain chant, DurSn, Sumula (c. 1507),
provides an exception:
Si tiene dos plicas ambas If [the note] has two

sobietes o d'cedietes es logo stems both rising or de-
(fol. I4V]K scending it is a L.
113
Furthermore, in practice there are isolated examples of the
use of the punto cargado in mensurally notated chants both
as a single note and less frequently in ligature. Therefore,
the extraordinary aspect of this notational procedure is not
the presence of the punto cargado but the combination of the
S and the punto cargado in this particular context. If the
punto cargado is accorded what is its most usual value, i.e.,
that of a L which is the equivalent of two "imperfect" B, a
rhythmic lump results (Example 26[a]).
Example 26(a). M 5: Extract from Jam lucis. Psalterium,

fol, 2.
6 si- efe- r e 2>e- um prece- mvr
Or, if the double-stemmed note is considered as a L compris-

ing two perfect B, the first of which is subjected to an
imperfectio ad partem (at best a highly doubtful procedure
in this type of notation), an equally unsatisfactory rhythmic
pattern results (Example 26[b]).
The two other settings of M 5, Nunc Sancte (fol. 22) and

Te lucis (fol. 77 v ), are notationally identical to Jam lucis
except for the notation of this problematic ligature. In
Nunc Sancte the following form is substituted: UP , which
could be interpreted as S B (Example 26[c]).
114
Example 26(b)
~d W
B
E *- -*
NE
^
Si- e/e- r e 2)e- «/*n peace.- tnur
Example 26(c). Extract from Nunc Sancte. Psalterium, fol. 22,
.U M. P#
^P P
8 S/>'-
I
/-/r-fc/5 #- /K//rr "Pr»- / r / cum
The third time the melody appears a third ligature is

used, il\ , which would indicate B L in a conventional mensural
frameworkc Such an interpretation is no more musically
acceptable than the previously discussed S_ L (Example 26 [d]) .
Example 26(d). Extract from Te lucis. Psalterium, fol. 77 v .
i m
8 Ver-
E
mi-num 7?e rum
^
Crea - 4-ot
If, however, this last ligature was used only to bind

the notes together without the B L mensural implication, but
with the psalmodic implication of two equal quadrados, or
115
two B, the symmetry of six beats per "measure", i.e., the
equivalent of two tactus in proporcion de sesquialtera, is
maintained and the rhythm aquires a sophistiscated and na-
tionally characteristic fluidity (Example 26[e]).
Example 26(e). M 5: Te lucis. Psalterium, fol. 77 v .
# J>
^8
8
fe
E
~9~
to- eis
IEHI
an- /e
i +er-
i
tniaum 7Pe-
fete
ri*m Cre-
i •? ^
8 a- -for- po-sei-
T\l f, -n> \\ h ) \ \ >j_ i
must iM so- //- •/a. c/ernen- •/-;- a» S/.y o r t e s u /
iti
8
fc
*—
t £
dt~ Atrtf
A melodic variation of M 5 occurs in both the Psalterium

( [AlcalaJ c. 1513, fol. cxij) and the Intonarium (Compluti
1515, fol. 3V)„ Although this melody is identical in both
Toledo sources, no illumination is shed on the proper tran-
scription of the questionable ligature in the Psalterium
since, in the Toledo books, the text, Christe qui Lux, is
set syllabically to an uninterupted long-short rhythmic pat-
tern past the problematic point (Example 26[f]).
116
Example 26(f). M 5: Christe qui Lux. Intonarium (Compluti
1515), fol. 3 V .
•=/ II I I
1
Chri- We Qu* lux
„ 4-
es e/ e/i-es # A/a- c//s -bsne-
•m bras
1
ft ^ < ' ^'IL' * ' I, " '
Q det- -f&ais fa- CiS quae lu-men ere.- </e- r7s /«/- m e n be.-**-- •/•<
CATTJ
^
4 f
Ii
g otaec/i- cans
Villafranca, however, cites Te lucis (M 5) as a repre-

sentative example of Compas de proporcion and includes the
version of the melody given in Example 26(g) to support his
statement. In Villafranca*s example the third "measure" in-
volves the hemiolic SS B B pattern which is not conceptually
dissimilar to a B B SS_ rendering in the Psalterium version
and thus lends support to a psalmodic interpretation of the
binary ligature in the Psalterium.
M 10, Iste Confessor, and M 11, Sanctorum meritis, are
both examples of tiempo de por medio or binary meter. In
M 10 there is only one deviation from a regular duple meter,
which occurs with the use of L instead of B for the fourth
note. M 10 is transcribed in Example 27(a) and a photograph
117
Example 26(g). M 5: Te lucis. Villafranca, Breue In-
struccion (1565), fol. 6.
Q "fe. lv-
lu- eis
CiS an- /e -4-er-
4-ec- mi- numtt 7?c-
7?e- ram CCra
^ i
—Nr
fe
i t
f
-&»i- po-sci- must
*
S 4
Ui SO- l»- -fa.

K « 4
cfeme/yf/- a. Sis fl/wesw/

0
I) h )ac Cas-fo- eft-

8
of the original is given in Plate II. The version of M 10

in the Intonarium (Compluti 1515) also exhibits a very re-
gular duple meter, but the dotted rhythm present in the
Psalterium is lacking, and rests have been interpolated at
strategic points (Example 27[b]). Because of the rhythmic
symmetry common to both Intonarium and Psalterium versions
it would appear that the L in the Psalterium may be a
printer's error.
M 11, Sanctorum meritis, is one of the most frequently
encountered hymns in mensural notation in sixteenth-century
sources. ^ This hymn, which is cited as a typical example
14 Pange lingua and Sacris solemniis, neither of which is

included in the Psalterium, are also very often found in
Spanish liturgical books.
118
Example 27(a). M 10: Iste Confessor. Psalterium, fol. 124v.
=J ICJIO
3 i k
&S-SOf-
•v i vy
v
J)omi-rri SO.- Crtl-
k
•ftfS,
8
S • J > , , J> * #
l> l> ••" ,

tt ^ Eg
*
8 "fe- * ^ n plebs e«/- y"«/j ee te- braJ- per or- bem. No- «//- e.
'\jTi> \> if s'; :. ft:

*—^—#i
^
8 lae- ivs fneru- // sc- ere- •/«.
F
scan-de- re cae-li.
Example 27(b). M 10: Iste Confessor. Intonarium (Compluti

1515), fol. xxxvij.
• J T I
2T-
m
^-/e Con-fes-sor
-0
E 7 _ E
:P 1' Mf
Do-mi-ni
w •
sa- era-
t
•/•</*,
8
U T I I I T I • 111
I [,'>£) >;>fg
o "fb-s-fa plebs
IM^^4 cirj**s ce- /e- Am/ />*r or- bem. Mo- di-
^
e
T I I kP I
N* 8
-!*
/e- -f«s
1*
[> ' \]f

meru-j-r
M F
&G- ere,- -fa.
^
sra/7-ofe-re
*
-*
cae-/*'
#-
119
$\\ rwiiiuuiumiuiibpukm.ivic.
^ f •• * ' | i i
I
E
0fe cotirafo* Oomfflf fa
I
E. ., $ ,| • 4- ;• . p -y f
• * • i
-A- B B "•—*+-i~y
tetimptroWtm *5odicktU9 meruit Ic

B ..:
craaSandcrecett*
Q ot0(nep:tidenebUmiUe pudfeue
0ob:m8ca(lti8ftiit tqffletue:
©tea oum p*efoi8tfegetaoftciue
£o*po*i8 artua*
cJ facromcmuetumulum frequenter
fenrtnataiigtietttmn modo famtatt;
€Molfbe* mozbo memu grauata
'Aedicnunmr.
O nde noncnoilercboûa m bonojem
•fpfmstbymmimcanttbtmc ttbemer;
®t pijs tm"~rittei\mtnmr
®vm mmh
PLATE II
Iste Confessor (M 10) : a hymn melody in tiempo de por medio

from the Psalterium, fol. 124v
120
of binary meter by Bermudo, Tapia Numantino, and Cerone,15

has been located in four Castilian sources, i.e., the
Antiphonarium (Seville 1491), the Psalterium ([AlcalS] c.
1513), the Intonarium (Compluti 1515) , and the Processionarium
(Compluti 1573) . A comparative study of the hymn in each of
these sources with the version in the Psalterium is of par-
ticular interest because of the notational inconsistencies
which occur not only in the Psalterium, but in the Spanish
books as well.
Angle's, in his transcription of Sanctorum meritis from
the Intonarium (Compluti 1515), assumes the interpolation of
two ternary measures into an otherwise binary structure
(Example 28 [a]). 16
Angles has included a breath mark (/) at the end of each
phrase. Although there are many aspects of this type of
notational procedure which are not yet fully understood, a
comment of Villafranca, Breue Instruccion (1565), suggests
the possibility of a transcriptional alternative.
Las virgulas que estan The lines that are

entre los puntos diuide las between the notes separate
partes y otras vezes valen the parts and [at] other
por pausas: q es para tomar times are the equivalent
aliento (fols. [9V-10]). of rests; that is, in order
to take a breath.
15 Bermudo, Declaracion (1549), fol. Ixiij; Tapia Numantino

Vergel (1570), fols. lijv-liij; Cerone, El Melopeo (1613),
p. 415.
16 In Angles' transcription the work "canticum" appears,
which we have corrected to read "cantibus" in conformity
with the source.
121
Example 28(a). M 11: Sanctorum meritis. Intonarium (Compluti
1515) , fol. xxxv (after Anglis, " . . . Cardinal
Cisneros's Hymnal," p. 16).
ia
I
Son- c4o- rum
| k
$ F
me.ri-4-iS
Lf'
in-
I
te* J:
c/y-ta
7
't
qaudl- a.
I ' *
fhn-
I
4 B? ^
i •o r •.
g Oo- me/Se So-ci-it ae- S-faqoe -for4-i-€k.\ Afe/»» »//- .*<•//
3s Ft
toft S fr
^
£
? :'* ii *
W
&
£
c/g/vjn nenvS optimum.
II u-nimus pr°- me-re caniibus \li-
If Sanctorum meritis in the Psalterium ([AlcalS] c.

1513), is transcribed with the inclusion of the equivalent of
a B rest following the termination of the first and second
phrases, the intrusion of the disruptive ternary measures does
not occur (Example 28[b]). The melody itself in the Psalterium
([AlcalS] c. 1513) is identical to that in the Intonarium
(Compluti 1515) except for the transposition of the ante-
penultimate and penultimate notes, and the notation of the
final note as a L rather than a B.
The melody of Sanctorum meritis in the Psalterium is

very similar to that in the Toledan Psalterium and Intonarium
but there are a few significant differences. In Example 28(c)
it may be seen that in the Psalterium, at the beginning of the
second phrase, the word "pangamus" is not notated with the
122
Example 28(b). M 11: Sanctorum m e r i t i s . Psalterium ([AlcalS]
c. 1513), f o l . c x l i i i j v .
#
«
t-^r
San- c-fo-
rzz
rum
•f » f
nteri-fis
; |g=;
in- c/y—ta.
n
aauJi-€k.
D
3g§ 2$ ^ ^ 0-for+ia.: s *—r
B
Tfcn-Qn.-must soci-it «e- s**» que. Ml/*? alisei-t-
8
1
fc
: fei
<*w -u
6 Q-nimuS pro-mere
£
can+i bus Vi- c-forvm oe/n/S
# . #
opi-imum.
three sucessive B as in the Spanish books, but is notated

with SS B, which maintains a regular binary rhythm without
the introduction of a B rest. Also at this point there is
an accompanying pitch modification to d'-d'-g* instead of
d'-c'-g', as in the Spanish sources.
In the Psalterium, the notation of the first two notes,
L B, does not agree with the notation used for the repeat of
the melody at the beginning of the third phrase, B S, nor
does it agree with the notation found in any of the Spanish
books, all of which are consistent in the use B B at the
beginning of the first and third phrases. Therefore, because
of the consistency in the Spanish sources as well as from a
musical point of view, the notation in the Psalterium of the
first and third phrases has been "corrected" in the tran-
scription to the equivalent of B B.
123
Furthermore, in the Psalterium, the word "cantibus" is

set to three S, which distorts the binary pattern, is diffi-
cult to sing, and is not in notational conformity with any
of the Spanish sources which all have SS_ B. The transcription
has been modified to concur with the notation in the Spanish
sources.
Two other pitch deviations from the Spanish books may
be observed in the Psalterium, i.e., in the setting of
"fortia" and "victorum". These melodic variations may be
ascribable to a printer's error, or may reflect some specific
local usage which has not yet been identified.
Example 28(c). M 11: Sanctorum meritis. Psalterium,

folo 115 v .
-J »\ fcLO
: : to=fr
8 San- c-to-
u H[ -U'
rum mcri-4is in- cly--k*. W
actcrt/i- a-
I
Jtf r
<ftfr E '
f
I "PanQarnus,
•
—s--*-M—
So-ci- i,
: ' f f * '• f
:L
•
J bb b b i =: f r
o e - S-faQt/C for4-i-Ct.:
• *C«iO| If
;r»i
X,
f—•
A/am
—-T-*
y//-
f f ;
sc//-
:
i o> „ r
8 ani-fTTuS
I
pro-
H=*
$
tnere
"T^Lfp^-
Carrfi Las Vi- c-lo-rum
b=ki
J
ocnus
'^ opli-mutn.
The third Alcalei imprint in which Sanctorum meritis

occurs is the Processionarium (Compluti 1573), and the hymn
in this book, printed almost sixty years after the Intonarium
124
(Compluti 1515), is melodically identical to the earlier
book, except for one apparent misprint, i.e., £ , _ b for f'-e'
in the setting of "socii". Also the implications of the
three-note ligature,^ , are not clear. The first two notes
are obviously a £•£.£. ligature, but we can not be sure at
the present time whether B or L is intended for the third
note,, There is no doubt that if this ligature were encoun-
tered in canto"de 6rgano (mensural music) it would be inter-
preted correctly as SS_ L. 17 However, the intrusion into
hymn notation of psalmodic thinking in which binary and oc-
casionally ternary ligatures (ft , art ,tffc) are to be inter-
preted as B B or B B B should bot be completely overlooked.
If the ligature is read as SS B it is then in conformity with
the notation in the Toledan Psalterium ([Alcalci] c. 1513) and
Intonarium (Compluti 1515) in which the ligature is written
as r o It should be stressed that the latter of these two
books was considered to have been prepared by "experts in
mensural notation."18
However, numerous additional examples of £.£.£. ligatures
conjoined with one or more stemmed and/or stemless quadrados
must be studied in Spanxsh liturgical books before any defini-
tive statement concerning the proper interpretation of this
17 Spanish theorists almost always conform to standard

European practice in their treatises on canto de 6rgano;
Cerone, for example, in El Melopeo (1613) in the section on
Canto de Organo gives a writen example of this ligature
and states unequivocally that "la postrera es Longa" ("the
last InoteJ is L," p. 520).
18 Angles, " c . . Cardinal Cisneros's Hymnal," p. 12.
125
ligature can be proffered. The two possible renderings of
the ligature have been given in Example 28(d) [endings (a)
and (b)].
Example 28(d). M 11: Sanctorum meritis. Processionarium

(Compluti 1573) , fol. ccxlv^T
2 l l * -:
8 San- c4o- rum
U ^ K -=CJ rncri- 4-is in- e/y-ro.
£
aaudi-Q.
i 5
si 0 :
df if l i ^ l i L T ^ :IH
"P«/»- cta-mus,
: *— —
Soci-tf
. p— w
ac-s/nqcG
• ,.—•—*• ^
for-J-ia.
—r-±-
^ //am ati- sei4-
8
n\
Q-nisni/S
; mm
cj /; ' :J, t>
promere Canli bus \f$ c-forunw qcnos
£i-*"
tali,
optimum,
IrwPPPi te4
i £
a- m- mus pro mere
*<
can 4-ibuS
s
7-*
Vi-
f
c+orum
/JMs4
P ' - t> 3
: J,
genus 4i*
op+mium.
The earliest printed book in which we have found Sanctorum

meritis is the Antiphonarium (Seville 1491). The melody is
very similar to that in the later sources, although the
melodic embellishment on the fourth note of the first and
third phrases, which is found in the Toledo books and the
Psalterium, is lacking, and there is some slight melodic
modification in the terminal phrase. The enigmatic ligature
126
found in the Processionarium (Compluti 1573) also occurs in
the Antiphonarium (Seville 1491), and again the two possible
interpretations have been provided (Example 28[e]).
Example 28(e). M 11: Sanctorum meritis. Antiphonarium

(Seville 1491), fol. xxiiii.
#i8
-=r-+
Son- c4to-rum
F? pî 3
me-ri-4-iS /ft-
fefeE*
e/y—rtk.
^
qtkutJi-a.
4 g
m
Tan-ats.-tnust
£H
Soei-i,
:
-U [)[i '-ia
oe- ahxaae.
T-^—0-
forl-ia.:
I
/fatrt olt-sci4-
mm m
(a) L W
"Vf* «
8 <t-ni-mt/S pro mere

$
CQn4-t-buS
&
V, •
EP^P as fins op-tit'fvwm*
c-nruen
3f Pgr fr^p
fe*
fi
pg^p
8 a-ni-mos pro mere cani-lbos \l',~ c+orum aenus *p4-i mum
op+i
Four mensurally notated hymns remain to be discussed,

M l , 2, 8, and 9. These four hymns all involve not only the
use of B and independent S which have been encountered in the
previously discussed metrically notated hymns, but also employ
non-c.o.p_. binary ligatures when the melodies deviate from a
strictly syllabic setting. The problem of properly tran-
scribing these ligatures is identical to that which occurs
127
in the psalmodically treated chants, Regem cui and Venite
exsultemus Domino. If the binary and ternary ligatures are
transcribed with the durational values which are appropriate
within the framework of conventional mensural notation the
result is musically untenable. But if the ligatures are
interpreted according to the guidelines which governed the
practice of Psalmody in which each note of the ligature is
regarded as a B, a reasonable musical solution to the nota-
tional difficulty presents itself. In Psalmody the textual
accents, which are reflected in long and short durational
values of the notes, follow the natural rhythm of the text.
If the fundamental concepts relating to the rhythmic aspects
of psalmodic thinking are applied to the sphere of the hymn,
the necessity of the superimposition of a regular metric
pattern would not be of primary importance. The fact that
some hymns may exhibit a regular metric scheme may be regarded
as an incidental rather than an essential characteristic of
their conceptualization. The major musical difference between
these hymns and true Psalmody, however, lies in the obvious
importance of the melody in the hymns.
M 1 is set to two texts, Huius obtentu Deus and Iste
Confessor. Unfortunately, the Psalterium folio which con-
tains Iste Confessor is damaged, and the hymn has been writ-
ten in at some later time. The notation of the durational
values of the two melodies agrees, however, except for the
substitution of one L or B in Iste Confessor. 19 If the
19 See infra, Appendix n for transcription of H 1, Iste

Confessor.
128
ligatures are interpreted psalmodically and not mensurally
the hymn melody falls into a regular quadruple meter (Example
29).
Example 29. M l : Huius obtentu Deus. Psalterium, fol. 142v.
• =J
ptt- ri re so- ne-mus al-num pe- c-h>-ris hymnum.
M 2 which is set to three texts, Aurea luce, Doctor

egregie Paule, and Petrus beatus catenarum, is not character-
ized by the metric symmetry of M 1, but it is of particular
interest because of the recurrent syncopated pattern (^J J>J )
and because of the use of c.o.p_. ligatures as well as psalmodic
binary ligatures. The fact that these c.o.p_. ligatures, which
are interpreted according to the code of mensural notation,
are used in the same melody as ligatures which do not adhere
to traditional mensural notation is not necessarily an in-
consistency in notational practice, but may be regarded as
further evidence of the application of psalmodic thinking to
the notation of the hymn. The acceptable existence of the
129
independent £ in Psalmody is documented in theoretical
treatises, and the mere joining in ligature of two S does
not represent a departure from established practice. Examples
of the incorporation of B, double-B ligatures, independent S,
and S ligatures in Psalmody may be found as early as 1491 in
the Sevillian Antiphonarium in the setting of Venite exsultemus
Domino for the Office of the Dead (fol. cxiijv) . Rests may
have been interpolated at the ends of phrases in M 2 in ac-
cordance with Villafranca's remarks concerning the double
function of virgulas (Example 30).
M 8 is set to five texts in the Psalterium: Exsultet
caelum, Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, Te lucis:, and Vexilla Regis.
In addition to the other note values which have been discussed,
two different ligatures are used in the notation of these
hymns: \JF and \f . The first of these ligatures has been
transcribed as SSS and the second as SS_ B. Although the in-
dependent S_ is most often indicated as • in Spanish theore-
tical works devoted to canto llano and canto de 6rgano, in
Melchoir de Torres' Alcalan Arte ingeniosa (1566, fol. xxv)
both the triangular note,* , and the single square note with
an ascending left-hand stem,Vi , are indisputably identified
as S. It is reasonable to assume then, that in Castilian
sources or Castilian influenced sources, a ligature of three
S would be indicated by the joining of b to a standard £•£.£.
ligatureo
20 See supra,p # 12Q.

130
Example 30. M 2: Petrus beatus catenarum. Psalterium,
fol. 231.
Fb if s.
I
s i J ) } > > } J* i * r—+ s s
8 "t^s--4ras bd- -f^fs Co.- / e - /r«- s*<c«/*r Itk.- QUC- OS
41J. >>>r.
g Chri-
f
«.«#-*-- STO
.*.«. /</-
If- ben--f-e.
bert-+e. ru- art-
prl
l l h it M
mira- hi- / / - / c *
IftJ* )s +
Cus-hsS* O- V'-
u r rf r
g /**s e# </>-
^
c-for
^
fc-
fe
cJe-s-S- Qe,
^
"T&- s-h*— aye o.
i g
S
€tis con- Ser-
^
%ra- -lor o-
fe
* / - «//»» T7/--
a
ce4- lu- P°~
tv
D SE£
^J
r«//77 "trueu- !e.i •htm ra- b»~ e'/ n -
8
A comparison of the notational variations in the setting

of two different texts to M 8 is helpful in understanding the
application of psalmodic notation to the hymn (Example 31[a]
and [b]) .
In Nunc Sancte the phrase "dignare promptus ingeri" has
eight syllables, as does the phrase "apostolorum gloriam" in
Exsultet caelum, but because of the textual considerations
131
Example 31(a). M 8: Nunc Sancte. Psalterium fol. 21.
¥--+•
Hi
8 AbaC San-
OJHM cfc no-6'S Sol-
E
*•;• 4**S* O-
B B ^
m*nt Th-Jri torn
Hi
L»
0 "Pi- Jl- O,
i J » I C J ^ I tMf iiJf a
"2)iqa<trc- prornplos in - jc-rit A/a-s-ero r&--£tt- St>s
zzz
pec-toi
Example 3 1 ( b ) . M 8: Exsultet caelum. Psalterium, fol. 93v.
• J> }jr
1
=
Jf i f f t S 'f~
£ ? M [>
S "£x- 5*//- ê/ ca&lum lao- d>-huS. 7?e-sul-lel 4-er- ra
4£6 » i ^ > ^c r-J^J f Ef if f J

r gp
fc*
y-y
6 Qaudi-iSt 77- pos-tolo- rum a to- ri-am Sa- cm Cot aunt Solemnia
in Exsultet, an additional S is added and a three-note ligature

is substituted for the two-note ligature. An analogous situa-
tion occurs in the setting of the eight-syllable "nostro
refusus pectori" in Nunc Sancte and "sacra canunt solemnia"
in Exsultet. Of no less interest in this final phrase is the
durational equation of ^ in Exsultet with two single B in
Nunc Sancte.
132
The cadential structure of the first and third phrases
of all the settings of M 8 employs a rhythmic pattern of
B S B which results in an incomplete tactus. It is not
improbable that the missing half tactus was supplied by the
incorporation of an S rest at the ends of these phrases.
Because of the occurance of B in the other settings of
M 8, the L on the first syllable of "terra" in Exsultet has
been transcribed as B.
In the Psalterium the final hymn melody to be considered,
M 9, is set to seven different texts: Deus tuorum, Jam lucis
Nunc Sancte, Rex gloriose, Triste erant, Vexilla regis, and
Te lucis, the last of which is shown in Example 32(a).
Example 32(a). M 9s Te lucis. Psalterium, fol. 78.
i.J
.h
fc
IE*
&
8 te lo-eis an- 4-e.
£F=^
•hermi-num, T?&- ram
*—0
Cre- a.
lhn\>
8 4x>r poscirnus, Of SO cle-
Jt
men
e.
-
S
4-1- O. Sis
fe
fef
3 praeSul aa cu- &4o<Ji- orrt.
133
Several additional, but closely related problems are

associated with the notation of this melody. One difficulty
concerns the proper determination of the value of the doblado,
•^. Alonso Spanon, Introduccion (c. 1500), refers to the
double-note as a duples which takes the following shape,•• ,
and which may carry only one syllable.
La letra sea de meter e The syllable will be

todo puto diuiso: excepto sy placed on all single notes
fuere duples. o e pricipio except if they should be
de ligadura (sig. a v ) . duples, or at the beginning
of a ligature if a syllable
should be placed there.
Bermudo is refering to the doblado in the Declaracion

(1555) when he states that modern singers may use two notes
in place of the punto cargado.
Algunos delos cantores Some of the modern sing-

modernos (porque este punto de ers (because this note with
dos plicas ne se vsa . . . ) two stems is not used . . . )
en su lugar pone dos putos, el in its place put two notes,
segudo vn poco menor, y con the second a little less and
vna plica ala mano derecha with a stem on the right hand
(Bk. V, Ch. X ) . [side].
It is not clear whether Bermudo's reference to "a little less"

is directed toward less physical space occupied by the second
note or less durational value given to it. In the Intonario
(Saragossa 1548, fol. V ) , the stemless double B form is given,
and it is identified as a puto detenido or doblado, but there
is no specific reference to its durational value.
Cerone in his discussion of note values in canto llano
comments on both the stemmed and stemless double-note.
134
A esta otra nota •• With regard to this

doblada y sin plica, entonaremos other double note without
mas larga, atribuyendole como el stem •• , we will intone
valor de dos compases, pero [it] longer attributing to
diuidiendolos casi en dos partes it the value of two tactus,
con la vocal de la sylaba que but dividing it almost in
tuuiere escrita de baxo . . . two parts with the syllable
of the word written below
Finalmente con esta ut\ raa- Finally with this type

nera de nota entonamos la sylaba of note«q we will intone
co voz mas llena y mas sonora, the syllable with a fuller
tiniendola mas larga de las and more sonorous voice,
otras, como si fuera del valor holding it longer than the
de dos compases enteros (El others as if it had the
Melopeo [1613], p. 378). value of two entire tactus.
If the dob1ado is interpreted as the equivalent of the

two-tactus punto cargado the problem of an incomplete tactus
at the beginning of an internal phrase must be dealt with,
but if the virgula is considered as an S^ rest, the difficulty
is resolved.
In two hymns set to M 9, the following ligature occurs
in the cadential structure of the third phrase: <j*« . This
ligature is identical in shape to the climacus which is com-
mon in standard Gregorian notation, but the implications of
the ligature in this type of hybrid notation appear to be
quite different. In Example 32(b) the last three notes or
note-groups of the third phrase of each of the seven settings
of M 9 may be compared.
The reading of q« # as B SS^ is supported by Franchinus
Gafurius in his discussion of plain chant in the 1496 Practica
musicae, when he states that in a ligature such as "I***
the "semibreves are equal to the other notes in . . . temporal
135
Example 32(b). Termination of the Third Phrase of M 9.
yam lucis Nunc Sanc-Ze. Vex aft'ariose.

a
l k -
*
o a-
if
.4, blbos
«r/-
*
m-
r #
l e - r/ 4er-
P I =s
P re- no.
sfexillm regis
•1 Ki •1
W
• §
i P«=^ £ £
8 tfle- /TN?/»- •/;- a. eon- di- -/-or
J)eus -foorum Tris4e& eranJ-
1 ".••.
I t
Mar- H era- </e
ns
value, although some count them twice as fast as the others."21

Gafurius elaborates this observation by mentioning that "there
are those who . . . count them [the notes of plain chant] in
mensurable dimension as longs, breves, and semibreves. This
is evident . . . in several sequences and hymns. Quite fre-
quently this technique is followed by Gallic musicians
especially for the purpose of expressing a more ornate artic-
ulation of their music by this very diversity."22
Evidence of the type of "ornate articulation" which
Gafurius may have had in mind might be found in the melodic
21 Franchinus Grafurius, Practica musicae [Milan, 1496],

translated and edited by Irwin Young (Madison, Wisconsin:
Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 20.
22 Ibid.
136
variation of M 9 set to Ad coenam Agni in the Psalterium
dAlcala] c, 1513, fol. cxxjv) and the Intonarium (Compluti
1515, fol. vij). In these two Toledo books, however, the
problematic "ligature" is to be read as S MM (Example 32[c])
Example 32(c). M 9: Ad coenam Agni. Psalterium ([Alcala]

c. 1513), fol. cxxj v .
i Hi \r i i * i
Ns
8
te
fhl
f coenam
cmrp
77- an! p*x>-•*>'- dit £V
40 Sio- lis al- &iS

«
Candid!,
#-*
"Past 4-rtkn- Si- 4-um
• u
§n
6
maris
mr
Vu- bri,
-LJ Li
Chri-sht
< i fc.
Ca- net-
mm
muS *Princi- pi-
Mensural Notation in Other Sixteenth-Century

Mexican Liturgical Books
The Psalterium is unique among the Mexican books in its
relatively extensive use of mensural notation in the hymns
and office chants. Only three other sixteenth-century Mexican
printed sources show any deviation from standard square
Gregorian notation. The Ordinarium (Mexico 1556), an Augustin-
ian sponsored book, contains a few examples of psalmodically
137
notated chant. The tone for the Lessons of Matins for use
on Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, and Holy Saturday employs
B and independent S to indicate long and short values (Exam-
ple 33[a]). This chant is very similar to the ancient tone
for the Lessons given in LU (Example 33[b]).
Example 33(a). Tone for the Lessons of Matins. Ordinarium

fol. 4Vc
-i
iH-H-H ~9
8 4u- be Do.rrt- ne be- ae - Ji- re- r&.
Example 33(b). Ancient Tone for the Lessons. LU, p. 121,
XH t M H
8 Qtt- oe "Domne bene- di-
m
ce- re.
Additional examples of psalmodic notation in the Ordinarium

(Mexico 1556) may be found in the Tones for the Epistles and
Gospels (fols. 36 and 36v) „
Many examples of psalmodic notation occur in the Manuale
Sacramentorum (Mexico 1560) and the Manuale Sacramentorum
(Mexico 1568), both of which were printed under the aegis of
the Mexican Church. The Invitatory and Psalm from the
138
Office of the Dead have been mentioned in relation to the
setting of these same texts in the Psalterium. In some in-
stances the notation of the 1560 Manuale Sacramentorum has
been corrected in the 1568 Manuale Sacramentorum, as in the
tone for the Preface for the Sacrament of Matrimony in which
the independent square S has been changed, properly, to L.
This modification requires the inversion of the note shape.
In the Example 34 the notation of the 1560 Manuale Sacramen-
torum (fol. 45v) appears above the notation for the 1568
Manuale Sacramentorum (fol. 46 v ).
Example 34. Psalmodic notation in the Preface Tone for the

Sacrament of Matrimony in the Manuale Sacramentorum
(Mexico 1560) and Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568).
1 1 b i
1 1 1
£
i
8
Tfer
P
Om - ni-
^
a sae- co- /a
m
Sae-
~9 ~0 ?
Co- /o - rum
m3T-*
77- men
CHAPTER X
THE PSALTERIUM; A HISTORICAL ANOMALY
The title-page of the Psalterium states that the book

was printed by Pedro Ocharte in Mexico in the year 1584, but
there is no mention of who may have sponsored or financed the
book, nor for what reason it may have been issued. An exam-
ination of the other Mexican printed liturgical books with
music reveals that they were either commissioned by or had
some direct affiliation with one or more religious Orders
present in Mexico, i.e., Dominican, Augustinian, and Francis-
can, or were intended for the general use of the Mexican
Chruch, or for use in a major cathedral such as that in Mex-
ico City.
The titles alone of the 1556 Ordinarium sacri ordinis
haeremitarum sancti Augustini episcopi-1- and the 1563 Psalte-
rium Chorale secundum consuetudinem sancti Dominici indicate
that these books were designed for use by the Augustinians
and the Dominicans, respectively. Identification with the
Order in each case is reinforced by a prominent woodcut of
the founder of the Order, either on the title-page or on its
1 Facsimile of the title-page in Wagner, Nueva bibliografla

mexicana, p. 150 and Medina, La_ Imprenta en Mexico, I, no. 29,
p. 98.
140
verso. Numerous other clear indications of Order affilia-
's
tion in these two books may be found.
Both the Missale (Mexico 1561) and the Graduale (Mexico
pre-1572) were associated with religious houses. Although
the pre-1572 Graduale, an apparent unicum, has not retained
its title-page, preliminary leaves, or colophon, it does dis-
play a distinctly Dominican partisanship in the inclusion of
a Mass in honor of St. Dominic, the only votive Mass in honor
of a saint which is included in the book. Furthermore, a
strong Dominican influence may be noted in the stipulated
"vox exaltetur" repetition of the invocation, "Sancte pater
Dominice", in a litany for Holy Saturday. Unlike the
Graduale, the title-page and colophon of the 1561 Missale
have been kept intact, and although there is no specific
identification of a religious Order in the preliminary or
terminal leaves, a clue to sponsorship may be found in the
inclusion in the book of Prefaces for St. Francis and St.
Augustine. The viceregal printing privilege issued in Mexico
City in 1560 confirms conclusively that the Missale was
jointly commissioned by the Franciscans and Augustinians.
2 The Ordinarium (Mexico 1556) has a striking full page

woodcut of St. Augustine on the verso of the title-page and
the Psalterium (Mexico 1563) bears a title-page vignette of
St. Dominic.
3 See supra, Chap. I, pp.1-2, and pp. 4-5.
4 See supra, Chap. I, p. 7.
see also Garcia Icazbalceta, Bibliografla Mexicana, p. 51,
No. 43.
141
As specified in the titles, both the Manuale Sacra-
men torum secundum usum ecclesiae Mexicanae (Mexico 1560) and
the Tridentine version of the Manuale Sacramentorum secundum
usum almae Ecclesiae Mexicanae (Mexico 1568) were clearly
intended for general usage. In the 1560 Manuale Sacramen-
torum, an Epistola' states that it was ordered by Archbishop
Alonso.de Monttffar and is the only one which is to be used.**
It may be assumed, therefore, that the book was acceptable
for use by all Orders and would not have favored one house
over another. Obligatory use of the 1568 Manuale for both
Indians and Spaniards in the Archbishopric is specified in
the revised imprint.' Although MontCifar, a Dominican, en-
trusted the supervision of the changes required by the
Council of Trent to Juan de Bustamente, also a Dominican, it
should not be inferred that the 1568 Manuale was a Dominican
sponsored work. There is no obviously discernable orienta-
tion toward that Order, and the printing expenses were paid
by Diego de Sansores, brother-in-law of the printer, Pedro
Ocharte. Similarily, the expense of the 1560 Manuale Sacra-
mentorum had fallen upon a single individual, Gaspar Denciso,
Q
Monttffar's secretary.
The three known editions of the Graduale (Mexico 1576)
6 Montfjfar was the Archbishop of Mexico from 1553 to 1569.

7 Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit., p. 218.
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid., p. 160.
142
were also most probably intended for general Church use.^"

They, like the 1568 Manuale Sacramentorum, were issued be-
cause of the changes required by the Council of Trent. Also,
revision of the Graduale was actively stimulated by the man-
date of Pius V in 1571 regarding the reform of both the
Missale and Graduale. In each edition of the 1576 Graduale
the title-page refers directly to the Council of Trent, and
the colophon alludes to the Papal Decree of Pius V. Probably
the planning and certainly the printing of the new Graduale
was undertaken during the tenure of Pedro Moya de Contreras,
the newly appointed Archbishop of Mexico.H The Archbishop,
who wrote the 'Licencia' for the Graduale, had served pre-
viously as an active Inquisitor General of Mexico and would
have been particularily sensitive to any irregularities, and,
being so recently elected, he would have been anxious to en-
dorse a book which would be useful for all Orders in Mexico—
it is significant that none of the editions of the 1576
Graduale reveal the Dominican influence which is apparent in
the pre-1572 Graduale. According to the title-page of the
revised editions, Juan Hernandez was responsible for various
additions in the book, some of which were newly composed, and,
according to the colophon was also responsible for the cor-
rections. Juan HernSndez was retained as a singer in the
Cathedral of Mexico City after having received a Bachelor's
10 See supra, Chap. I, pp. 9-11 for discussion of the three

editions of the 1576 Graduale.
11 Moya de Contreras was Archbishop of Mexico from Nov. 10,
1573 to Jan. 7, 1591.
143
degree in Canon Law in 1574, and he was obviously successful
in this position if one may judge from his appointment as
Music Director of the Cathedral in 1584.1 2 In view of this
affiliation with the Cathedral, Hernandez1 primary interest
would have been in the preparation of a book which was suit-
able for general usage.
Sponsorship of the only other extant sixteenth-century
liturgical imprint with music issued in Mexico, i.e., the
Antiphonarium (Mexico 1589) is difficult to ascertain because
this, book, like the Graduale (Mexico pre-1572), has lost its
title-page. In the colophon, however, the printer, Ocharte,
informs us that considerable revision and correction has been
effected, and Stevenson has pointed out that "the antiphons,
hymns, and responsories for . . . the liturgical season
offices . . . conform with the texts of the revised breviary
promulgated by Pius [V],"13 which suggests that the book was
designed for general acceptance. The intrusion of possible
Dominican and certain Franciscan editorial policy which has
been commented on by Stevenson does not indicate that the
book was prepared exclusively for the use of these orders.
There is one additional imprint, the Passionario (Mexico
1572), of which only a few pages are extant, but of which we
do have some knowledge. Contemporary records exist which
12 Stevenson,Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 188.

13 Ibid., p. 191.
14 Ibid.
144
give a number of details relating to the Passionario, includ-
ing the fact that Bishop Ruiz y Morales of MichoacSn ordered
100 of the 310 copies printed, and that he provided the book
which was used as the basis of the new imprint. This is
the only case concerning a sixteenth-century Mexican book
with music so far documented in which an ecclesiastical
official outside the Archbishopric of Mexico City assumed
such a role.l°
From the few scanty references to the elusive Antipho-
nario (Mexico C. 1575) , it may be inferred that this book was
prepared for use in the Cathedral and therefore would also
have been suitable for general usage. '
Apropos of this brief survey, it is apparent that the

lack of any obvious indication of sponsorship or affiliation
in the 1584 Psalterium places this book in a unique position.
15 See supra, Chap. I, pp.7-8.

16 In 1604, Juan Navarro, a Franciscan friar serving in the
Michoacan Province of St. Peter and St. Paul, published his
Quatuor Passiones (Mexico: Diego L6pez DaValos); Stevenson,
Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 194, states that be-
cause of the Dominican and Augustinian endorsements printed
in the book, "obviously, Quatuor Passiones was meant for mis-
sion churches under mendicant supervision." According to
Navarro, the work "purloined no time from his major duties,"
but rather was "composed . . . as a 'nocturnal exercise,'"
(ibid.). Such a statement tends to support the supposition
that the book may not have been formally commissioned ex-
pressely for the MichoacSn Province, although it probably was
intended for parochial use. The inclusion of the Augustinian
and Dominican endorsements as well as the mention of Navarro
as a Franciscan adheres to the pattern of specific Order
identification which we have noted in many of the sixteenth-
century Mexican books.
17 See supra, Chap. I, pp. 8-9.
145
There are no signs of Franciscan, Augustinian, and/or Domin-
ican sponsorship, or editorial influence, nor is there any
statement to suggest sponsorship and/or direction by church
authorities acting in a primarily non-partisan ecclesiastical
capacity, i.e., as representatives of a Cathedral or See. It
must be assumed that the provenance of the Psalterium lies
elsewhere.
CHAPTER XI
THE CASE FOR JESUIT SPONSORSHIP
To entertain the idea that the Jesuits, a Society which

did not chant the Office, should undertake the responsibility
of complete or even partial sponsorship for the publication
of an elaborate book of Office Chants must seem, at first,
extraordinary. Nevertheless, a rigorous examination of the
evidence available indicates that it is most probable that
they did indeed do so.
Inscription
The direct, positive evidence that the Jesuits sponsor-
ed the Psalterium is minimal in contrast to the signs of
Order affiliation strewn throughout the Augustinian and
Dominican imprints, but the evidence is highly suggestive.
At the end of the section of the Saints' Office the following
inscription occurs:
Explicit Sanctorale. Ad gloriam & laudem omni-
potetis Dei: nee non & eius beatissime matris
Marie: & beatissime Ignatij martyris. (fol. 185.)
It is clear that "beatissime Ignatij martyris" is not a
reference to Ignatius of Antioch (d.c. 110) who, although he
was a martyr, is commonly identified as "Sancti Ignatij,
episcopi et martryis". It is significant, however, that in
1 St. Ignatius, whose Feast Day is Feb. 1, is accorded the

title of Bishop and Martyr in the Calendars of both Mexican
147
the Psalterium the second-century Ignatius is refered to as
"Sancti Ignatij, episcopi & confessoris" as if to stress the
difference between the Antioch Ignatius and the Ignatius in
the inscription. Furthermore, the inscription can not be
interpreted as a reference to Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556),
Founder of the Society of Jesus, because he was not a martyr.
The only other possibility on the Church's short roster of
the venerable in 1584 bearing the name Ignatius is Ignacio
de Azevedo, S.J.
Ignacio de Azevedo was an influential and highly re-
spected figure in sixteenth-century Jesuit circles. He was
born at Oporto, Portugal in 1528, joined the Society at Coim-
bra, and later served as Rector of the Jesuit College at
Lisbon and as the Provincial of the Society in Portugal.
Francis Borgia (1510-1572), soon after his election as Gen-
eral of the Society in 1565, appointed Azevedo as Visitor to
Brazil. It is with the inception of Azevedo's tenure as
Visitor that his biography assumes increasing relevance for
the residents of New Spain.
and Spanish books, e.g., Manuale Sacramentorum (Mexico 1560,

sig. a iijv), Missale (Mexico 1561, sig. ij v ), Manuale
Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568, fol. [v v ]), Processionarium
(Compluti 1573, sig. oo ijv), and in modern rsources, e.g.,
LU, p. XLij.
2 Psalterium, fol. 177v.
3 Ignatius Loyola was beatified by Pope Paul V in 1609 and
was canonized by Pope Gregory XV in 1622.
4 The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: The Encyclopedia
Press, 1907-1912), p. 639.
148
Although the missions in Brazil had been established
for seventeen years at the time of Ignacio's arrival, he
found a dire shortage of missionaries and, after having
worked among the Brazilian natives for three yearsf5 he
returned to Europe with the intention of bringing young and
zealous volunteers back to Brazil with him. Azevedo preached
extensively throughout Spain and Portugal and found numerous
enthusiastic applicants intrigued by the appeal of an exotic
and vast land with a multitude of souls awaiting conversion.
About sixty young men were chosen, many of whom were sixteen
or seventeen years old and some of whom were only fourteen.
Collectively, they constituted the largest contingent of
missionaries to embark for the New World. *>
Preparations for the long and arduous voyage were com-
pleted by June 5, 1570, and Azevedo and his missionaries set
sail in a small flotilla of seven ships. Ignacio and
5 Ibid.
6 Martin P. Harney, S.J., The Jesuits in History: The
Society of Jesus Through Four Centuries, TNew York: The
America Press, 1941), pp. 153-154.
7 Details concerning the departure date and the number of
ships under Azevedo*s leadership vary. Harney, p. 154, gives
June 7, 1569, as the day of departure for the three ships;
William V. Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus (St.
Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1972), pp. 92-93
states that the seventy-three Jesuits left on July 2, 1570,
in three ships. We have followed the narrative given by
James Broderick, S.J., The Progress of the Jesuits (1556-79),
(London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1946), pp. 227-230 who has
based his account on a letter from Fr. Pedro Diaz to the
Portuguese Provincial, dated August 18, 1570. Fr. Diaz was
in command of one of the ships and thus had intimate knowl-
edge of some of the details. The remainder of his letter is
based on an eyewitness account by two Portuguese mariners.
149
forty-two companions were on a merchant ship, the Santiago,
and Pr. Pedro Diaz and another band of missionaries were on
an accompanying man-o'-war.^ After their arrival at the
Madeira Islands, the captain of the Santiago decided to de-
tour 300 miles south to the Canary Islands in order to
negotiate some business transaction. Three of the mission-
aries elected to stay with the rest of the fleet, but the
remainder of those on the Santiago left on June 28. Nine
miles from their destined port in the Canaries, the ship,
slowed by a lull in the wind, was suddenly overtaken by five
Huguenot pirate vessels, captained by the infamous Jacques
Soury. After a brief skirmish, the pirates boarded the
Santiago and brutally butchered Azevedo and his thirty-nine
companions and threw their bodies into the sea. The massacre
occured on Saturday, July 15, 1570.
When Fr. Diaz, who was still in the Madeiras, received

word of the tragedy, he and the others in the fleet left for
Brazil. Soon after their departure, however, they encounter-
ed a vicious Atlantic storm which sank some of the ships and
caused such damage to Fr. Diaz' ship that it had to be aban-
doned on the western tip of Cuba. After great hardship, the
missionaries managed to get to Havana where they were able to
engage a new ship to return to Portugal, but once again off
8 Azevedo, in a letter dated June 2, 1570, to Francis

Borgia, General of the Jesuits from 1565-1572, states that he
will be in a ship with "46 brothers" and that there will be
23 in another ship, Monumenta historica societatis Jesu,^
Sanctus Franciscus Borgia (5 vols.; Madrid: Gabrielis Lopez
del Horno, 1894-1911), V, 410.
150
the Canary Islands, pirates ravaged the ship and all the
missionaries perished, except two who escaped and returned
to Portugal.
The memory of an atrocity of such magnitude as that
suffered by Ignacio and his thirty-nine companions would
have remained in Jesuit minds for some time. It would have
had special significance for those Jesuits who in 1572 were
navigating through the same pirate infested waters on their
first voyage to New Spain. Furthermore, it is not improbable
that some of the Jesuits stationed in the Mexican missions
may have met Azevedo during his Iberian travels to recruit
new missionaries for Brazil. Fr. Pedro Sanchez (1528-1609),
first Provincial of New Spain, for example, had served both
as a lecturer, "muy distinguido", at the University of
Salamanca and as rector of the University of Alcalci where he
was located when he received his summons to go to Mexico.^
Although Azevedo has left no description of his visits to
these universities, he does mention that he acquired recruits
from both Salamanca and Toledo.10
9 Francisco Javier Alegre, S.J., Historia de la_ Provincia

de la Compania de Jesus de Nueva Espana (Roma: Institutum
Historicum S.J., 1956)," I, 104-5; Francis Borgia wrote to
SSnchez concerning the Mexican expedition on July 15, 1571,
exactly one year after the death of Ignatius.
10 In his Oct. 7, 1569, Coimbra letter to F. Borgia, Azevedo
states that he has been joined by three men from Salamanca and
one from Toledo, Monumenta historica societatis Jesu, S_. Fran-
ciscus Borgia, V, 191; Serafim Leite, S.J., Hist6ria da Com-
panhia de Jesus no Brasil (Lisbon: Livraria Portugalia, 1938),
II, 260, has identified four missionaries from the Province of
Toledo in Azevedo's group, one of whom, Juan de San Martin,
from Yuncos, Toledo Was a student at the University of Alcalci.
151
There can be little doubt that the circumstances sur-
rounding the martyrdom of Ignatius and his missionaries were
well known to the missionaries of various Orders. It is un-
tenable that any religious Order other than the Jesuits
would permit the only reference in the Psalterium, aside from
those standard inclusions which fall within the normal litur-
gical year, be that to "Blessed Ignatius".
Feasts
Many general policies of an ecclesiastical nature which
were to be followed in New Spain were formulated by the First
Mexican Council in 1555 under the direction of Archbishop
Monttifar. These policies, which included mandatory observance
of forty-one major feasts and all Sundays of the year, were
published by Juan Pablos in 1556 under the title Constitu-
ciones Sinodales. A comparison of this list of feasts as it
appears in the Constituciones with the feasts as they are
presented in the liturgical books printed in Mexico suggests
strict observance. In the calendars of both the 1560 and
1568 editions of the Manuale Sacramentorum, for example, each
specified feast is emphasized by the printing of the name in
red ink as opposed to the usual black, and also by the pre-
sence of a small red cross. There are no omissions in these
two Manuales from the Council List for the thirty-seven days
of fixed date, although four additional days of observance
11 See Medina, La Imprenta en Mexico, I, 84-85, for complete

list of feasts from the Constituciones.
152
are included.12 The addition of these supplementary feasts,
however, is compatible with the Constitutional provision that
"saints and patrons of churches, cathedrals and villages" may
be included.^
In the calendar of the Psalterium no red ink nor small
cross so conveniently marks the days of special observance,
but within the body of the imprint the inclusion of music,
i.e., the number of antiphons and occurances of a hymn, cou-
pled with the presence of a woodcut, offer substantial clues
to the importance of a feast. The application of these
criteria in the identification of the relative importance of
feasts reveals some patterns of deviation from the days of
special observance as they were determined by the First Mex-
ican Council. Although all thirty-seven of the non-movable
Council prescribed feasts are included, with the exception
of five Christmas Season feasts,-^ some receive only a most
perfunctory treatment. Conversely, there are a number of
feasts which are not on the Council List which receive ex-
tensive treatment. In addition, there are feasts which are
accorded a moderate amount of attention, some of which are
on the Council List and some of which are not.
12 The movable feasts of the Resurrection, Ascension, Pen-

tecost, and Corpus Christi are not included; the additional
feasts are St. John Lateran, St. Catherine, Commemoration of
the Annunciation, and the Holy Innocents.
13 Medina, op_. cit., I, 85.
14 The feasts of the Nativity (Dec. 25), St. Stephen (Dec.
26), St. John (Dec. 27), Circumcision (Jan. 1 ) , and Epiphany
(Jan. 6), are not included.
153
If the Transfiguration, Invention of the Holy Cross, and
six Feasts of the B.V.M. which will be discussed separately,
are subtracted from the Council List feasts in the Sanctorale
of the Psalterium, twenty-four saints1 feasts remain. These
feast days are given in Table IV in association with their
dates, indication of presence or absence of related woodcut,
and/or hymn, and the tabulation of the total number of
antiphons.
Of these twenty-four major feasts in Mexico, fifteen,
roughly 62%, have no music and eight, 33%, have neither music
nor woodcut. Furthermore, three of the feasts in this latter
group are those of Dominic, Augustine, and Francis.^ The
relegation of the founders of the Dominican, Augustinian, and
Franciscan Orders to a category of mere inclusion without
elaboration virtually precludes the possibility that any of
these three Orders active in New Spain could have been
directly involved in the sponsorship or preparation of the
Psalterium. As we have seen, the standard procedure when one
of these Orders was associated with the production of an im-
print was to leave some unambiguous hallmark of Order identi-
ty in the book. Thus, the possibility that any of these
three Orders would have neglected the opportunity to cele-
brate the feast day of their specially venerated founder is
extremely remote. It is significant also that the feast day
of St. Hippolytus, the patron saint of the City of Mexico, is
15 The single antiphon which is associated in the Psalterium

with Aug. 4, the feast of St. Dominic, celebrates the Commem-
oration of the Feast of the Finding of the Body of St. Stephen
(Aug. 3), and is not intended to extend any special honor to
St. Dominic.
154
TABLE IV
TREATMENT OF THE MEXICAN COUNCIL FEASTS OF THE
PROPRIUM SANCTORUM IN THE PSALTERIUM
Number of
Date Feast Woodcut Antiphons Hymn
With Music
May 1 SS. Philip & James X 7

June 14 Nativity of St. John the X 11 X
Baptist
June 29 SS. Peter and Paul X 7 X
Coram, of St. Paul
July 22 St. Mary Magdalen X 2 X
Aug. 10 St. Lawrence X 7
Septc 29 St. Michaelf Archangel X 7 X
Nov. 1 All Saints X 7 X
Nov. 30 St. Andrew X 7 X
Dec. 21 St. Thomas X 1
With a Woodcut Only
Jan. 20 SS. Fabian & Sebastian X

Feb. 24 St. Mathias X
Mar. 19 St. Joseph X
April 25 St. Mark X
July 25 St. James X
Aug. 24 St. Bartholomew X
Sept. 21 St. Matthew X
With No Special Treatment
June 11 St. Barnabus

July 26 St. Anne
Aug. 4 St. Dominic
Aug. 13 St. Hippolytus
Aug, 28 St. Augustine
Oct. 4 St. Francis
Oct. 18 St. Luke
Oct. 28 SS. Simon & Jude
155
not emphasized with music or a woodcut. Had the Psalterium
been prepared under diocesan auspices it seems most probable
that this feast would have merited greater attention.
The omission of woodcuts and/or music for some Council
List feasts in the Psalterium perhaps would not be so remark-
able were it not for the inclusion of one or both with a
substantial number of feasts which do not appear on the
obligatory observance List (Table V ) . 1 6 Of the thirty-one
saints' feasts with music in the Sanctorale of the Psalte-
rium, twenty-two, i.e., 71% are not on the Council List.
With regard to the determination of the sponsorship of
the Psalterium, the non-Mexican Council feasts which are
especially significant are those venerating Peter and Paul,
i.e., St. Peter's Chair, Conversion of St. Paul, and St.
Peter's Chains. Each of these feasts has a hymn as well as
a relatively large number of antiphons, and all but one,
Peter's Chains, is accompanied by a woodcut. The major
feast of SS. Peter and Paul (June 29) is on the List of
Special Feast Days prescribed by the First Mexican Council,
and it also is emphasized with antiphons, hymn, and woodcut.
Furthermore, the considerable significance of the June 29
Feast is underscored by the inclusion of three infra-octave
days of celebration, July 3, 4, and 5, which were not stipu-
lated by the Mexican Council. The treatment of the hymns
for each of the four feasts is unique in so far as the texts
16 See infra, pp. 168-172, for discussion of both Mexican

and non-Mexican Council List feasts of the B.V.M. and Holy
Cross.
156
TABLE V
NON-MEXICAN COUNCIL FEASTS WITH MUSIC
Number of
Date Feast Woodcut Antiphons Hymn
Jan. 15 St. Paul, First Hermit 1

Comment, of St. Maurus
Jan. 18 St. Peter's Chair at Rome x 5 x
Commem. of St. Paul
Commem. of St. Prisca
Jan. 19 SS. Marius, Martha, 1
Audifax, and Abachum
Jan. 21 St. Agnes X 7
Jan. 25 Conversion of St. Paul X 8 X
Commem. of St. Peter
Jan. 27 St. John Chrysostom 1
Feb. 5 St. Agatha * 6 X
Mar. 7 St. Thomas Aquinas 2
Commem. of SS. Perpetua
and Felicity
Mar. 12 St. Gregory X 1
May 6 St. John before the Latin 1
Gate
June 26 SS. John and Paul 7
July 3,4,5 Octave of Peter and Paul 1
Aug. 1 St. Peter's Chains 6 X
Aug. 3 Finding of the Body of 6
St. Stephen
Aug. 4 Commem. of St. Stephen 1
Aug. 29 Beheading of John the 7
Baptist
Nov. 11 St. Martin 7
Nov. 22 St. Cecilia 7
Nov. 23 St. Clement 7
Nov. 29 Commem. of St. Saturnius * 1
Dec. 7 St. Ambrose X 5
Dec. 13 St. Lucy X 7
* Small woodcut
157
of all of the verses are printed with music, in contradis-
tinction to the usual practice which was to print one verse
with music and give the text only for any remaining verses."
The importance of Peter and Paul in the Psalterium is
reinforced by the inclusion of a large and striking woodcut
of the two Apostles on the unnumbered leaf following folio
83, and the immediate repetition of the same woodcut on the
verso of the unnumbered folio. The major emphasis placed on
the Apostles must be evaluated in the light of Jesuit activity
in Mexico City between the arrival of the Society in 1572 and
the printing of the Psalterium in 1584.
One of the principle Jesuit goals in sixteenth-century
New Spain was the establishment of educational institutions
and, in order to understand the background from which the
Psalterium emerged, it is essential to have some knowledge of
the Jesuit colegio. The first scholastic institution which
the Jesuits were directly responsible for organizing was the
collegial Seminary of San Pedro y San Pablo founded in Mexico
City on Sept. 6, 1573, under the provisional rectorship of
Fr. Pedro Sanchez, Provincial of the Society in New Spain.18
17 The four hymns are Quodcumque vinclis, Doctor egregie,

Aurea luce, and Petrus beatus for the feasts of St. Peter's
Chair, Conversion of St. Paul, SS. Peter and Paul, and St.
Peter's Chains, respectively.
18 Jerome V. Jacobsen, S.J., Educational Foundations of the
Jesuits in Sixteenth-Century New Spain (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1938), p. 96. Disimilar to practice in
other Jesuit schools which were established in Mexico, the
financial responsibility for the Seminary of San Pedro y San
Pablo lay with the cabildo, a secular administrative body.
This unfortunate arrangement resulted in a period of turbu-
lance which was not resolved until Aug. 1, 1581, when the
158
Fr. SSnchez was an experienced educator and administrator,
having served as lecturer in theology at the University of
Salamanca and Rector of the University of AlcalS de Henares,
and one cannot doubt that he brought the traditions of these
two great Spanish Universities to his own schools in colonial
Mexico.
The College of Santa Maria de Todos Santos was also
founded in 1573, but was not under direct Jesuit sponsorship.
This school, which was devoted to the education of well-born
poor students (unlike San Pedro y San Pablo which was attend-
ed by the sons of affluent Spaniards), was established as a
result of the benevolent concern of Dr. Don Francisco Rodri-
guez Santos, although the observation of the need of a school
of this type came from Fr. Sanchez. Furthermore, SSnchez,
who had an indirect interest in the success of the school,
helped in the preparation of the Constitutions which were
based on those of the College of Santa Cruz in Valladolid,
Spain (Santos1 alma mater), and selected the first fifteen
students on August 15, 1573, The Feast of the Assumption.
The school was formally opened two and a half months later
on November 1, The Feast of All Saints, and the College name,
Santa Maria de Todos Santos, is obviously derived from the
school came under the total control of the Jesuits (ibid., p.

103). In this same year, the Constitutions of the Seminary
of San Pedro y San Pablo were formalized although the students
had been present as early as Nov. 1, 1573 (ibid., p. 98).
159
importance of these two feasts in its history.-^ The back-
ground relating to the founding of Santa Maria de Todos
Santos illustrates the practice of using established Spanish
schools as models for the Jesuit-influenced academic institu-
tions in New Spain.
The collegial Seminary of San Pedro y San Pablo and the
College of Santa Maria de Todos Santos were both restricted
with regard to the number of students which they could accom-
modate, and neither had facilities for secular boarding
students. By c. 1573-74 there were approximately 300 poten-
tial students, and the desirability of a collegial hall or
boarding college had become increasingly apparent. By October
18, 1574, Fr. Sanchez had organized three residential Jesuit
colleges, San Gregorio, San'Bernardo, and San Miguel, all of
which were strategically situated near the established Jesuit
center of San Pedro y San Pablo.2^ In addition to the avail-
ability of classes at San Pedro y San Pablo, the three cole-
gios offered tutorial guidance for the students.
By c. 1582, the boarding colleges of San Gregorio, San
Bernardo, and San Miguel had merged unofficially into a single
institution, the College of San Ildefonso, which operated in
19 Ibid., p. 85.
20 Jacobsen points out that Philip II took a special inter-
est in San Gregorio, the first of the three colegios to be
established, approved its Constitution, and became its Royal
Patron (ibid., p. 124).
21 Ibid., pp. 123-126.
160
conjunction with, but remained distinct from the collegial
Seminary of San Pedro y San Pablo. San Ildefonso did not
receive its official license until 1588, four years after the
2
publication of the Psalterium.
The most important scholastic institution that was found-
ed in Mexico by the Jesuits was the Colegio Mciximo de San
Pedro y San Pablo. Not be confused with the collegial Semi-
nary of San Pedro y San Pablo, it was the hub of all Jesuit
activity, for it functioned not only as a combined high
school, college, and university, but also served as the cen-
ter of training for young Jesuits, and as the residence for
Jesuit instructors at the Colegio Maximo, at San Ildefonso,
and at other seminaries and colleges.23
The stones for the foundation of the Colegio Mciximo were

laid in 1575, very close to the collegial Seminary of San
Pedro y San Pablo and to the boarding colleges that were later
to be known as San Ildefonso.24 The land on which the Colegio
Mciximo was built had been originally the site of a few col-
lapsed burro sheds and seedy straw-roofed huts, 25 an(j had been
22 Precise information relating to the metamorphosis of

these colleges is elusive; see ibid., pp. 127-131 for dis-
cussion.
It should be noted that a second Jesuit college of San
Gregorio was established in 1586 for the education of the
Indians. This new San Gregorio was not directly affiliated
with, the unofficial collegiate amalgamation of San Ildefonso
which, included the old San Gregorio (ibid. , p. 127).
23 Ibid., pp. 149-150.
24 See ibid., p. 144, for a map of the Colegio Maximo Group.
25 Ibid., p. 73.
161
given to the Jesuits by Alonso Villaseca, "el ma's opulento
ciudadano de Mexico" (the wealthiest citizen of Mexico).26
Villaseca, who had been born in a small village in the dio-
cese of Toledo, migrated to Mexico prior to 1540,2' an( j
amassed a fortune in the lucrative silver mines. In addi-

tion to his gift of land, Villaseca gave money to the Society,
and by 1574, he had donated 88,930 pesos to the Jesuit cause,
increasing this sum in 1575, by an additional 36,200 pesos.
Then, in 1576, the aging Villaseca summoned Fr. Sanchez to
his mines of Ixmiquilpan and asked to be allowed to found a
college named after the Apostles Peter and Paul which was to
be funded initially with a contribution of 4,000 gold pesos.
Fr. SSnchez accepted the gift.28 ^^ about the same time the
Jesuits purchased the Hacienda de Santa Lucia, north of Mex-
ico City, and the income from this property was used to sup-
port the Colegio Maximo.29
Other benefactors contributed toward the building of

the Colegio Maximo, one of the most notable being Lorenzo
L6pez, who gave the Society a large ranch about nine miles
from Mexico City. Not only did this property provide wheat
and support about 500 head of cattle, but the mountainous
portion of the land provided much of the timber necessary for
26 Alegre, OJD. cit., I, 122.

27 Ibid., p. 274.
28 Jacobsen, op_. cit., pp. 139-142.
29 Gerard Decorme, S.J., La obra de los jesuitas mexicanos
durante la epoca colonial, 1572-1776 (2 vols., Mexico, 1941),
I, 7-L^.
162
the construction of the Colegio.30 The hacienda on the
ranch served as a type of vacation house for the students
and was known as the Villa de Jestis del Monte, after the
Jestis del Monte hacienda which was reserved for the students
of Alcalci, and which Sanchez frequented during his tenure at
the Spanish University.31 Because of its extensive financial
backing the Colegio Maximo was free from royal patronage,
although in 1583 it did accept a royal grant of 1,000 ducats
a year for a period of ten years.32
Alonso Villaseca continued to send gifts of silver to
the Jesuits during the construction of the Colegio Maximo,
and shortly before his death he dispatched four burros laden
with 24,000 pesos, 16,000 of which were to be used for the
Colegio MSximo. Villaseca also wished to have a
college church erected, the Church of San Pedro y San Pablo,
and he specified a generous amount in his will which was to
be used for this project.34 Construction of the Church was
begun in 1582, and upon its completion in 1603, it was
30 Decorme, op_. cit., I, 8.

31 Alegre, op. cit., I, 138; see also Jacobsen, 0£. cit.,
p. 88.
32 Jacobsen, op_. cit., p. 142.
33 The remainder of the money was to be expended on various
charitable causes; see Alegre, op. cit., I, 273 and Mariano
Cuevas, S.J., Historia de la Iglesia en Mexico (3 vols.;
Mexico, D.F.: EditorialTatria, S.A., 1946), II, 360-361; but
see Jacobsen, op_. cit., p.148-149.
34 Jacobsen, op. cit., p. 148.
163
regarded as "the most sumptuous Church in the Capitol."35
Villaseca's beneficence was not restricted to the Mexican
Jesuits, for among other contributions was the gift of
150,000 pesos which he sent to Pius V in honor of the Apost-
les Peter and Paul (for whom he obviously had special vener-
ation) , and for the poor of Rome. 36 This wealthy benefactor
died on September 6, 1580, and he received the final burial
in a handsome sepulchre in the vault of the Church of San
Pedro y San Pablo.37
The Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San Pablo with its
affiliated Church of San Pedro y San Pablo was the core of
Jesuit activity in New Spain * It is only logical to assume
that if the Jesuits were to sponsor a liturgical book, such
as the Psalterium, those feasts which would be emphasized
would, necessarily, be those of Peter and Paul. Conversely,
any other Order familiar with the Colegio Maximo would tend
to avoid any unusual emphasis of the Feasts of Peter and
Paul. Again, the probability of general ecclesiastical spon-
sorship of the Psalterium is remote, not only because excep-
tional attention devoted to the Jesuit-oriented Feasts of
Peter and Paul by diocesan authorities might have offended
other Orders, but also because three of the four Feasts of
Peter and Paul are not on the Council List of Special Days
of Observance which had been determined by the Archbishopric,

36 Alegre, op_. cit., I, 275.
37 Decorme, op_. cit., I, 7; Jacobsen, op_. cit., p. 148.
164
while many of the Feasts that are on the List are virtually
passed over.38
Of the nine Council List Feasts with music, six are
distinguished by the presence of a hymn with music, i.e.,
the Feasts of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, SS.
Peter and Paul, St. Mary Magdalen, St. Michael, Archangel,
All Saints and St. Andrew (see Table IV). Although it is
obviously impossible to state that only the Jesuits would
have selected these feasts for exceptional celebration, it
is demonstrable that the Founders of the Colegio Maximo had
an affinity for at least five of these Days. The Feast of
All Saints was one of the two major feast days associated
with the Jesuit-instigated school of Santa Maria de Todos
Santos, and St. Michael, Archangel was the Patron of the
colegio of San Miguel which was adjacent to the Colegio
Maximo. To establish the correlation between the Society
and the Feasts of St. Andrew and St. John the Baptist, and
to suggest why such a large number of non-Mexican Council
Feasts were accorded unusual emphasis, it is necessary to
return to the Jesuit historical narrative in medias res.
' Pope Gregory XIII regarded the work of the Mexican
38 The argument that the emphasis on the Feasts of Peter

and Paul indicates that the Psalterium was intended for use
in the MichoacSn Province of Peter and Paul is indefensible
because there is no mention of the Province by name nor is
there any identification of an ecclesiastical
authority affilliated with the Province (see supra, Chap. I,
p. 8 and Chap, x, p. 144 ) • Furthermore, there is no
evidence of Augustinian, Dominican, and Franciscan endorse-
ment or influence which would be expected had the book been
prepared for use by the mendicant Orders in the MichoacSn
Province.
165
Jesuits with considerable favor, and in order to express his
satisfaction the Pope authorized a shipment of relics destin-
ed for New Spain. The relics did not arrive as planned.
Accounts of the details vary, but one historian maintains
that the ship transporting the relics was wrecked off the
coast of Veracrux and the relics were captured by "la gente
de mar" (people-of-the-sea).39 After a few days exposure to
the opened boxes of relics, the thieves were stricken by a
severe disease and many expired each day. The "sea-people"
quickly returned the relics to the proper authorities and
eventually the shipment reached Mexico, but because the re-
quired authentication had been lost, the relics could not be
displayed publically. The Jesuits petitioned for new authen-
tication from Rome, which Gregory sent together with more
relics. By 1578 the Jesuits had collected no less than 214
relics, including a sliver of the Cross, a thorn from the
Crown of Thorns, fragments of the Blessed Virgin's clothing,
two relics of Peter and Paul, and numerous others of Doctors,
Confessors, and Martyrs.40
A great public celebration was planned in honor of the
relics. According to Alegre, on the first day of this cele-
bration, November 1, 1578 (The Feast of All Saints), a tremen-
dous and festive procession wound its way through the streets
of Mexico City, past the great religious monuments and sump-
tuous triumphal arches which, had been erected. The first

40 Ibid.
166
arch, located not far from the Cathedral of Mexico City, was
dedicated to St. Hippolytus, Patron of Mexico City, and at
the end of the Cathedral square, a monument had been built
commemorating SS. Crispin and Crispinian in whose honor a
villancico was sung. From here the procession moved onward,
accompanied by flautas, trompetas and clarines, toward the
arch of San Juan Bautista with its magnificent altar, and
closer to the Colegio Maximo. There were pictures and poems
in honor of the Martyrdom of John, birds were released, bot-
tles of fragrant water were opened, and flowers were to be
seen everywhere. The next great arch was that dedicated to
the Blessed Virgin, her mother, Anne and her spouse, Joseph.
This arch, which was over fifty feet high and thirty-two feet
wide, had opposing platforms with gilded balustrades, from
near the center of which two choirs sang, and eight Jesuit
students contributed "beautiful poems and graceful dances."
The collegial seminarians had constructed the next arch in
honor of their patrons, Peter and Paul, it was the color of
marble, towered over seventy feet in height, and was more
than forty feet wide, with columns and cross-columns of
turquoise jasper. Statues of the Twelve Apostles reposed
on the cornice, and in the interior were statues of the two
brothers, Peter and Andrew. At the top of the arch was an
enormous vase of shimmering gold filled with fruit and flow-
ers and supported by an angel on either side. At this podLnt
in the procession, children sang with "voces suavisimas",
instruments were played, and drops of sweetly scented water
167
were sprinkled about. To the east of this arch of San Pedro
y San Pablo was the arch of the four great Doctors of the
Church, dedicated by the students. Statues of the Doctors,
in addition to those of San Buenaventura, San Bernardo, and
Santo TomSs, were placed in the arch and one of San Miguel
rested on the cupola. Not far from the Colegio de San
Gregorio was the final great arch, rich with turquoise jasper
and gold, adorned with scenes of the Passion, and dedicated
to the Sacred Thorn and Holy Cross.^1
Pageantry was popular in sixteenth-century Mexico, but
the lavishness' of this occasion indicates the impact these
relics must have had on the populace. From Alegre's detailed
description of the triumphal arches and the identification of
their relative proximity to the Colegio Maximo it is possible
to identify some of the saints who had special significance
for the Jesuits. The procession first passed the memorials
to St. Hippolytus and SS. Crispin and Crispinian. Closer to
the Colegio Maximo were the arches of John the Baptist, the
Blessed Virgin, Peter and Paul, Church Doctors, and Holy
Cross. In the Psalterium, the Feast of St. Hippolytus re-
ceives no special treatment, and SS. Crispin and Crispinian
are not mentioned, but the Feasts commemorated by the five
arches closer to the Colegio Maximo are amply represented
with woodcuts and music. Furthermore, the Feast of St.
Andrew, whose statue was placed next to that of Peter in the
41 Alegre, op_. cit. , I, 222-226.

168
Arch of Peter and Paul, is celebrated with a woodcut, anti-
phons, and hymn.
Although Alegre's description of the arches does not
include the names of the four Doctor's of the Chruch, there
are four saints in the Psalterium who are identified as such,
namely, Gregory, Thomas Aquinas, Ambrose, and Augustine. The
non-Mexican Council Feasts of St. Gregory and St. Ambrose
both are emphasized with one or more antiphons and a large
woodcut- The Feast of St. Thomas Aquinas, also a Council
List omission, does not have a woodcut, but is accorded two
antiphons, The Feast of St* Augustine which was a Feast Day
of mandatory observance, does not have a woodcut or music,
but emphasis of this Feast might have resulted in friction
with the Franciscans and Dominicans had their Founder's Days
not also been specially commemorated.
The reception of the large number of relics may be the
reason for the attention devoted to the remaining non-Mexican
Council List Feasts. One exception, however, may be the
Feast of St. Lucy, which has a woodcut and seven antiphons;
the significance of the special commemoration of this Feast
may relate to the Jesuit-ownad Hacienda de Santa Lucia which
was situated north of Mexico City.
The seven Feasts cf *,ke B.y.M. in the Psalterium are
obviously important, as may be seen in the tabulation of the
woodcuts, antiphons, and hymns with, which the Feasts are com-
memorated (Table VI) «. It is difficult to draw any conclusive
inferences, either pro or con the case for Jesuit sponsorship
169
TABLE VI
FEASTS OF THE B.V.M.
Number of Council
Date Feast Woodcut Antiphons Hymn List
Feb. 2 Purification X 12
Mar. 25 Annunciation X 7
July 2 Visitation X
Aug. 5 Our Lady of the Snows 6
Aug. 15 Assumption X 7
Sept.. 8 Nativity X 7
Dec. 8 Immaculate Conception X 7
of the Psalterium, from these feasts as a group. Few would

dispute the existence of the widespread devotion to the Bles-
sed Virgin in New Spain, especially among the Indians after
the appearance at Guadalupe in 1531. Also six of the seven
feasts appear on the Council List. It might be noted, how-
ever, that the Jesuits cultivated special devotion of the
B.V.M. and even stipulated in the 1599 Ratio Studiorum that
each rector "shall see to it that the Sodality of the Blessed
Virgin from the Roman College be propagated in his own, and
that no one who has not subscribed his name to this be admit-
ted to any academy in which literary exercises are prac-
ticed."42 Alegre mentions that the "Congregaci6n . . . en
honor de la Santtsima yirgen" blossomed in the Colegio Maximo
almost simultaneously with the inception of the school in
1575. 43
42 Edward A. Fitzpatrick, ed., St. Ignatius and the Ratio

Studiorum (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1933), pp. 142-143.
43 Alegre, op_. cit. , I, 332-333.
170
The. only Feast of the B.V/M. which, does not appear on
the Council List is that of Our Lady of the Snows, and the
inclusion of six antiphons for this Feast is significant.
Prior to 1580, the Mexican Jesuits had acquired a copy of
the picture of Nuestra Senora del Populo which they display-
ed in a position of considerable prominence in the center of
the altar which had been built in the colegio of San Pedro y
San Pablo. The original picture, which was believed to have
been painted by St. Luke, was kept in Rome in the Basilica
of Santa Maria Maggiore,^'* also known as Sancta Maria ad
Nives, because of a legend which told of a miraculous fall of
snow in August that served to indicate the site on which the
Basilica was to be constructed. It was the wish of the Gen-
eral of the Society to have copies of the painting of Nuestra
Senora del P6pulo not only in the Colegio Maximo, but also
in Jesuit establishments outside Mexico City, specifically at
PStzcuaro, Oaxaca, and Puebla.^5 Furthermore, Fr. Pedro Diaz,
in his letter relating the details of the martyrdom of
Ignatius Azevedom, reports that to the point of death Azevedo
was clutching a picture of the B.V.M. so tightly that it could
not be wrested from his grasp, and Fr. Diaz identifies this
picture as the same as that painted by St. Luke and housed in
44 Ibid., p. 227.
45 Ibid., pp. 227-228.
171
6
Santa Maria Maggiore. Affirmation of the devotion to the
Feast of the Dedication of St. Mary or Our Lady of the Snows
on August 5, may be seen in the inclusion of the six anti-
phons for this Feast in the Psalterium.
The Feasts of the Holy Cross, though limited in number
and lacking woodcuts, also may be considered important as a
group because of the inclusion of a hymn with music for each
Feast, despite the fact that only two of the three days are
found on the Council List (Table VII). Feasts relating to
TABLE VII
FEASTS OF THE HOLY CROSS
Number of Council
Date Feast Woodcut Antiphons Hymn List
May 3 Invention 6 x x
July 16 Triumph 7 x
Sept. 14 Exaltation 7 x
events in the life of Christ obviously would be of interest

to all religious Orders, and hence establishing any partic-
ular Jesuit affiliation for these Feasts is most difficult.
Both the Invention.of the Holy Cross and the Exaltation of
the Holy Cross are celebrated throughout the Roman Rite, but
as has been pointed out, the Triumph of the Holy Cross is a
uniquely Spanish Feast.47 It might be suggested, if not
proven, that one reason for the emphasis of this Feast, which
46 Leite, op_. cit., II 253-254.

47 See supra f p# 52 ff>
172
was not widely celebrated, may have been the possession
by the Mexican Jesuits of a small piece of wood believed
to have been a part of the True Cross of Christ.48 Also
it may or may not be coincidental that Azevedo and his
thirty-nine companions who were embarked on a conquest of
the "infidel", i.e., who were committed to the same
concept which is associated with the Triumph of the Holy
Cross, were martyred on July 15, the eve of the celebration
of this Feast.
Notation
The Psalterium contains the largest number of mensurally
notated pieces of any of the Mexican printed liturgical books.
Traces of psalmodic notation occur in the Augustinian Ordin-
arium (Mexico 1556) and in several chants in the diocesan-
sponsored Manuale Sacramentorurn (Mexico 1560) and Manuale
Sacramentorum (Mexico 1568), but the other books are over-
whelmingly free of mensural influence.49 Such a marked change
of notational practice as that in the Psalterium is helpful
in establishing its provenance.
The argument that the printers in New Spain were ill-
equipped to print mensural notation prior to 1584 is invali-
dated by the presence of psalmodic notation in the first
Mexican imprint of 1556. furthermore, the types of chants
which were .metrically or psalmodically notated, such as
48 See supra, p p . 165rl67.
49 See supra, p # 136_138.

173
responsories or hymns, were not solely restricted to the
Psalterium. The Antiphonarium (Mexico 1589), for example,
contains a substantial number of hymns, none of which exhibit
any evidence of mensural notation. Since the considerable
use of mensural and psalmodic notation in the Psalterium can-
not be attributed to an increase in the printer's musical
fount nor bo the kind of music incorporated, it may be
concluded that the determining factor was a change in editor-
ial policy. Historically, however, there seems to be no
reason why the ecclesiastical groups which had sponsored the
other Mexican imprints should experience a sudden change of
policy in 1584, especially when the books immediately preced-
ing and following the Psalterium contain no mensural notation.
Thus, it may be reasonably assumed that some new authority
was responsible for the Psalterium, i.e., the Jesuits, the
only religious organization in Mexico which had not yet been
involved in the production of a liturgical imprint.
Jesuit Motive and Opportunity

No viceregal printing privilege or licencia relating to
the Psalterium has come to light, but it may be assumed that
the Psalterium, like the other Mexican books with music, was
in the planning stage one to two years prior to the actual
publication. By 1582, the Jesuits were firmly ensconced in
New Spain, and their schools were flourishing in Mexico City
50 The viceregal printing privilege for the Missale (Mexico

1561) was issued in 1560, and the licencia for the Graduale
(Mexico 1576) dates from March 28, 1574.
174
and elsewhere. The Constitutions of the Collegial Seminary
of San Pedro y San Pablo were formalized in 1581, and the
boarding colleges of San Gregorio, San Bernardo, and San
Miguel were in the process of being amalgamated into a single
unit, San Ildefonso, which was to operate successfully in con-
junction with the well-rooted Colegio Maximo. Furthermore,
by 1582, the construction of the great Church of San Pedro
y San Pablo had begun.
Not only had the Jesuits established the much-needed
colleges, but they were directly responsible for bringing the
spectacular collection of relics to New Spain, and the high
esteem in which they were held is reflected in the words of
Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras in 1582.
The fathers are most exemplary and of great
erudition and learning . . . aiding in general and
in particular persons of all ages in this city and
in other parts where they have founded colleges,
. . .and I have witnessed their teaching of Latin
and rhetoric arts and theology, and their public
and particular acts in arts and theology . . . and
have been amazed to see . . . the progress of the
students . . . and those who are the good students
at the University are the disciples of the Company.51
Precise figures with regard to the number of students
with whom the Jesuits came in contact are extremely elusive.
Jacobson has estimated that in 1570, two years before the
Jesuit arrival, in Mexico City alone there may have been as
many as 5,000 boys and young men who were eligible for
51 Antonio Astrain, S.J., Historia de la Compania de Jesfis

en la asistencia de Espana (7 vols., Madrid: Est. Tipografico
ûcesores de Rivadeneyra," 1902-1925), III, 148-150 gives
Moya de Contreras' commendation in full, from which Jacobsen,
op. cit., p. 168 has drawn his quotation.
175
educational programs.52 By 1574, interest in the Jesuit
schools by at least 300 of these students prompted the
twenty-four Jesuits then in Mexico^ to establish San
Gregorio, San Bernardo, and San Miguel. Only one year later
the number of students enrolled in Jesuit colegios had esca-
C4
lated to about 660. By 1583, the Jesuits had increased
their own membership to 1 4 2 , " roughly six times that of 1574,
and were teaching in schools outside Mexico City, e.g.,
Pcitzcuaro, Valladolid, Puebla de los Angeles, and Oaxaca. If
the growth in the colegios was commensurate with the growth
of the Jesuit membership, it can be estimated that there
would have been at least 1,800 students. Also in addition to
those students based at the Jesuit institutions were students
from the University of Mexico who, via a reciprocal agreement,
were able to attend classes at the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro
y San Pablo, and thus would have been using Jesuit books. It
is not unreasonable to assume that in 1584 there would have
been a sufficient number of students enrolled in Jesuit col-
leges and at the University of Mexico who were participating
in Jesuit studies to warrant the printing of the Psalterium,
and there can be little doubt that the singing of the Office
would have been regarded as highly beneficial for each of them.
52 Jacobsen, ojp cit. , p. 78.

176
Spanish universities served as models for Jesuit educa-
tion in New Spain, as we have seen in the case of Santa Maria
de Todos Santos.^ The seventeenth-century Jesuit historian,
Francisco de Florencia, unequivocally states that "in Mexico
they taught the same as they did in Europe", and he specifi-
cally mentions the Universities of Salamanca and Alcalci de
Henares. ' Although the University of Salamanca is one of
the oldest and most highly regarded of the Spanish Universi-
ties, it may be the University of Alcalci which is of greater
significance in determining the provenance of and providing
an additional motive for the printing of the Psalterium.
The University of Alcala" was established in 1508 by Cardinal
Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros, and the principal college with-
in the University was that of San Ildefonso around which ten
other colleges were grouped, one of which was San Pedro y San
CO
Pablo. Just as the Jesuits turned toward this Spanish uni-

versity for the prototype of their colegios so might they
have turned for the prototype of a liturgical book which was
to be printed. The press at Alcalci printed the most handsome
liturgical books with music in all of sixteenth-century Spain,
and the Cisneros1 Intonarium (Compluti 1515) is probably the
most exquisite example. The Intonarium (Compluti 1515) and
56 See infra, p p . 158-159.
57 Francisco de Florencia, S.J., Historia de la Provincia
de la Compania de Jestis de Nueva Espana . . . (Mexico, 1694) ,
Bk. Ill, Chap, xv, No. 182, and Chap, xvii, No. 203, is quot-
ed in Jacobsen, pp. 154-155.
177
the Cisneros' Psalterium ([AlcalS] c. 1513) contain the

earliest and most complete collections of mensurally notated
hymns in Spanish printed books, and we have already commented
on the similarity between many of these hymns and those in
the Psalterium.59 Pedro Sctnchez, Jesuit Provincial and first
Rector of San Pedro y San Pablo, could hardly have avoided
being familiar with these extraordinary Spanish imprints dur-
ing his own Rectorship at the University of Alcaic, and would
have been anxious to emulate all the aspects of excellence of
education at Alcalci. Furthermore, just as the press at
Alcala" de Henares printed a Psalterium about five years after
its founding, so it would have seemed suitable for the
Colegio Maximo to sponsor a Psalterium as soon after its es-
tablishment as possible. It seems reasonable, therefore, to
postulate the many other Jesuits in Mexico who had been
trained at AlcalS6 would have been sympathetic to this
thinking.
As was the case with the Cisneros Psalterium, the Mexi-
can Psalterium could be used by parishes as well as collegial
institutions. Chant had long been recognized as an invalu-
able tool in the process of converting the Indians, and Of-
fice chants were especially popular in New Spain,
In sixteenth-century Mexico (the hours) were
sung everywhere. In village churches where there
were only six or seven singers, an abbreviated and
easy Office of Nuestra Senora, Our Lady, was sung;
59 See infra, p. 106 ff.

178
elsewhere the Office in unabbreviated form was
attempted.61
Since the Psalterium contains the necessary antiphons,
hymns, and responsories for the daily Office as well as for
the Common and Proper of the Saints, the book would have had
an immediate appeal for the Indian parishes. Stevenson has
estimated that by 1576, 1,000 Indian choirs comprising approx-
imately 10,000 trained singers were flourishing in Mexico,°^
and the Jesuits, functioning both as educators and mission-
aries, would not have been hesitant to assist in supplying
the native population with the desired Office chants. Burrus
and Zubillaga have commented on the "great importance given
to music by the Jesuits in the evangelization of the Indi-
ans." 63
The final question which remains to be answered is wheth-

er or not the general circumstances in which the Jesuits
found themselves in the key years of 1582-83 would have per-
mitted them to sponsor the Psalterium. Obviously, one major
problem might have been that of financing, but the enormous
sums given to the Society by Alonso Villaseca prior to his
death in 1580, as well as the royal grant of 10,000 ducats
initiated in 1583, would have freed them from financial con-
cern with regard to the publication of the book. Impetus for
61 Ger6nimo de Mendieta, Historia EclesiSstica Indiana

(Mexico: Antigua Libreria, 1870), p. 412, quoted in Stevenson,
Music in Mexico, p. 71.
62 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, pp. 187-
188.
63 Alegre, op_. cit., I, 559 .
179
the production of the Psalterium could easily have resulted .
from initiation of the construction of the Church of San
Pedro y San Pablo in 1582, or from the receipt of the royal
grant in 1583 which may have stimulated further the desire
to parallel the Spanish prototype University, AlcalS, in the
sponsorship of printed books with music.
The business of printing itself was not new to the Soci-
ety in colonial Mexico. By 1577, a print shop had been
established in connection with the Colegio MSximo, and the
printer, Antonio Ricardo, either had arrived with the Jesuits
in 1572, or had come to Mexico shortly thereafter and had be-
come associated with thenu *>4 Many of the books printed at
the Colegio Maximo were text-books for student use, although
one of the most notable of Ricardo's early imprints was the
1577 Sermonario en Lengua Mexicana by Fr. Juan de la Anuncia-
ci6n, an Augustinian."-* Permission for Ricardo to print the
necessary books for use in the colegios was granted in an an-
nual license which specified the works which could be printed,
rather than having each text licensed separately.^
In 1578 Ricardo joined with his competitor, Ocharte, to
print the Vocabulario en Lengua Capoteca by the Dominican
64 Garcia Icazbalceta, Bibliografla Mexicana, pp. 37-38;

Wagner, Nueva bibliografla mexicana, p. 24; but see Medina,
op. cit., p. cxiii ff.
65 Medina, op_. cit., p. xcv.
66 See ibid., p. 235, for the Approbation given by Arch-
bishop Pedro Moya de Contreras of Dec. 24, 1576, and Garcia
Icazbalceta, op. cit., for the viceregal privilege of Feb. 16,
1577, both of which cite those books covered by the license.
180
friar, Juan de Cordoba. This partnership was unique and
67
brief, and apparently only one imprint was issued jointly,
but this concrete evidence of cooperative effort establishes
a definite relationship between the Jesuit press under
Ricardo and the printing house of Pedro Ocharte. Ricardo
abruptly left Mexico City in March of 1580 to go to Acapulco,
and he later established himself in Lima where he founded the
8
first printing press in Peru. His departure left the
Jesuits without a printer, but the rapport between the Society
and Ocharte, printer of the Psalterium, had been formed with
the publication of the Vocabulario.
One objection to Jesuit sponsorship of the Psalterium
is the absence of an identifying Jesuit logogram or signature
such as is encountered in many of their imprints in New Spain
and elsewhere. However, it should be noted that the vast ma-
jority of the books which were printed for them were designed
as text books for use in the Jesuit colegios, and thus were
intimately associated with a specifically Jesuit activity.
Furthermore, the Jesuits themselves did not sing the Office,
and the Psalterium, although it would have been closely re-
lated to school activity, would not have been regarded as an
intrinsic part of the Jesuit educational system.
It has been noted that the incorporation of psalmodic
and metric notation in the Psalterium suggests a change of
67 Medina, op_. cit. , pp. Ixxxviii and 218-221.

68 Ibid., p. xcvii ff.
181
editorial policy from that in earlier Mexican books with mu-
sic. Early accounts of Jesuit activity in New Spain refer to
a non-European Jesuit, Juan Tovar (1541-1626), who was asso-
ciated with the musical scene in and around Mexico. Tovar,
who was born in Tezcuco, * migrated to Mexico City and served
as prebendary of the Metropolitan Church and secretary of the
cabildo,™ where, no doubt, he became familiar with the music-
al climate of the Cathedral. Tovar joined the Jesuits in 1573
and was especially devoted to the instruction of the Indi-
71
ans. Not long after his acceptance by the Society he pub-
lished his first work, a catechism in the native tongue, but
of greater interest is his theoretical treatise, Arte de la
musica. Most regrettably, little is known concerning the
contents of the Arte as neither the MS nor the imprint is ex-
tant. 72 it i s clear, however, that the treatise was highly
regarded in New Spain because in 1602 a revised edition of
the work was ordered to be printed. 73 The Jesuits clearly
had within their own membership someone who would have been
regarded as well qualified to edit the musical portions of
the Psalterium.
69 Carlos Sommervogel, S.J., Bibliotheque de la Compagnie

de Jgsus (11 vols., Bruxelles: Oscar Schepens, 1890-1930),
VIII, 197-198.
70 Jacobsen, op_. cit. , p. 87, and Alegre, op_. cit., I, 560.
71 Sommervogel, op_. cit., VIII, 197-198.
73 Sommervogel, op_. cit., VIII, 197-198.
182
Summary
In summary, the case for Jesuit sponsorship of the
Psalterium includes the following points: (1) a specific ref-
erence to Ignatius, (2) an extraordinary concurrence of
festal emphasis with Mexican Jesuit institutions, (3) a mark-
ed change of editorial policy from that in the other Mexican
books with music, indicated by much more extensive use of
mensural notation, (4) the obvious opportunity for use of an
Office Book in Jesuit schools and missions, (5) the stimulus'
from the precedent set by the protytype University, Alcala"
de Henares with the publication of the Cisneros Psalterium,
(6) no financial obstacles apparent due to the generosity of
Villaseca, (7) the operation of a printing press at the Col-
egio Maximo and the established association between the
Jesuits and Ocharte, printer of the Psalterium, and (8) the
presence of a Jesuit father in Mexico ./ho was a specialist
in music and had published at least one work. In conclusion,
the evidence, although circumstantial, can hardly be inter-
preted as other than strongly indicative of Jesuit sponsor-
ship of the Psalterium.
APPENDIX I
ANTIPHONS
A. Textual Variants in Class A, B, and C Antiphons

Thirty-seven antiphons in Classes A, B, and C possess
deviations from texts available in modern editions, but the
vast majority of these antiphons, i.e., 78%, exhibit minor
discrepancies involving only one or two words. Three anti-
phons, Gabriel Angelis, 0 beatum Pontificem, and Euge serve
bone et fidelis . . . intra, all of which have been catego-
rized as Class B antiphons, have deviations which involve
more than three words. The discrepancies between Psalterium
and LU versions of these three texts are given below.
Gabriel Angelis
Terminal line found in Psalterium, but not included in
LU;
"Et benedictus fructus ventris tui."
O beatum Pontificem
Interpolation found between the third and fourth lines
in Psalterium, but not included in LU;
"0 Martine dulcedo medicamentum et medice."
Euge serve bone et fidelis . . . et intra

The melody used to set this text in the Psalterium is
184
that used with Euge serve bone et fidelis . . . dicet in LU
and other modern sources, but the text parallels Euge serve
bone et fidelis . . . intra found in LU and Antiphonale
Romanae.
B. Melodies and Texts in Class D and N Antiphons

Class D Antiphons: Melody Dissimilar to Counterpart in
Modern Editions.
Adjuva me, f o l . 29v.
s=s
8
3
TJcf-ju- va.
* 4*-
me er s<\lvus
> n a > ,i> \
e- ra Tto-mi-ni.
Et audientes d i s c i p u l i , fol. 242 v .
*jn J' > Ji flflJ> flJ»> u r n

i tt au- Jl- en- / e s «//- sci- pu-li, c e - c / - <Je-run4-
W &m? rnn \rn >>>m>>i

&
/ / - mu- C- rtsn-f- VdldG.'.

8
t in -fa- ei- etn sv- am. e/
MP £=s
P r.& 'JJ§J LLT E
JT3 > 1/3 rf S
8 ef ac- cessi-h 7e- JTC/J^ e/ -fe- •/•/- o / / c- ©s, «//-
M8 <if
>
oc/e e-
* ^ > IJJX Jl/3 J J lJ"JjJj r , if
/s: S. /e. e/ /70 - /;
Lou - " ' i i n u inJJIJJJ'IJIJIJJI

8 -/e 4-i- mere. 77/- /e /«,- /a.
185
Placebo Domino, fol. 290.
*$n i > J > i > > i j' > > > J

8 "Place-bo "Do-mi- no In re- o«- o- /»e vi-vo- rum.
Respondens autem Petrus, fol. 239.
mn
7?e- sport-
y ti t
Jens do- -êtrt
D J
"Pe.- -t-rvs,
^ ^
tJi~
6
Y
-tTTTTDft]j ^ ^ T l J 1 j^
j at ê- sum: "Do- mi- "£•, bo-
g £
/irj/m es-f nos hie eS- je.
Class N Antiphons: Not Located in a Modern Source.
Beati qui ambulant, fol. 19 v .
t
^ i J f l J I J> J J ] » |Jf, ^ : J1! J > ^ l
g "Be-a- // Oc/» am-bu-larrr in le.-o«t 4-u-a. "Do-mi-ne..
186
Cumque a s c e n d i s s e t , folc 198.
£sii
J3 J'JV J J3J J JJ PJ'J' I J.PJ'
6 Curn-Que. asce.no/is-se-t- Ju-ofa-s de. /a ev( perrexi-r
fe
l ^ ? J - l j > J ^ | J > JM'J'j lj> J ' ^ ^

g Off So-Cum, u-bi Sanc-fa Crux i-a. CC - AcL-fi 77/- /e- /w- /«..
Deduc me Domine, f o l . 2 5 v . *
ll 5
tnriry—g
* J. *—* =
& Deduc me Jio-frtt- ne

'
se • 2
T 3
in semi-
fr=*
•" 0—
-ram man da.-
E
^ ^
•/«- rum 4**- o- rum.
Helena Constantini mater, fol. 197.
h
S
J
4 F LcXJ E 1 ^Tv I U l^^Fg
8 //e-/e- //a Conshnnti- ni ma.- -fer 3e-ro- so-
I f, J> M > 1 J l ^
6 /#"- mam pe.-4-i- /"/ Lfll- le- Itr- /'ftj
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 33 v in the Psalterium.

187
Mors e t v i t a , f o l . 19V
iiflA)>\}f)>>nfl\*y
flfors el vi-4-a ap-po- si- -ft\ Sunt 4-i- hi, Si aon
- f a
8 tf-
i> N s J> m
S-fen-efe-riS mihi
» ~ *
cro-cem
^m Christ*, If I- /e -
H
/</- / a .
Orabat Judas, fol. 198.
ul JJ1J3 J J ^xjj fr ^* J^~£

& 0- re- bcJ- "XL-JOL* &e- ***, 3*i-«s mew,
i 3
1
O- s4enJ&
> N S i
rrtthi li-Qnum
5=5
4 > — ^
Sanc-fe
2=5
K
w—••
Crv-Cf'S, 77/- M -
r l t>
/**-
t>
io..
Revertere in terrain, fol. 181 v .
D s JK n
1E
g
J
*Se-»-«r-/e- *ie
§H
/V» -fttr-ram
irTf
^
3v- c/».
V VV
mor4v-i
m r~.ni- P
W *> z£zz I T CJP
~ ^ ~ ~
& -fiSm Surrr. /*e tfHrrl- O.- rri- ma.m pis- C - *"#,
£«"' f i/ae
188
Tuam crucem adoramus, fol. 222.
F=S A
*
8 "ft/'am crs*- com
tttii tt-Jo- ma-
J'Jffi t
mus "3)o- mi- /»e •/•€*- a.<
I ^ P 335
a/«- r/- o- .5am re-Co-
^
It-
£
^
rfl JEJUfl J^
mu& T»a.&-s*- o- n^mi mi- sc~ r e - re
S=R 3 > J> J>

^
2=3
* /N»- s / r / Ow pas-SoS es pro no- his.
Tunc p r a e c e p i t , f o l . 197 v .
I A . N N N=5
j .> ft J J f» J
** "func praeee-pi-f- e- os
JJJ J
om- nttsl
| J J
S
i- one.
j * it=fc
—ar—•—•&
Cre.ma.-ri# a/-
I âl\
*^?
H- /« f i-men-les,
^
-tro.d<- dfs-rvnl
h l> Pi ,.
* - V
X - c/«.#»».
'1 I J* J3 J J'
77/- / e - /„. /ft-.
Unde v e n i e t , f o l . 4 2v .
§1 J' j > J' J' 1 n ,r J' J> > 1

Un-de. ve- nl - c4- Ou- xi- tS- vrrw mihi.
8
APPENDIX II
THE HYMNS
The Psalterium contains one hymn intonation, here desig-

nated by I, and twenty hymn melodies of which nine are
printed with square notation, indicated by S, and eleven are
printed with mensural notation, indicated by M. Within these
two categories, S and M, the melodies have been here catego-
rized according to the relative order of ascending pitches,
with that melody having the lowest initial pitch assigned the
lowest arabic number.
When more than one text has been set to a melody the
incipits of all other texts are given below the transcription.
Reference to a modern source containing the complete text for
each hymn in the Psalterium is given in parenthesis. Devia-
tions in Psalterium hymn texts from those in the sources
cited, other than minor changes in orthography or deviations
restricted to one word, are footnoted.
In the nine S melodies here transcribed, the L, or virga,
is the basic note shape. However, with regard to three of
the four S melodies which are used to set more than one hymn
text, i.e., S 3, S 7, and S 9, the additional settings which
are not included in the Appendix, are notated with a B, or
punctum, as the basic note shape, but in these instances the
190
B is used conjointly with the occasional interpolation of

an isolated L. •*• These and any other notational deviations
in the Psalterium involving note shape and/or pitch in all
S and M melodies, in transcribed melodies as well as in ad-
ditional settings of different texts to the transcribed
melodies, are indicated in the footnotes. In the M melodies,
the basic note value, B or S, is equated with its modern
equivalent, J or J* , and all ligatures are given above the
staff. The barring in all melodies conforms to that in the
Psalterium except in the metrically notated M melodies in
which the original bar-lines are provided above the staff.
1 The possibility, or in some cases, probability, that

in fifteenth-, sixteenth-, and early seventeenth-century
Spanish liturgical books, there existed a durational dis-
tinction between the note shapes of L and B in a notational
context which does not display the indisputable mensural
values of either the independent S or the c.o.p_. ligature,
should not be excluded. At the present time, however, there
is insufficient evidence in accessible sources to support
the formulation of adequately documented guidelines govern-
ing the attribution of mensural values to L and B when S_ is
lacking and/or when additional and highly suggestive evidence
such as the regular and obvious reflection of textual
accents with L and B shapes is not to be found. Furthermore,
additional research may indicate that the relationship
between tempo and tactus may have been one factor which
might have influenced the determination of the selection of
either L or B as the appropriate basic note value for the
setting of one text to a given melody, but not another text
to the same melody.
191
I Is Jam l u c i s , f o l . 13 (AM, p . 2 ) .
t N N fr N N S b r> s b
Si !•> b b
» ^
•^m la-Cis or--fa si- «/«- »"«•, 2>e- */«» pre- CC- mwr Supplied
A
i > J> J> J» J' J^ J J* J M Js J^ J' J* J» > J' J v

0
Rerum Deus, fol. 30 v (AM, p. 104).
S 1: Christe Redemptor omnium, fol. 274 v (AM, p. 100).
A !>
^3 * — * < i
Chris-re. Red- em
fl J3JJ' I3
p4x»r om- **i-tsmt Conserva.
•I y
^J
•/•**-os
V T\ ii j> 1 rn i» ri
ll
0
*i «.
^"«- m«- /»s, Ue-

n
a.- 4-a.e. semper
J
Vir-oi-
f fln ij rtis. -P/«L-
7—&
g «•—at—l
ea.-4-cte Sa.n- c4-is /we- ct- bus
S 2: Rector potens, fol. 26v (AM, p. 87).
J. J J«* I «V JJ JJ -JL * J -J- J J» *=

8 Ttecfor potens, V»- rax "2>e- vs. Qui -femjoe-ras re-
fri/u
8 ftwrf if/- ceS,
1J > ^ ' j - . M u J , i i ) ; j i ' i
Splerrc/o-re. friA-rre in- S-f-rtsi&g *f/ / - y/- 6c
me- ti- Ji- cm.

8
192
S 3s Deus tuorum militum, fol. 107 (AM, p. 639). 2
I
g> -&—~y—»•
J' j }
d 2>e- «/* -/«/- o-
j;tJ,i h > j j ' ^
9—^c—*——w~.
t—^fc—a*——J _J_
rum mi- It- -f-vi So** e + Co-ro- *r*. praa •
S S t>
CT»» J'i fc=s TFF^

sni-um, /.atecfes ceLrre*r--re& Mo-r-J-u- rist TtttsoJ- *e
5^#
nen;
fc=fc
cri-mint's
Jam lucis, fol, l v (AM, p. 2 ) . *

Nunc Sancte nobis, fol. 21 v (AM, p. 94).*
Te lucis ante terminum, fol. 77 (AM, p. 171).*
2 In Deus tuorum. militum, verse 2, lines 3-4, are par-

tially defective and.verse 3, lines 1-2, are lacking due to
page damage.
3 L in Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, and Te lucis.
4 Punto doblado (mq ) in Jam lucis and L in Nunc Sancte.
5 L in Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, and Te lucis.
6 The given pitch is B not A in Deus tuorum militum. but
in the other three settings of S 3, A is found at this point
as it is in the setting of Deus tuorum militum in the
Intonarium (Compluti 1515, fol. xxxiv).
* One verse set; no additional verses printed below.
193
S 4: Ut queant laxis, fol. 206V (AM, p. 922).
£//- Qy&-€Ul'f / A X - /S r e - ^ O - * r a - r*C ^ / - £w"s Af»- rCL
t*=*
fcU-J-£U S ^
>e- s4o-rvm
r IS •f-t** n- rum So/- ve pot- / * » -
}
•«g-3> E c -^ ; n j» i J333 j J» o j '
// So.-hi- e re- CL- 4-wnt Sa.n- Cre Vo- Q.#»- rr&S.
S 5s Ave maris stella, fols. 157, 179, 248 (AM, p. 704)
5-
1E£
8 77
fe
ve, 'wa- r/s

^
î^jn^jpu'i
Slel-/a.t
ATLI >^ . #-> ,i> J* .n I

fl TH-- qua semper \fir- «c •fc-li* Cae-A' /*> * • - • / « . -
7 The d on "Ave" and the d on the second syllable of "alma"

are given as B's not L's, but the omission of the stem on
these two quadrados probably does not reflect any differing
durational value, but rather is due to lack of sufficient
space between the bottom line of the staff and the text for
the stem to be drawn. Absence of stems in this type of con-
text is not an uncommon procedure in the Psalterium and
other Spanish sources. The terminal d is stemmed, i.e., is a
L, because there is a clef change to middle-line f clef on
'"Virgo" which allows sufficient space for the stem to be
drawn on this final quadrado.
8 The a, the last note of this ligature, is lacking in Ave
maris stella, fol. 179.
194
S 6: Quodcvimque vinclis, fol. 166 (AM, p. 822).
(h t J' sT) J' \}t*}} j i g

° QuoJcum- Que. vinclis Super 4-^rrttm s4-rin-xc- ris0 ~£~-
\=A
is *»*
5=
-> :-y
^
J3 J J> h > > o * — * •
h l> ^
£
N
® f/^- »» a- s-tris re.- li- aa.-4um -fo*—4-;-4-er: f / quae/ rc-Sotv/S
I *c H
& In
^
ifer-ris
^
ar-1,1- 4-ri-
^-**—**
ot
J> J? J' JJ J> J> p |
"£- r/4 So-la- / ,um SU-per CO.C-
J]
/; ra-di-
M l I j )})}-*
am: £n -f-i- tie. nwundi
>
/&» - a / e x e.-
JJ3 j i
r/S S€kC- e v
* /«*. Glo- ri~ a Qe- p par im- menso. <S4e-ci/- /a.; Si4 • / / -
4> »;^ > . u i » > > n

8 £;f / & . - -/-e# ale-cas G4 im-pe-rium~ t4o-norl
*>tt>
p0~ 4-G.- S4AS
> > > | v

ij r>] f>n.H] .PJ fl)J s
° Sa.nc-fo- acre Spi- ri- 4u SU Tri- •/•«.- 4-i SCt-luS
f in-
J> |]
pmn 8 Ji- *i- Ju- a .
hH^^J'
V
> -* «r
Têr in--fi- ni-
y
4-a. Sae-co- /a-
^ 1
/-c//r» iat
TTT\ j J •' J ^
<?«/- /a.. 77- mcn.
9 Both verses of Quodcumque vinclis are set; the text

agrees with that given in AM, p. 822, except for the
195
S 7: Lucis Creator optime, fol. 39 (AM, p. 128) .
M8 /«/-
J*
CIS Crc-
J
a-
t> h
J
4nr
I) h h
opf-i- "»£,
£
t> t> h |> j *
Lu- Cdirt efi- e - rt*m DfO
E J ' 1' * J>J u 3=3u

^
re-ns •, 7*ri-mor-c/i'- Js /u- CiS no- vac, Mvnt/i
'* pa.-reins
>
i pn fc
8 *- ri- r — netn.
Te lucis ante terminum, fol. 77 v (AM, p. 171),
S 8: Jam l u c i s , f o l . 2 (AM, p . 2 ) .
r f »
** .fl > J- J' Q* [/ Ji J> \t Eft
J Qam tu- cis or- 4-o Si- c/e- re( 2 > e - «/*»? pret-cc- mtsr-
ii> r CJ t> t> ^ ^ p ^ f

8 5«ra- *>A- ces,
T^
E * n*\>iittW
£ / / //» c£- «/r- n/s ae-fi- husl Nos servef a- no- cen-t-i- bus.
a
Nunc Sancte nobis, fol. 21 v (AM, p. 94) .1:L*
substitution in verse 2, line 1, of "Deo" in the Psalterium

for "Patri" in AM.
10 L in Te lucis.
11 The first fifteen pitches of S 8, Nunc Sancte, are
printed one step lower than the corresponding pitches of S 8,
Jam lucis. However, both from a musical point of view and
because of the pitch concordance of S 8, Jam lucis, with the
setting of Nunc Sancte to S 8 in the Psalterium ([Alcala] c.
1513, fol. Ixxxvij), and Aeterne rerum to S 8 in the Into-
narium (Compluti 1515, fol. x±), the Psalterium version of
S 8 as it is given with Jam lucis would appear to be correct.
196
S 9: Urbs beata Jerusalem, fol. 286v (AM, p. 694), 1 2
/3
k & i^
h4) 1»TO
335
8
^
Urbs
@
U-a-4*
m
*ZL J +
7 c - Tu-
0
*+
sa -
$
/em, &'£•/•<*• fa-c/s W-
^>\}nn*>>*-
8 Si- o. Quae consfrui- 4-ur in cae-A's,
\>*nn}t
}/§- vis ex /a.- pi- Ji- bus, ~B-t
f\ w
8 I?" ye /«"* Ctf- ro~ rwa- ¥at

fc
(J4- SponStx- -txt

3P»
Co- mi- -/c.
Tibi Christe splendor, fol. 267 (AM, p. 1056).
12 In the Psalterium the following textual deviations from

AM, p. 694, are found: (1) verse 1, line 1, "Urbs beata
Jerusalem"; (2) verse 4, line 3, "coaptantibus"; (3) verse 5,
line 2, "Usquequo"; (4) verse 5, line 6, "Per immensa sae-
cula."
13 The following variation of S 9, Urbs beata Jerusalem,
occurs in the initial phrase of S 9, Tibi Christe splendor.
46
fc
J' l> JVa-i-ris,
0 Splendor
Ti- bi Chris-t-e
J
14 L in Tibi Christe splendor.
15 Both c and the d immediately following are given as L in
Tibi Christe splendor.
197
M 1: I s t e Confessor, f o l . 130 (AM, p . 6 6 8 ) . 16
B E ,
/r
&
~W
S-
mZJjfc
s-rc.
*_
Con-
_s ' m 33
fes- sor
s=s
-&—w ^
•Do-mi- rri
0 *
Sth- e r a - -f-t*S
zo
B>
•&—^—y—^,
.pjj j j. i±^=m
/ a e - 4-u& m e ru- U- se- era- /•«
Huius obtentu Deus, fol. 142 v (Patrologia Latina,

LXXXVI, 913). 2 2
16 The lower half of fol. [130] which contains M 1, Iste

Confessor and the lower half of the verso have been damaged.
Verses 2, 3, and 4 of the unset text are legible on fol.
[130v] and are concordant with AM, p. 668, but verse 5 is
lacking. The melody and text of the first verse appear in MS
reconstruction except for the setting of the last three words
of the text at the top of fol. [130v]. In the transcription
we have "corrected" the reconstruction on the basis of a com-
parison of M 1, Iste Confessor, with M 1, Huius obtentu Deus,
in the Psalterium and 0 nimis Felix which is set to M 1 in
the Intonarium (Toledo 1515, fol. xvi).
17 The bar-line is not found in M 1, Huius obtentu Deus.
18 The pitch in the MS version is e»
19 This ligature is given as e-f-e in the MS.
20 The pitch of this note appears to be e in the MS.
21 L in the MS.
22 The two verses of Huius obtentu Deus which are included
in the Psalterium are given as verses 4 and 5 of Virgines
proles in J. P. Migne, editor, Patrologiae cursus completus,
Series Latina, LXXXVI, 913.
198
M 2s Doctor egregie, fol. 174 (AM, p. 790)
i
.=J 23 M» tw
£ Z \ 1 f>
-j^ ff-
IHV h j> J> J j n pi 3
8 J>o-e4or e- oreo/e "Pau-fe., mo- res m- s-rr**- e .
i N ; > > > > > > )>]>.,! \}\ ^

>j
* •?•/• men-fie po-lum nos -Transfer-re. sa+a-'Oe: 2>orrec oerfe.
24
^
*
r n ~ j j J > J i-j J hj*i
8 cttsm /or- A^r pk.-*ti- «/*, f- V<&- C t f - Q^~
?''
23 A bar-line is inserted in M 2, Aurea luce.
24 A bar-line is found in Petrus beatus.
25 Because there is a fifth line of text in both verses of

Petrus beatus as opposed to only four lines in each verse of
Doctor egregie and Aurea luce, a melodic interpolation is
required to accomodate the additional words. The interpola-
tion for verse 1, which is inserted at this point, is
identical to that for verse 2 except where indicated in the
following transcription.
1* J i'M-3=*-
ft:
J-JUJ-jJ—l
8
(a) In verse 1, an alignment problem makes it difficult to
determine whether the pitch is a or g_; it is clearly
cj in verse 2.
(b) L in verse 2.
(c) There is no bar-line in verse 2.
26 No bar-line is found in Petrus beatus.

199
w r.
Ij h
* -/o
-M •' j3 h j j 11 j > w l
o « W ex 7 ^ - / v - en us. Si-f *frini--hx-li Sam-
v <
8
EJ J
P^/ei
JJ
/7a
S
o/o- ri- af tlon-
S ^ K
or, ffo-leJS-f-as,
^
O-f-O c/e
_
29 30^ ^ J/
* 3
£
^
/«*- &/- /a- -f-i-o. "Xn «»-
I *»i- -ft 4-e.
£cu-
^ ^
frran-
27 The articulation of the rhythm of the cadential struc-

ture of the terminal phrases of the verses in each setting
of M 2 differs slightly. In the following transcribed ex-
cerpt the articulation encountered in Aurea luce (a) and
Petrus beatus (b) is given.
srg* J J> J 11J J J> J

8
28 There is a bar-line in verse 3, line 1, of Aurea luce.

29 L in verses 3 and 4 of Aurea luce.
30 No bar-line is found in Petrus beatus.
31 L in Aurea luce and Petrus beatus.
32 Pitches g and f are in £.o.p_. ligature in the first
three verses of Aurea luce and in both verses of Petrus
beatus instead of being notated as independent £ as in Doctor
egregie. In the fourth verse of Aurea luce g_ and f are
written as independent S.
200
35
\ 32. j3 fh J4
^
S^Z
8 ei impe.-ri- umt +vnct e / mo-do / ** « e - / o r -
>e , ,
Jl ~J£
^
^
8 no saecu/a. 77- /nan.
Aurea luce, fol. 215* (AM, p. 932).

Petrus beatus, fol. 231 (AM, p. 987). 3 9
33 The melodic interpolation for verse 2, line 4, in Petrus

beatus occurs at this point; see note 25.
34 There is no bar-line in verse 3 only of Aurea luce, nor
is there a bar-line in either verse of Petrus beatus.
35 Pitches a and g in this ligature are notated as indepen-
dent S in Petrus beatus, verse 2.
36 Pitch e and the f immediately following are notated as a
c.o.£. ligature in verse 2 of Petrus beatus.
37 There is a bar-line in verse 2 of Petrus beatus.
38 There is no bar-line in Aurea luce or Petrus beatus.
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 15 in the Psalterium.
39 The texts of Doctor egregie, Aurea luce, and Petrus
beatus are concordant with those in AM except for the substi-
tution of "Deo" in the Psalterium for "Patri" in AM in Petrus
beatus, verse 2, line 1.
201
M 3: Lauda mater Ecclesia, fol. 226 (Analecta hymnica,
XVI, 214). 4 0
^m r
a ma-fer
t ±Zt
Sc- cle. si- a,
t±
Lao-Jd Chris}!
* *
c/e-
t
men -hi-o.mf
mm y-.\ h J>
Quae. SCptem puroaf vi- -fi-a.f "Pe.r se.pri—fov-mem
* j0 ^j . -0
qra-ti-
40 Verses 4 and 5 of M 3, Lauda mater Ecclesia are not

given in Analecta hymnica medii aevi, edited by G. M. Dreves
in collaboration with C. Blume and H. M. Bannister (Leipzig:
0. R. Reisland, 1886-1922), XVI, 214. Textual deviations
from Analecta hymnica which -,-re found in verses 2 and 3 are
given below. The sixth and linal verse in the Psalterium of
Lauda mater is concordant with verse 4 in Analecta hymnica.
2, 1 Maria soror Lazari
3, 2 Fit ex lebete phiala
3 In vas translata gloriae
4 De vase contumeliae
4, 1 Egra currit ad medicum,
Vas ferens aromaticum,
Eta morbo multiplici
Verbo curatur medici.
5, 2 Surgentem cum victoria,
Jesum videt ab inferis,
Prima meretur gaudia,
Quae plus ardebat ceteris.
202
M 4: O l u x b e a t a t r i n i t a s , f o l . 70 (AM, p . 5 3 3 ) .
-3
O
ra
7g #
at
(.it* Be-<
*
^m
•fa. ~lri- ni-4-a.st "£-f prin-
^m
ci-pa- tis
\
fe
-L\
8 U- ni-
* >}-fas, Jrm so/
*\*m^^
r e - c e - « / / / /- one- tss,
m
X""-f*- «/e
i"
•&—*
to- men
ss
^t—«*—^fz
cor- di-
a'T
kt*s<
Quicumque Christum, fol* 239v (AM, p. 995). 41
41 M 4, Quicumque Christum, varies both melodically and

rhythmically from M 4, 0 Lux beata trinitas; see supra,
Chap. IX, pp. 109-111/ for discussion and transcription of
both hymns. The following textual deviations from AM,
p. 995, occur in Quicumque Christum;
4, 2 Iisdem signatoribus
4 Ipsum audire credere
5, 4 (Line is lacking in the Psalterium.)
203
M 5: Jam l u c i s , f o l . 2 (AM, p . 2 ) . *
AZ
£ &
*==*
^
8 lv- cis or- -ho si- efe-ra, 2>e-
ram vm pre-
43
is E
%^
8 <?e- ww/*' suooU- eese
i fe
{//• in <Ji- «sr- ms a-

J •. J J1 J
c J-i- bus, Nos ser-%reJ-
fc
I£ E S
6 aoCGn- 4-i- b us.
Nunc Sancte nobis, fol. 22 (AM, p. 94).*

Te lucis ante terminum, fol. 77 v (AM, p. 171)
M 6: C a e l i Deus, f o l . 53 (AM, p . 1 4 8 ) .
\ _•»}^ . 44 I
>J > ; J J>J J ; j M -
8 Cfae- H T)&us sanc-t-is- si- me.f Qui la- ei- t/um ccn-
I
E f>J M l f>
l l~y * 0
JJ J * *J
** -/•rift pol! Can-c/o- re pin-ois / - oneol 77t>-aens </eco- ro l»j- minc
Immense caeli, fol. 42V (AM, p. 137) .

Magnae Deus potentiae, fol. 59 (AM, p. 153).
Plasmator hominus Deus, fol. 6 4 V " T A M , p. 158).
Telluris ingens conditor, fol. 49 v (AM, p. 142) .

42 See supra, Chap. IX, pp. H2-16' f o r discussion of this
ligature as it occurs in Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, and Te lucis.
43 *i not "b in M 5, Nunc Sancte; see supra, pp. 112-116.
44 L in Immense caeli.
204
M 7s Jesu corona virginum, fols. 134 v , 185 v (AM, p. 677).
:
8 3e~ .S*/,
fc^
Co-ro- eia.
&
& i' cr E
\Zlr- o/- num, Quem AfaJ-cr ille
>
^Cf>J >J';»><Dj.;j>Jpir^ >
8 eoa-ci-piit Quae, sola Virtto par-tu- ri-f, Maec vo~-fa ck-mens etc- ci- p&.
M 8s Jam l u c i s , f o l . l v (AM, p . 2 ) . *
44 43
49
*—«—*
5a/w /«#- c/s or- f*> '$/- de.-re.t

t*=t*
"De-tim pre.ee.-
£
mur
45 The l a s t two l i n e s of M 7, J e s u c o r o n a , f o l . 1 3 4 v , a r e
i l l e g i b l e due t o page damage.
* One v e r s e s e t ; no a d d i t i o n a l v e r s e s p r i n t e d below.
46 AT in Vexilla Regis, folc 222 o n l y .
47 There i s no b a r - l i n e i n E x s u l t e t caelum, Te l u c i s , o r
Vexilla Regis.
48 tf in Te lucis
49 L in Exsultet caelum and Vexilla Regis.
205
ft so H V
8
Suppliers, Uf in di- ur- tiiS a- cli-BvS, M>s
50 One additional g_ notated as S, is interpolated in Ex-

sultet caelum, Te lucis, and Vexilla Regis in order to
accomodate the extra syllable of text; see supra, Chap. IX,
pp. 130-132.
51 The following ligature occurs at this point in M 8,
Exsultet caelum. ^
In Vexilla Regis the same three notes are also bound in

ligature which is notated as i^r
52 In M 8, Exsultet caelum, fol. 93 v , b and the following
d' are joined in a ligature, J\ , in order to set a single
syllable of text. In M 8, Exsultet caelum, fol. 147 v , c'-e1,
notated as ^ , is substituted for b-d'. The notation of c*-
e' is probably the result of a printer's error since all
other settings of M 8 in the Psalterium are consistent in the
use of b-d".
206
ss
S3 , JA
serve/ a no-cenh'&ts.
Exsultet caelum, fols. 93 v , 147 v (AM, p. 621). 5 6

Nunc Sancte nobis, fol. 21 (AM, p. 94).*
Te lucis ante terminum, fol. 77 (AM, p. 171).* S7
Vexilla Regis prodeunt, fol. 222 (AM, p. 1038),
fol. 260 (AM, p. 383).
53 There is a bar-line in M 8, Nunc Sancte.

54 There is a bar-line in M 8, Te lucis.
55 The pitches £' and b are both notated as independent S
in Exsultet caelum and Vexilla Regis, fol. 222, in order to
set two syllables. In Vexilla Regis, fol. 260, the c' is
notated as B which is followed by b set as independent S.
This latter procedure appears to represent a correction of
the rhythmic notation in Vexilla Regis, fol. 222, since the
penultimate a is omitted in both Vexilla versions because of
textual considerations which results in the loss of half a
taCtUS. -fol- ±*-\ _ -fol. 260.
A Suspensus es-f- pa-f-r/-lu-/ot soapen-sos esl pa.-4-ti- bo- lo,
56 Line 4 of verse 4 is lacking in Exsultet caelum, fol.

93 v only.
57 The text of M 8, Vexilla Regis, fol. 222, exhibits the
following deviation from that given in AM, p. 1039, verse 6,
line 2: "In hoc triumphi tempore."
207
M 9: Deus tuorum militurn, fol. lllv (AM, p. 630).
ii J J
«SJ J •S9
I rr r
S8 ^1 SB ««J
_ 5—S s' +
M
+
M mm 40. ^ ,.i^
a 35e- »s +*-0- rvnt /-A- •fuml

/»//- Sorst d pe-rea-
60 *b 6/
fSJEfri *-*
® CT/'S proemi-a.,
3zzt
lauJes ea- wn- /es
n Mar- 4
fgriffrrist Ttb
58 L in Vexilla Regis.
59 B not punto doblado in Tristes erant.
60 B in Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, Tristes erant, and Vexilla
Regis.
61 There is a bar-line in Vexilla Regis.
62 The notational deviations found in the other six set-
tings of the terminal section of the third phrase of M 9 are
given in Chap. IX, p. 1350
208
* So/- *e «e- xi/ eri-rni- nis.
Jam lucis, fol. 2 V (AM, p. 2).

Nunc Sancte nobis, fol. 22 (AM, p. 94).
Rex gloriose, fol. 112 (AM, p. 631).*
Te lucis ante terminum, fol. 78 (AM, p. 171).**
Tristes erant Apostoli, fol. 103 (AM, p. 630).66
Vexilla Regis prodeunt, fol. 198V TAM, p. 897).67
63 L in Vexilla Regis.
64 L in Rex gloriose and Vexilla Regis.
65 B in Jam lucis, Nunc Sancte, Te lucis, and Vexilla
Regis.
* Fol. incorrectly numbered as 212 in Psalterium.
** One verse set; no additional verses printed below.
66 The text of Tristes erant in the Psalterium differs
from that given in AM, p. 630 in two instances: (1) verse 1,
line 3, "Quem pena mortis crudeli"; (2) verse 3, line 4, "Os-
culantur pedes Domini."
67 The text of Vexilla Regis is concordant with that in AM,
p. 897, except for the substitution in verse 6, line 2 of
"tempore" in the Psalterium for "gaudio" in AM.
209
M 10; I s t e Confessor, f o l . 1 2 4 v (AM, p . 6 5 5 ) .
•J /a
63 I
^
^
* £ «
£
6 X~ «$^8 Con- -f&S- sor "Domi- ni Stx- cm- 1-fS.
J
MJwJ*
0
ttfe
0
*fe.- s-fa. plebs cv- Jus

n -r Ce ie-brat per or-
r =r
v=*
bent. Ho- oft- e
ZZZM
I8
0 0
A»e- S-us
•0
H>E V V
me.ru-
f f—f
// se-
V
ere- -+a> scant/e-
£ m re eae-f;.
69
M lis Sanctorum meritis, fol. 115v (AM, p. 646).
ft 70 i K
ft So.n- CTO- rum

H^-^J-
meri- •/«» //»- c/tf-f-o.
£
aavdi-a.
i
7/
T»-y
*-f*
:FF¥ £* *^-fr P i t e r »:
8 ^4 oe- sfaqye fori-i- //am o / / - se//-
'anoa-mus, so-ct-*,
A i Hi 7/ I *
pI
J ^ ^
ppr =CJ
ft- ni-mus
^
promere
ft
Carrri-bitS
v f Vi- CTO rum aenus op-fi- rnurrr.
68 L; see supra, Chap. I X f p # 1 1 6f f m
69 The lower part of fol. 115 v which contains the second,

third, and first two lines of the fourth verses is defective,
but the fragments of text which are legible agree with that
given in AM.
70 L; see supra, Chap, ix, p. 117 ff.
71 S? see ibid.
APPENDIX III
SPANISH LITURGICAL SOURCES
A list of the Spanish liturgical sources which were con-

sulted in microfilm reproduction during the research for this
dissertation is given in this Appendix. A brief description
of each source has been provided as well as the citation of
the current location of one or more copies of each imprint.
c. 1487 Hymnorum Liber. Murcia: Lope de la Roca.

Only two leaves of this imprint remain and they are
partially damaged. They contain no music, but do pro-
vide texts for several hymns which were sung at the
Divine Office. This fragment is significant not only as
an early example of Spanish printing, but also because
it is one of the earliest extant Spanish printed books
in which hymn texts are given. The folios are preserved
in the Bodleian Library (Inc. b.S. 971 [1]).
1491 [Antiphonarium et Graduale ad usum ordinis S. Hieronymi].

Seville: Four German Companions.
Although a unicum and lacking both title-page and
colophon, this 166-folio Jeronymite Antiphonale has been
identified as a Sevillian imprint of 1491, printed by
John Pegnitzer, Thomas Glockner, Magnus Herbs de Fils,
and Paul of Cologne, otherwise known as the Four German
Companions. It is one of the earliest Spanish imprints
with music and the earliest Spanish Antiphonale of which
there is any record.2 Antiphons, hymns, and responsories
1 Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispano-

americano (2nd ed.; Barcelona: Libreria Palau, 1948-), No.
13058; see also Francisco Vindel, EJL arte tipografico en Espana
durante el siglo XV: Sevilla y Granada (Madrid: Direccion gen-
eral de relaciones culturales, 1949), p. 110.
2 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, pp. 103-
104, reports that the Missale Caesaraugustanum (Saragossa:
211
for the Office Hours are clearly notated on a tetragram
and are found on every page. Chants for the major por-
tion of the Temporaley the Common of the Saints, some
feasts from the Proper of the Saints, and chants for
part of the Office of the Dead are included.3 There
are examples of square, mensural, and semi-mensural no-
tation, inclusion of b-flats (e.g., fols. XIII and XLIX),
and the occasional use of a sharp to indicate that fa-
flat is not to be sung (e.g., fol. LI V ). The order of
foliation is confused and some pages have suffered ir-
revocable damage. The single copy is housed at the
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (R. 25. 574).
1494 Liber Processionum secundum ordinem fratrum predicatorum.

Hispalensi [Seville]: Meynardum Ungut and Stanislaum
Polonum.
This Dominican Processionarium is perhaps the best
known of all the Spanish liturgical incunabula because
of the availability of numerous extant copies.^ The
Library of Congress copy consists of 112 unnumbered
leaves with chants on almost every page; the melodies
are in square notation on a tetragram. The imprint is
significant because it illuminates Dominican practice
In Seville at an early date and establishes the conti-
nuity of Dominican practice in later imprints.
Paul Hurus, 1485) and the Missale Oscense (Saragossa: John

Hurus, 1488) both contain music.
3 Among the saints included are Peter and Paul (fols.
XXXVIV and CXIII), James (fol. XXXVII), Jerome (XXXVII^),
Augustine (XXXVIII), Andrew (CIII), John the Baptist (CX) and
Feasts of the B.V.M.
4 Accessible copies in the Library of Congress (M 1490 .
C 283P8), the Hispanic Society of America; the Biblioteca
Nacional, Madrid; and the Newberry Library. See the follow-
ing for a description of the book and discussion of the con-
tents s Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, pp.
104-105; Angles and SubirS, Catglogo Musical de la Biblioteca
Nacional de Madrid, II, 28-29; R. Barris Munoz, El Primer
Libro de Mfisica impreso en Espana; Notable impreso Sevilla
(1494) (Cadez, 1926); A. Beverly Barksdale, The Printed Note:
500 Years of Music Printing and Engraving (Toledo: Toledo
Museum of Art, 1957) , p. 35; Otto Kinkeldey, "Music and Music
Printing in Incunabula," Bibliographical Soc. of Am., Papers,
XXVI (1932), 109.
212
1500 [Antiphonarium]. Montserrat: J. Luschner.

This 24-leaf Benedictine Antiphonale, an apparent
unicum, is missing its title-page and colophon, but it
has been identified as the Antiphonarium printed in
1500 at Montserrat by Luschner.^ It contains the anti-
phons and responsories for the Office of the Dead.
Music is found on every page, with the notes printed on
a tetragram in square notation. The words are bar-
lined. As in other Benedictine imprints of this period
there is no suggestion of mensural notation, and flats
and other accidentals are notably absent.6 The copy of
this imprint is in the British Museum (MK 8. f. 18).
1506 Manuale chori ad usum Fratrum Minorum. Salamanca:

Joannis de Porras.
This Franciscan Manuale comprises a substantial 240
folios. The music, which is printed on a pentagram, is
written almost entirely in conventional square notation,
although a few examples of ligatures with left hand as-
cending stems are foundv (fol. 3V) as well as double-
stemmed notes (fol. 12 ).' The book contains a number
of complete hymns and the textual and melodic incipits
of 112 hymns, with the. identification of the feast and
canonical hour at which their use is appropriate (fols.
61 v -75 v ). The incipits for the vOffice
v
antiphons for the
church year are given (fols. 75 -81 ) in addition to the
short responsories (81v-121v) . Chants for the Ite missa
est and Benedicamus Domino, tones for the Psalms, and a
complete Office of the Dead (fols. 144v-203) are includ-
ed. The Manuale also contains the four Antiphons of the
B.V.M. (fols. 213v-220), the Mass of the B.V.M., and a
few special chants for St. Francis. Copies of the Man-
uale are in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (M 870); the
British Museum (MK 8«f. 16); and the Hispanic Society of
America.
5 Palau y Dulcet, op_. cit. , No. 13059; Catalogue of Printed

Music Published Between 1487 and 1800 Now in the British Muse-
um, edited by W. Barclay Squire (British Museum, 1912), I, 53.
6 See Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, pp.
109-110, for discussion of the Benedictine Processionarium
printed by Luschner at Montserrat in 1500.
7 For discussion of the durational significance of the
double-stemmed note, see supra, p. 90 ff.
213
c. 1513 Psalterium . . . Tolentane. [Alcala" de Henares:
Arnaldo Guillen de Brocar].
This Psalterium appears to be one of a group of
four books printed by Brocar at Alcala" under the direc-
tion and close supervision of the great Spanish Cardinal
Francisco Xim£nez de Cisneros (14 36-1517). 8 The Psalte-
rium lacks its colophon, but the title-page, which is
identical in design to the Cisnerian Intonarium Toleta-
num, bears the coat of arms of Cardinal CisnerosT The
Cardinal is further identified in the Dedication on the
verso of the title-page, as he is in the Dedication of
his Intonarium.
The only extant exemplar of the Psalterium is in
possession of the Hispanic Society of America. It con-
sists of seven initial unnumbered leaves and 147 number-
ed leaves. The copy is incomplete, however. In
addition to antiphons, responsories, and hymns for the
Office Hours of ferial days, the Psalterium contains a
section devoted to the presentation of ninety-eight com-
plete hymns to be sung at Hours on festal days. Many
of these hymns are mensurally notated and others are
printed in square notation (fols. cxvijv-cxlvjv). The
Office of the Dead and a nearly complete Office of the
B.V.M. are included in the Psalterium. All the melodies
are clearly notated on a pentagram.
1515 Intonarium Toletanum. Compluti [Alcaic de Henares]:

Arnaldo Guillen de Brocar.
This extraordinary Intonarium comprises 119 exqui-
sitely printed folios with music on almost every page.
The colophon states that the book was printed at the Uni-
versity of Compluti for use in the Church of Toledo. It
is one of the four liturgical books with music sponsored
by Cardinal Cisneros. The imprint is divided into six
parts, the first of which is devoted to the hymns (fols.
ii-xliijv). Angles has pointed out that this hymnal con-
tains 225 full pieces with 102 different melodies and
8 The other three Cisnerian imprints are the Manuale Sacra-

mentorum, Passionarium Toletanum (both 1516), and the Intonar-
ium Toletanum (1515); copies of all three of these works are
at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. The four late Cisnerian
imprints should not be confused with the Neo-Mozarabic
Cisnerian Missale (1500) and the Breviarium (1502) which are
the fruit of the Cardinal's attempted restoration of the
Mozarabic rite in Toledo. However, the extent to which this
revival of the Mozarabic Rite may have influenced the four
late imprints, and perhaps other non-Cisnerian Castillian
liturgical works as well, suggests a possible area of enquiry.
214
139 different texts, an incomparably rich collection.
In addition to the hymnal, the Intonarium contains
the eight tones for the three major Canticles (Magni-
ficat, Nunc dimittis, Benedictus Dominus) and the Doxology,
chants for the Beuedicamus Domino (both Mass and Office
varieties) and the Ite missa est. There are numerous
short responsories for the canonical hours. The Inv^ta-
tory Psalm, Venite exsultemus Domino, is found at the
end of the Intonarium.
The music is notated on a pentagram, with some
chants in square notation and others in mensural or semi-
mensural notation. Flats are sprinkled throughout the
imprint and occasionally a c-sharp or g-sharp is encoun-
tered (fol. lxxxvij). The exemplar housed in the Biblio-
teca Nacional, Mexico City (M. 268) is in superb
condition.
1522 Processionale . „ . secundum . . . ecclesie sancte Crucis

Barcinone. Lugduni [Lyon]: Jacobi Myt.
This substantial 336-folio Processionale was print-
ed for use in the Church of the Holy Cross in Barcelona.
It contains numerous responsories and antiphons for the
church year and chants for the Office of the Dead. The
texts and melodies of eighteen hymns are given (fols.
cccx-cccxxv). The final folios include tones for the
minor doxology and Magnificat, and many Benedicamus Do-
mino melodies. All the chants are written on a tetra-
gram in square notation. A copy in good condition of
the Processionale is housed at the Biblioteca de Cata-
lunaT Barcelonao
1527 Processionum Urgellensis. [Tarragona]: Joannis

Rosenbach.
This 181-folio Catalonian imprint has antiphons,
responsories, and hymns for the ecclesiastical year.
Chants are found on almost every page and all are no-
tated on a tetragram. Melodies for the antiphons, respon-
sories, and some hymns use square notation; other hymns
involve the use of mensural or semi-mensural notation.
Between fols. CLVIV and CLXXIXV the textual and melodic
incipits of 219 hymns according to the usage in the See
of Urgel are given.10 The Biblioteca de Cataluna,
9 Angle's," . „ . Cardinal Cisneros's Hymnal of 1515," pp.

12, 14.
10 The Catalan Bishopric of Urgel lies directly south of
the Andorra border.
215
Barcelona, possesses a copy in good condition of this
imprint.
1548 Intonario general para todas las yglesias de Espana.

Saragossa: Pedro Bernuz.
The 64-leaf Intonario general was designed as a
guide to the rudiments of theory and practice of chant.
Unlike most other liturgical imprints which restricted
themselves to a specific monastic practice or were
flavored by influences of specific geographical location,
this Intonario was considered suitable for use in "all
the churches of Spain." Numerous chants for the Mass
(Intriots, Kyries, Glorias, Credos, Prefaces, Ite missa
est) and Office (tones for the Psalms and Canticles, and
hymns) are notated on a tetragram H with some of the
melodies in square notation and others in mensural or
semi-mensural notation. Practical definition of theo-
retical material is interpolated at strategic points.
Topics covered include the definition of intervals (sig.
iij), description and use of clefs (sig. [vi]), and dis-
cussion of note values (fols. iv v -v). A copy of this
imprint in excellent condition is in the Biblioteca
Nacional, Madrid (R. 9706).
1548 [Ordinarium Urgellinum]. Lugduni [Lyons]: Cornelius de

Septem Grangiis.
Although the title-page of this Ordinarium is lack-
ing, the book is identified on the verso of the penulti-
mate leaf as a work intended for use in "Urgelline eccle-
sie." The colophon states that the book was printed in
Lugduni by Cornelius de Septem Grangiis, but at the ex-
pense of Joannis Gordiole. The book is divided clearly
into two sections: Intonarium (fols. i-xxxvj) and Ordina-
rium (new foliation, i-cxcvj). In the Intonarium the
texts and melodies for fifty-two mensurally notated hymns
are given (fols. vij v -xx v ). All are written on a tetra-
gram and a mensuration sign, either or , is given for
each hymn without exception. Subsequent folios in the
Intonarium contain Benedicamus Domino melodies and short
responsories for the Office Hours in square notation.
The Ordinarium contains prayers for the administra-
tion of the Sacraments as well as chants for various
Blessings, and for the Dead. A nearly complete copy in
good condition of the Ordinarium of Urgel is at the
Biblioteca de Cataluna, Barcelona(M. 539).
11 Angles and SubirS, Catglogo Musical de Biblioteca

Nacional de Madrid, It, 23, incorrectly identifies the staves
as pentagrams.
216
1573 Processionarium, Sanctorale. Compluti: Andream de Angulo.

The antiphons, responsories, and hymns of this Pro-
cessionarium are of interest because they are represen-
tative of early Tridentine practice at the University of
Compluti (Alcalci de Henares) . The imprint comprises 327
numbered folios plus several additional unnumbered folios
at the beginning and end. Most pages are devoted entire-
ly to music, and the chants are clearly printed on a
pentagram. Examples of square, semi-mensural and mensu-
ral notation may be found. Chants for the Mass (fol.
ccc-cccvijv) and for a special votive Mass of the B.V.M.
(fols. cccvijv-cccxx) are included. A copy in good con-
dition of this imprint is in the Biblioteca Nacional,
Madrid (M. 567).
1578 Processionarium . < t Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Valentinae.

This Tridentine Processionarium from Catalonia has
305 numbered pages most of which have music. The melodies
are written in square or mensural notation on a tetra-
gram. A number of hymns are found including twelve for
the Commune Sanctorum (pp. ccliij-cclxij). Copies of the
Processionarium are in the Biblioteca de Cataluna,
Barcelona, and the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (R. 9403).
APPENDIX IV
SPANISH THEORETICAL TREATISES
The list of sources for this dissertation includes most

of the treatises concerned with canto llano (plain chant)
and/or canto mensurable and canto de 6rgano (mensural music),
and contrapunto (counterpoint) which were written by Spanish
theorists from 1410 to 1614. Specialized treatises princi-
pally devoted to various aspects of instrumental music, such
as Diego Ortiz, Trattado de glosa sobre clausulas . . . en
la mfisica de violones (Rome, 1553), have not been included.
Facsimile and/or modern editions of only a few of these
treatises are available, and references to these editions have
been included. In all other cases where possible, the loca-
tion of at least one copy of each extant treatise has been
given, but these citations must not be construed as repre-
senting an exhaustive guide to the location of all extant
copies of all editions. The list is designed to serve only
as a check-list of available copies in good condition.
Those works which were consulted in the course of the present
study are indicated by an asterisk.
1 The reader may wish to consult Ake Davidsson, Biblio-

graphie der Musiktheoretischen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts,
Vol. IX of Bibliotheca Bibliographica Aureliana (Baden-Baden
Heitz GmbH , 1962), for possible locations of additional
copies of 16th-century works and Repertoire International
des Sources Musicales; Ecrits Imprimis Concernant la Musique,
218
1410 Fernand Estevan. Reglas de canto piano e de contra-
punto e de canto de 6rgano. (MS in the Biblioteca Pub-
lica, Toledo, MS R 329.) 2
c. 1480 *Anonymous. Ars cantus mensurabilis et immensura-
bilis. 50 fols. (MS in El Escorial; cited in El Esco-
rial unpublished Catalogue as "Tratado de musica," siglo
XV, C-lil-23.)3
1482 *Bartolome Ramos de Pareja. Musica practica. Bologna
(Modern edition by Johannes Wolf in IMG (1901); fac-
simile edition by Giuseppe Vecchi in'BMB [1969].)
1492 *Domingo Marcos DurSn. Lux bella - Octo toni artis musi-
cae. Seville: Four German Companions. 14 fols. (Copies
in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, I. 2185/3, and the
British Museum.)
1498 * . Comento sobre lux bella. Salamanca. 38 fols.
(Copies in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, I. 2185/4,
and the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon.)
c. 1507 * — . Sfimula de canto 6rgano. Salamanca. 38
fols. (Copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, I.
2185/5.)4
1495 *Guillermus de Podio (Guillermo Despuig). Ars Musicorum.
Valencia: Petrum Hagenbach and Leonardum Hutz. 68 fols.
(Copies in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, I. 1518, the
Biblioteca capitular y Columbina, Seville, and the
Biblioteca de Cataluna, Barcelona.)
edited by the International Musicological Society (Munich,

1971), Vol. VI, for 15th-, 16th-, and 17th-century treatises.
Also, in many cases, clues for the location of particularly
elusive works may be found in Palau y Dulcet, Manual del
libero hispano-americano. Angles and SubirS, Catcilogo Musical
de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, vols. I and II, often
cite- additional locations, include some information on the
contents of, and provide a bibliography for those works in
the possession of the library. Stevenson, Spanish Music in
the Age of Columbus, pp. 50-101, discusses many of the trea-
tises written to c. 1535.
2 Angles and SubirS, op. c i t w I, 148, gives the total
number of folios as 46, but Stevenson, Spanish Music in the
Age of Columbus, p. 51 cites the number of folios as 51.
3 See Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, p,
53, for discussion of date.
4 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, pp. 64-
65, makes a convincing case for a c. 1507 date as opposed to
219
late 15th-cent. . In Enchiridion de principiis musice.
(MS in Bologna, Biblioteca del Liceo Musicale, Cod. 159,
fols. 134-190)5
late 15th-cent. *Anonymous. Tratado de canto de 6rgano.
(MS in Bologna, Biblioteca del Liceo Musicale; complete
treatise printed by H. Angles in Anuario musical, II
(1947), 161-173.)
c. 1496 Crist6bal de Escobar. Introduction muy breue de
canto llano. Salamanca. 4 fols. (New edition in Ge-
denkgoek aangeboden aan Dr. D.F: Scheurleer. The Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1925, pp. 383-391.)
c. 1500 *Alonso Spanon. Introducion muy util: y breve de
Canto llano. Seville: Pedro Bruns. 12 fols. (Copy in
the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, I. 2185/6.)6
late 15th-cent. *Anonymous. Arte de cantollano. n.p. 15
fols. (Copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, R.
14670.)
1504 *Diego de Puerto. Ars cantus plani portus musice.
Salamanca. 12 fols. (Copy in the Biblioteca Nacional,
Madrid, I. 2185/2.)
1506 *Bartolome" de Molina. Arte de canto llano Lux videntis
dicha. Valladolid: Diego de Gumiel. 12 fols. (Copy
in the British Museum, K. 8. f. 2.)
1508 *Gonzalo Martinez de Bizcargui. Arte de canto llano e
contrapunto e canto de 6rgan6. Sarragossa: Jorge CocT.
14 fols.^ (Copy in the British Museum, K. 8.f. 22.)
Later editions include:°
the 1498 date suggested in Angles and Subira, op_. cit.,

II, 119.
5 See Higinio Angles, "La notacion musical espanola de la
segunda mitad del slglo XV," Anuario musical, II (1947), 159-
160.
6 Angles and Subira, op_. cit. , II, 121, dates Spanon's
treatise as c. 1498, but see Stevenson, Spanish Music in the
Age of Columbus, p. 8587<
7 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, p. 88,
incorrectly identifies this treatise as a 12-leaf imprint.
8 For additional data, see Davidsson, op_. cit., p. 56, 59;
see also Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus,
p. 88.
220
*1511 Burgos ("corrected" edition; in the Biblioteca
Nacional, Madrid.)
1512 Saragossa
1517 Saragossa
1528 Burgos ("revised and enlarged" edition)
1531 Saragossa
*1535 Burgos (copy in the Library of Congress)
1538 Saragossa
1541 Saragossa
1549 Saragossa
1550 Saragossa
1510 *Francisco Tovar. Libro de musica practica. Barcelona:
Juan Rosembach. 4, 35 fols. (Copies in the Biblioteca
Nacional, Madrid, R. 11251; the British Museum, K. l.f.l.;
and the Library of Congress.)
1514 Juan de Espinosa* Retractationes de lcs errores y false-
dades que escribi6 Gonzalo Martinez de Bizcargui. Toledo.
1520 . Tractado de principios de musica pratica y
te6rica. Toledo: Arnaldo Guillen de Brocar. 35 fols.^
c. 1530 * . Tratado breue de principios de canto llano.
[Toledo?] 24 fols. (Copy in the British Museum, K. 8.
f. 15.)
1516 * Pedro Ciruelo. Cursus quattour mathematicarum artium
liberalium. [Compluti?] 93 fols. (Fols. 71-93 are de-
voted to music; copy at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid,
R. 14768.)
9 Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, p. 92,

states that Espinosa's 1514 Retractaciones . . . and 1520
Tractado . . . de musica practica exist, but gives no hint of
location of copies. Angles, "La notacion musical espanola de
la sequnda mitad del siglo XV," pp. 29-30, states that the 1514
treatise formerly at the Biblioteca capitular y Columbina,
Seville, can no longer be located, but copies exist in the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, and the Biblioteca Nacional,
Lisbon. We can locate no reference in Angles and SubirS,
op. cit., for the 1514 or 1520 work. We received no
response from the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, with regard
to an enquiry concerning their possession of a copy of the
1514 Retractationes. Palar y Dulcet, op_. cit., No. 82722,
mentions the existence of a copy of the 1520 Tractado in the
Barbieri Library, a collection which is now housed at the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. The Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid,
did not respond to our query regarding their possession of
the Tractado.
221
c. 1530 *Gaspar de Aguilar. Arte de principios de canto
llano; nueuamente emendado y_ corregido. n.p. 16 fols.
(Copy in the Biblioteca capitular y Columbina, Seville,
15-2-4.) 10
1532 *Juan Martinez. Arte de Canto llano. AlcalS. 20 fols.
(Copy of 1532 edition originally in the Biblioteca capit-
ular y Columbina, Seville, cannot be located.) Corrected
and emended edition published at Seville, 1560.1]- A
fragment may survive of a 16th-century Salamanca edi-
tion. 12 A 1612 Portuguese edition (Arte de canto chao),
emended and augmented by Antonio Cordeiro, printed by
N. Caraulho, printer to the University of Coimbra, is
in the possession of the Library of Congress (MT860.
A2M385.) 80 pp. This is the only copy housed at the
Library of Congress.13
1533 *Matheo de Aranda. Tractado de canto llano nueuamente
compuesto. Lisbon: Germao Galhard. 38 folsT (Copy at
the British Museum, K. l.f.2.)
10 See Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, p.

93, for discussion of date.
11 Palau y Dulcet, op_. cit., No. 154416.
12 Ibid.
13 Compare Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus,
p. 9 5 m . Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus,
pp. 94-95, refers to two additional Coimbra editions of 1603
and 1625. Davidsson, op. cit., p.56 cites an earlier Coimbra
edition of 1597. Juan F. Riano, Critical and Bibliographical
Notes on Early Spanish Music (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1887),
p. 81, identifies the first edition of Martinez* Arte as an
Alcala" imprint of 1512. The Library of Congress Catalogue of
Books on Music, Supplement (Washington D.C.: Library of Con-
gress, 1945), p. 69, mentions possible Coimbran and Sevillian
editions of 1530. Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of
Columbus, p. 94, asserts that a Compendio de canto llano by
Martinez (Barcelona, 1586) , is the same Arte, but issued with
a fresh title; Stevenson does not say what the basis for this
assertion may be (see Davidsson, op_. cit., p. 55). We have
noted that a list of dates found opposite the title-page in
the 1612 Library of Congress copy coincides with many of the
foregoing references. These dates are 1512, 1530, 1560, 1597
(?), 1603, 1612, 1618, and 1625. We have been unable to
locate any reference to an edition of 1618, but data concern-
ing the publication history of this imprint is as elusive as
extant copies of the various editions. We are confident,
however, of the existence of the. Library of Congress 1612
edition.
222
1535 *—• . Tractado de canto mensurable y_ contrapuncto.
Nuevamente compuesto. Lisbon: Germao Galharde. 36
fols. (Copy at the British Museum, K. 1. f. d.)
1544 *Melchoir de Torres. Arte ingeniosa de mfisica. Alcalci:
Juan de Brocar. 46 fols. Reprinted at Alcalci in 1559.
Reprinted at Alcalci by Pedro de Robles and Juan de Vil-
lanueva in 1566. (Copy of the 1566 edition at the Li-
brary of Congress.)
1549 *Juan Bermudo. Comienca el libro primero de la declara-
cion de instrumentos. Ossuna: Juan de Le6n. 12, 145
fols. (Copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, R.
3646.)
1550 • — — . Comienca el Arte Tripharia. Ossuna: Juan de
Le6n. 40 fols. (Copy in El Escorial, 53-1-43; fac-
simile edition in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.)
1555 *-— . Comienca el libro llamado declaracion
de instrumentos musicales. Ossuna: Juan de Le6n. 8,
T?2 fols. (Facsimile edition in IMG, XI, 1957.)
1565 *Luys de Villafranca. Breue Instruccion de Cantollano.
Seville: Sebastian Trugillo. 51 fols. (Copy in the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, R. 14651.)
1566 Francisco de Salinas. Musices Liber III. Burgos. 64
fols. (MS in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Mss 7425.)
1577 * — • — - — . De musica libri Septem. Salamanca: Matias
Gast. 8 fols., 438 pages, 9 fols.14 (Copies in the
Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, U. 1425; El Escorial, 14-
iv-24; the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; and the Li-
brary of Congress.)
1570 *Tapia Numantino, Martin de. Verge1 de Mfisica. Burgo
de Osma: Diego Fernandez de C6rdoba. 4, 120 fols.
(Copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, R. 9677.)
1590 Francisco de Montanos. Arte de Canto Llano con Entona-
ciones comunes de Coro y Altar. Salamanca: Francisco de
Cea Tesa. Issued 1610?^ 4 fols., 164 pages. (Copy in
the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, M. 94.)
14 Angles and SubirS, op_. cit. , II, 168, lists 10 un-

numbered terminal folios, but we find only 9.
15 See ibid., pp. 126-127, and compare Davidsson, op_. cit.,
p. 61.
223
1592 -. Arte de Musica, Theorica y_ Practica. Vallado-

lid: Diego Fernfndez de C6rdoba. (Copy in the Biblio-
teca Nacional, Madrid.)16
1595 Juan Cervera. Arte y_ suma de canto llano. Valencia:
Pedro Patricio Mey.
c. 1598 Anonymous. Arte de Canto llano. [Alcala": Viuda de
Ramirez.] (Copy at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid,
M. 850., but incomplete and defective.)
1613 *Pedro Cerone. El_ Melopeo y Maestro. Naples: Juan Bau-
tista Gargano and Lucrecio Nucci. 8 fols., 1160 pages,
1 fol. (Copies in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, R.
9274? the Biblioteca de Cataluna, Barcelona; and the
Biblictheque Nationale, Paris.) -1-'
1614 *Andr£s de Monserrate. Arte breve, y_ compendiosa . . .
del canto llano. Valencia: Pedro Patricio Mey. 124
pages. (Copies in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid,
R. 12147 and the Biblioteca de Cataluna, Barcelona.)
16 See Angles and Subira, op_. cit., II, 227, for discussion
of foliation.
17 Although Cerone was an Italian, this treatise has been
included because it was written in Spanish and published in
Naples which was under Spanish domination during this period.
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This bibliography does not include the sixteenth-century

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Gonzalez Obreg6n, Luis. Croniquillas de la Nueva Espana.
Mexico: Ed. Botas, 1936.
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VITA
Mar^ Elizabeth Duncan, born June 3, 1940, Baker, Oregon.

Undergraduate work at Pomona College'and the University of
California, Berkeley. B.A. , 1964, University of California,
Berkeley? M.A., University of Washington, 1966.

DUNCAN, Mary E. A sixteenth-Century mexican chant book. Pedro Ocharte&#39;s Psalterium, an(t)iphonarium sanctorale cum psalmis &amp; himnis, (1584)

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INFORMATION TO USERS

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand

5. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as

Xerox University Microfilms

DUNCAN, Mary E l i z a b e t h , 1940-

U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington, Ph.D., 1975

X e r o x University M i c r o f i l m s , Ann Arbor, Michigan 48io6

MARY ELIZABETH DUNCAN

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED.

PEDRO OCHARTE'S PSALTERIUM, AN[T3IPHONARIUM

SANCTORALE CUM PSALMIS & HYMNIS, (1584)

MARY ELIZABETH DUNCAN

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment

(Chairperson of Supervisory Committee)

P ntf >. ^n n r - f n h p r 10,75

We have carefully read the dissertation entitled A 1 6 t h - c e n t u r y Mexican Chant

We have found this dissertation to be an excellent piece

DISSERTATION READING COMMITTEE: /\j --o-c- cy-EW^r/vy

In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements

agree that extensive copying of this dissertation is allowable only for

scholarly purposes. Requests for copying or reproduction of this disserta-

copies of the manuscript made from microform."

Signature "/f*^ f/^ttrM sjA~ «—

III. SPANISH LITURGICAL SOURCES . 210

IV. SPANISH THEORETICAL TREATISES 218

Feasts of the Proprium Sanctorum with Music L9

1. Lauda mater (M 3) : A Hymn Melody in Proporcion

This dissertation is the first available detailed study

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN LITURGICAL

In Mexico City between 1556 and 1589, thirteen liturgi-

1556 Ordinarium sacri ordinis heremitarum sancti Augustini.

1 The Ordinarium is preceded by the 84-folio Constitutiones

1560 Manuale Sacramentorum secundum usum ecclesiae Mexicanae.

Spell, "The First Music Books Printed in America," Musical

1561 Missale Romanum Ordinarium. Antonio de Espinosa.

1563 Psalterium Chorale secundum consuetudinem sancti Domi-

7 In a letter, which is printed on the verso of the title-

1568 Manuale Sacramentorum secundum usurn alme Ecclesie

Pre-1572 Graduale Dominicale. [Antonio de Espinosa].

13 According to Montufar's 'Licencia' in the 1560 .Manuale,

14 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 183;

1572 Passionario Apuntado. Antonio de Espinosa.

15 Garcia Icazbalceta, op_. cit. , p. 503, quotes from M. Ro-

c. 1575 Antiphonario Dominical.

18 "Iten, que puede vender Diego de Sansoris en mi nombre,

1576 Graduale Dominicale.

23 "Iten, que de el papel de marca mayor que tengo en casa,

28 "Mexici./ Inedibus Antonij Spinosa./ Sumptibus & expen-

Reverend Bachiller. In addition to the emendations, which

1584 Psalterium, An[t]iphonarium Sanctorale. Pedro Ocharte.

1589 Antiphonarium de tempore. Pedro Ocharte.

34 The title-pages of all three editions state that this is

37 Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory, p. 191.

DESCRIPTION OF THE PSALTERIUM

The Psalterium-*- is a handsome liturgical book with

1 The term Psalterium will be used hereafter to refer to

4 The Psalterium bears the signatures A-PP; each signature

6 The vignette border is used in Antonio de Espinosa's

7 The woodcut of Peter and Paul is used for the title-

8 The imprint lacks folios 84-88, i.e., the initial leaves

FEASTS OF THE PROPRIUM SANCTORUM WITH MUSIC

Feast Date Folio(s)

Fol. 169 incorrectly numbered as 179.

Feast Date Folio(s)

DUNCAN, Mary E. A sixteenth-Century mexican chant book. Pedro Ocharte's Psalterium, an(t)iphonarium sanctorale cum psalmis & himnis, (1584)

DUNCAN, Mary E. A sixteenth-Century mexican chant book. Pedro Ocharte's Psalterium, an(t)iphonarium sanctorale cum psalmis & himnis, (1584)

OrJinar/orrr C LuocJuni £4&), -foL fj.

"Vsalierium ( Venice. S3 ) , -fol. i93.