39

CHAPTER - 2
SLUMS IN INDIA: With Special Referance To Delhi.

SLUMS IN INDIA

Slums are found in every city due to faulty town

and country planning, and due to continuous flow of
migrants from rural areas to small towns and
cities. Unusual events, natural calamities such as
droughts and famines, floods etc. force migration
to cities. Slums of Manila produced by migration
from the countryside during the World War II find
a parallel in the settlement of thousands of
homeless who fled Pakistan during the partition in
1947.

Slums in Bombay began to emerge due to the

depression caused by the First World War and the
consequent war stimulated industries. The second

World War further added to slums. This major shift

in world order changed the character of world
economy. New Employment avenues drew thousands to

CHAPTER-II
 40

Bombay." (1) The immigrants set up temporary

habitation in the chawals.

Political and administrative establishments turned

a blind eye to the housing problem of the migrant
workers. Those who bought land to build chawals
made a quick dent in the real estate market. The
private builders built multi storied chawals.
Authorised structures contained one or two · storied
buildings known as chawals for the industrial
workers. Patra chawals and Zopad-Patties emerged
as unauthorised constructions made out of sub-
standard materials, and without having provisions
of a minimum lieable settlement. When the city of
Bombay expanded, it absorbed villages which had
sub-standard houses. These settlements too are
slums today. Here again the example of Mochi Gaon
behind Moti-Bagh gurudwara is very appropriate.

(1) Singh, Renuka, "Status of Indian Women : A

sociological Study of Women in Delhi",
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 1986,
p.17.

CHAPTER-II
 41

The largest slum having an area of 330 acres of

land, namely,· Dharavi was once a fishing village.
Now even upper middle class employees like air-
hostesses live there. Meanwhile 300,000 apartments
in Bombay are lying locked up as owners do not want
to lease them out, fearing that they would lose
their property, is beyond their reach because land
ceiling and tenancy laws prevailing in Bombay make
it impossible for landlords to get their apartments
vacated from tenants. (2)

This effectively prevents a very large number of

people from getting the accomodation they want as
it is beyond their economic reach.

Slum - dwellers constitute 20 per cent of the

population of Bombay. Compares to Calcutta
where 600,000 persons sleep in the streets and
Delhi where 150,000 squatters are without roofs
over their heads, the magnitude of the housing

(2) Raju Kane, News Analysis, Business Standard,

22 April 1994, New Delhi, p.7.

CHAPTER-II
 42

problem for the poor is clearly enormous. (3)

This also reflects the chaotic pattern of relations
between owners of factories and industrial
establishments and workers hired by them.
It is no surprise that with such a large number of
users of latrines and lavatories - there are 1250
persons per lavatory. The number being so high that
people are forced to use patches of land for
ablutions in the open. Since open patches are
disappearing, people have to walk long distances to
find a place for answring the call of nature.
Children are forced to use the roadside for
this purpose. In case of Muslim women, who are
forbidden to go out due to the Purdah, one
of the rooms doubles as latrine and bathroom.

23 per cent of Madras City population live in

slums. Nearly 79 per cent of the slums are huts
made of cheap material costing Rs. 500 to 1000.
(3) P.Ramachandran, "Slum: A Note on Facts and
Solutions, in Slum and Urbanisation, (ed) by
A.R. Desai & D. Pillai, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay, 1990, pp.135.

CHAPTER-II
 43

A fifth of them are in existence for

about ten years or more. Unlike Bombay, more pumps
and open well have been dug in slums of Madras
situated on the sea shore. No latrine is found in
67 per cent of the slums. (4)

27 per cent of Calcutta's population live in

slums called 'bustee'. Unlike other cities, the
bustees of Calcutta are large settlements. (5)

The Official definition of the 'bustee' is 'land

given over to hut-building occupying at least 10
katta, ie, a sixth of an acre of land. These
slums have adequate water supply and drainage
system. Over the years more and more people come
over to the city from neighbouring states looking
for employment, trade and services. They share

(4) P.K.Nambiar, "Slums of Madras City",Slums and

Urbanisation (ed) A.R. Desai & D.Pillai,
Bombay,1990, p.l89.
(5) K.P Bhattacharya, Shelter Problem and Policies
in Calcutta, 'Urban India', Vol.7, Jan-June
1987,p.21

CHAPTER-II
 44

rooms with their relatives, friends or villagers.

Most of the bustees are made of clay, tiles, AC
sheets, CI sheets, bamboo, bricks and mud with the
hope of making a 'pucca' hut in future.

A majority of the bustee dwellers, ( nearly 40 per )

cent, are engaged as labourers. Next come small

scale manufacturers and craftsmen who constitute
houses in the slums. 25 to 28 per cent of the
total population. 10 per cent are employed in the
clerical jobs. A small percentage constitutes

domestic servants and drivers.

About eight per cent of the bustees have separate

kitchen. A large number of people have to share
lavatories, washing places and latrines. Sharing
water tap with other households is quite common.
As very few bustees possess individual water taps.

The area of occupation is 30 to 40 sq. feet. (6)

The People who moved from Uttar Pradesh, Orissa and

Bihar in large numbers due to communal riots of

(6) Ibid. p.23.

CHAPTER-II
 45

1947-48, form the largest section of the slum

population.

'KATRA' SLUMS OF OLD-DELHI:

Rapid growth of population over the last quarter of
a century has turned Old Delhi into a very
congested city. Congestion, both of houses on land
and of people within houses, obtains here in the
most acute form. As much as two-thirds of its
present population of 10.5 lacs may be deemed
to constitute 'excess population' in twenty
municipal wards of old Delhi. (7) There are
scattered slums, as many as 1787 bustees and
1726 Katras, which include 727 large houses which
are considered unfit for human habitation due to
congestion, dilapidation, lack of amenities,
unsuitable location etc. They are inhabited by
48,500 families with over 2,25,000 persons. 47.5
per cent of them live in the bustees and 52.5 per

(7) Ibid, pp.27.

CHAPTER-II
 46

cent in Katras. (8}

The Katras cover an area of nearly 162 acres while

the bustees occupy about 385 acres of undeveloped

and largely undevelopable land in the outer, more
open parts.

The percentage of females in slums is 46 % which is

more than the national average of 42 % Children

of both sexes account for 25 % as against the

national average of 22 % The male working group
(15-54 years) costitute only 28 % as against 31 %
of national average.

There is not much difference in literacy rates of

slum dwellers compared to the average for the city
The slums have a literacy rate of 32 % whereas the
literacy rate in the citiesis 33 %. But figures
for levels of education gives a different picture.
One can only fault the official definition of

literacy for this contradiction. The table below

(8) Slums of Old Delhi,Survey Conducted by Bharat

Sevak Samaj, Delhi Pradesh, 1958.

CHAPTER-II
 47

gives the break up of slum- dwellers according to

education:

Table 2.1 Slum and Education

Formal Education 30.0 !!-
0

Graduates 0.4 %
Matriculates 3.1 %
Middle School 5.7 %

Primary classes 12.0 %

Primary drop-out 9.0 %

Eleven per cent of the sample have received

technical training for specific crafts and
professions. Most of them are trained hereditary
occupations. During the last three decades,economic
and industrial development in Delhi has resulted
in urbanising large segments of population. A great
majority of the rural migrants have moved to the
city, giving rise to large number of squatter
settlements and slums. The new group who come to
the city seek entry into the development process.
They created a new type of residential settlement

CHAPTER-II
 48

in contradiction to that of the old urban groups.

Since the new groups are mostly of low income
group from rural areas, they accept accomodations
that are easily available, or can be quickly made
with waste or low cost materials available in the
vicinity. They set up huts on open spaces which
are unusable or lying unused. Generally, the
operation takes place in groups, which initially
consists of relatives or kins or members from the
same caste, religion, village, district or
linguistic group. They occupy the land with the
help of local leaders, politicians, police or slum
lords. The location of these huts will reveal that
the occupants have their places of work very close
to the living place. This has happened in New
Delhi inspite of Delhi's Master Plan resulting from
continuous inflow of migrants due to 'push' factor
from the villages and 'pull' factor from the
cities. In their struggle to integrate themselves
with the developmental process their habitations

have evolved into .

CHAPTER-II
 49

1) Legally notified slums,

2) Jhuggi Jhompri clusters,
3) Unauthorised colonies,
4) Urban Villages,
5) Harijan Bustees, and,
6) Pavement dwellings.

The Delhi master Plan identified the 'urbanisable

limits' in Delhi until 1981, having a physical
area of 1,100,500 acres, including areas already
built up. It was envisaged that there would be
additional development of 30,000 acres for
residential use, 4800 acres for industrial use,
1,900 acres for commerical use, 500 acres for
government offices and 62,200 acres were supposed
to be acquired, for other uses. (9)

Different agencies Developed 13,412 acres of land

developpment for residential use, which included
5800 acres of land developed by D.D.A. as
residential plots, 1,276 acres for group housing

(9) Ashok Ranjan Basu, Urban Squatter Housing in

Third World, Mittal Publications, 1988,pp.101.

CHAPTER-II
 50

schemes, and 2,516 acres for sqatters relocation

schemes. 2,300 acres was developed by CPWD and
Municipal Corporation of Delhi, and another 1,500
acres was developed by House Building Co-operative
Societies. The land developed for residential
purposes falls short of the targeted development
by about 55 per cent. The shortfall, in fact, is
rather more since out of the total land developed
for relocation of squatters, about 839 acres of
land is located in the green belt which is
beyond the Master Plans projected urban limits
and was supposed to be inviolable. (10)

While slums have developed as a consequence of

economic disparity, socio-cultural customs with
religious sanctions for a group of under-privileged
to live in slum or slum-like environment are found
in many societies. e.g., the untouchable caste's
'bustee' occupied by leather workers and sweepers,

(10) Delhi Development Authority- Resettlement

Colonies-Review of the problem - mimeograph.
New Delhi-1977.

CHAPTER-II
 51

whereas, lepers colonies are traditionally located

outside the main village. However, caste
differentiation is still the basis of rural
settlement pattern. In recent years changes have
been noticed as a result of preference to construct
houses on the roadside.

JHUGGI JHOMPRIS OF DELHI

The cities, irrespective of their size, provide
possibilities of varied occupation and collective
services such as health, education,, cultural,
technological, commerical or industrial services
and thus act as focal points of development
opportunities. During the last two and half
decades economic and industrial development in the
Metropolitan city of Delhi has resulted in
urbanising large segments of the population. A
great majority of the rural migrants have moved to
the city giving rise to a number of squatter
settlements. It is evident that the new grouped
who come to the city to seek entry in the
development process, create a new type of

CHAPTER-II
 52

residential settlement in contradiction to that of

the old urban groups. Since the new groups are
mostly constituted of low income group of rural
migrants, they accept wh~tever accommodations are
available, or can be quickly created with waste
materials with those that can be procured on
low costs on open spaces which are unusable or
lying unused. Generally, the operation takes place
in groups, initially consisting of relatives or
kins or members from the same cast, religion,
village, district or language - with the help
of local leaders and often under political
patronage. This process involves illegal occupancy
or squatting on public or private lands. A very
noticeable aspect of these settlements is their
nearness to the work places. As Delhi grew into a
modern capital city after Independence, with its
irresistible economic, social, cultural and
political pull and with all kinds of work
opportunities, it became the chief centre of
attraction for migrants from its surrounding
hinterlands and beyond ~ive. The inadequacy of

CHAPTER-II
 53

employmenmt in rural areas and their dire poverty

have pushed them to th~ city. Further, the acute
shortage of housing in the city and perpetual
poverty coupled with complete ignorance of the
migrants about the urban way of life are
understood as the principal causes underlying the
growth of these clusters. These ugly hutment
colonies are seen almost in every part of the city.
In 1951, there were 199 Jhuggi Jhompari Clusters
comprising of 12,749 households. In 1973, the
number of clusters increased to 1373, about six
times more than in 1951, having 1,41,755 huts. In
1951, a cluster on an average comprised of a group
of 64 Jhuggies whereas in 1973, it unprised of 103
Jhuggies. The table below shows the increase of
Jhuggi Clusters in Delhi since 1951. (11) The
following table shows the growth of squatters

(11) R.K.Arora, Slums of Delhi An Overview,

Socio-Economic Survey Division, Slum & J. J.
Department, Delhi Development Authority, New Delhi,
October, 1985, pp.6-7.

CHAPTER-II
 54

during the past three decades i.e. 1951 to 1983.

Table 1.3 Growth of Slums

S.No. Year No. of Squatters Families.

1. 1951 12,749

2. 1956 22,415

3. 1961 42,815
4. 1966 42,668

5. 1971 62,594
6. 1973 98,438
7. 1976 20,000

8. 1980 98,709
9. 1981-83 1,13,186
Source - Dimenions of squatters settlements in a
"Super Metropolitan City of Delhi" -Socio -Economic
Survey Division City Planning, DDA, New Delhi,
1985, pp.7.

According to a survey conducted in the year

1983 by the city planning wing DDA, there were 534
clusters comprising of 1,13,386 households in the
Union Territory of Delhi. The gravity of the

CHAPTER-II
 55

problem is evident from the abvoe mentioned table

that the number of Jhuggies was only 20,000 in 1976
which increased to 98,709 in 1980 with a
further increase in 1981-83 to 1,13,386 Jhuggies.
This is despite the fact that the largest
resettlement programme had taken place in 1975-77
thereby resettling about 1.50 lakh families. The
growth in 1980-83 seems to be the result of large
scale migration owing to the expanded construction
activity in the capital during the Asian Games
(1981-82) The Annexure III at Page 32 gives the
number and location of these squatter settl-
ements. (12)

SLUM CLEARANCE:
Slum-clearance, for a long time has been on the
agenda for all the state governments and the
Government of India. Slums have been shifted from
one place to another. So far solutions to
the basic problems, namely of employment close to

(12) Ibid, pp.8.

CHAPTER-II
 56

the place of shelter, and provisions for basic

amenities have not been found. Dumping them on the
outskirts of the cities and towns would add to
their burden as the expenses on travelling long
distances to their places of work would slash their
wage packets. Demolition of slums in Old Delhi in
the Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas and
resettling the dwellers in places like Mangolpuri
by Delhi Administration in 1976 improved the
aesthetic looks of the city of Delhi. But the
spirited and violent resistance put up by the slum-
dwellers against eviction, including the loss of
life of dozens at the hands of police was not
merely a struggle for better amenities; it was
very much a struggle for survival.

However, to prevent a popular revolt, subsidised

bus passes had to be issued causing further losses
to the Delhi Transport Corporation which had always
been in the red. Nevertheless, thatched huts have
started reappearing in the cleared areas of Laxmi
Bai Nagar, INA Market and Sarojini Nagar.

CHAPTER-II
 57

Such an experiment was tried out in 1980 in Bombay

too, which not only brought misery to countless

families, but also spoiled the fair name of the

country. (13) The experiment did not succeed due to

legal intervention.

It has been mentioned that land procured after

eviction of slum-dwellers was acquired by the
builders and large industrial houses. When the
land price rises, the dwellers of slums sell their
lands as it has happened in the case of
Shahjehanabad and Jama Masjid areas of Old Delhi.

Slum imporovement and slum clearance programme of

government has got mixed results. Sudden interest
in slum- dwellers was created by the horrible
prospects of the growth of slum population at an
alarming rate of 20% per annum. (14) The political
pressure this sizeable percentage of population

(13) A.R.Desai, op.cit. pp.148.

(14) Sabir Ali, Slums Within Slums: Resettlement
Policies in Delhi, Vikas Publishing House,
Delhi, 1991, pp. 7.

CHAPTER-II
 58

could exert, the scramble for resources it could

make awakened the government about the magnitude of
the problem of slums. Left to themselves, the
impoverished and underfed slum-dwellers it would
have created an explosive situation. The
administrative that followed action providing
some reliefs to slum-dwellers, contained possible
and uprisings, which otherwise would have
considerably shaken the Indian State and society
causing irreparable damage to its life process.

Resettlement policy carried out in 1976 by the

Delhi Development Authority instead of improving
the conditions of the slum -dwellers created more
slums.

SLUM IMPROVEMENT
In pre-independence period, slum improvement was
the responsibility of the owner of the slums.
From 1930s, under the Municipal or Corporation
Acts, the landlord was responsible for improvements
or the local bodies looked after the slums as they
were empowered to realise the cost for improvement

CHAPTER-II
 59

from the landlords. There was little or no

provision for slums in the First Five Year Plan
(1951-56) . (15) Only in 1956 subsidised slum
clearance and improvement scheme was introduced.
Under this scheme houses were arranged for the
families whose monthly income did not exceed Rs
350, and improvement of environmental conditions
\
and construction of night shelters were undertaken.
The scheme, which sought to rehouse the slum-
dwellers in small two roomed 'pucca' tenements of
about 16.66 sq meters floor area with individual
toilets, laid stress on minimum dislocation.
The ceiling cost initially adopted in Sept. 1981
varied from Rs 2700 to Rs 4000 depending on
the city concerned. The ceiling has been raised
from time to time and by 1971 it ranged from Rs
5380 toRs 8000. The night shelter programme were
never really implemented. (16)

(15) Provision of Infra Structure in Slum and

Squatter Settlement: A review by E.F.N.
Ribeiro, Urban India, 1980, pp.23.
(16) Ibid, pp.59.

CHAPTER-II
 60

During the Second Five Year Plan (1956-61) and the

Third Five Year Plan (1961-66) the scheme was in
the central sector, though the actual execution was
entrusted to the state governments, and in April
1969 it was fully transferred to the State
Governments and the role of the Central government
in this programme renamed only of an advisory
nature. (17)

In the Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-74) ,a total of

Rs. 34.32 Crores was allotted to the states for
slum improvement,whereas during the period 1956-
1971,the total tenements constructed in the country
under the scheme were just 89,000. It was less
than half per cent of the total slum dwellings
required in Class-! towns. More importantly,
tenements remained by and large beyond the reach
of slum-dwellers; even after subsidy, the rentals
were beyond their paying capacity. (18)

(17) Ibid,pp.60.
(18) Ibid,pp.61.

CHAPTER-II
 61

In April 1972, the Government of India introduced

a Central Scheme for environmental improvement in
slum areas, and financial assistance was given to
the state governments for undertaking slum
improvemnt programmes in cities with population

of eight lacs and above, namely Calcutta,

Bombay, Delhi, Madras, Hyderabad, Bangalore,
Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Poona, Nagpur and Luknow. In

1972-73 the scheme was extended to Indore, Jaipur,

Srinagar, Patna, Cochin, Ludhiana, Cuttack, Gauhati
and Rohtak so as to give a wider statewise
coverage. (19) By the end of March 1974, only about
Rs 20 crores was distributed to the state
governments under this scheme to benefit a
population of 330 million. The Scheme was also
financed by the state governments as part of the
Minimum Need Programme and the coverage of the
scheme increased to all the cities with a
population of 300,000 and above. (20)

(19) Ibid,pp.62.

(20) Ibid.pp.64.

CHAPTER-II
 62

The Sixth Five Year Plan ( 1978-83) recommended Rs

140 Crores for the scheme in the State Sector, and
it was envisaged that this would cater to about
nine million slum dwellers. The scheme continues
to remain in the state sector, though the cities
and towns where the scheme is to be applied have
not been indicated, it is generally understood that
State Governments would give preference to about
200 Class I Cities (cities with above 1 lac
population) (21)
The three basic strategies now available for
housing the poor in urban India are:
..
a) Slum removal and housing at or near the cleared
sites.
b) Environmental improvement of Slums i.e.,
upgrading of slum and squatting settlements
over and above mere sanitisation.

c) Open developed plots i.e., comprehensive

sites and service programmes both for
rehabilitation and for new migrants.

(21) Census Report-India, 1981.

CHAPTER-II
 63

In earlier years in India the main thrust was on

slum removal and re-housing. But it has not proved

very successful.

Delhi:
Strategically situated on the Yamuna River and
commanding the gateway to the fertile Indo Gangetic
plains, Delhi stands as the capital of India. It

has witnessed the rise and fall of many imperial

cities in the past, and Delhi's history is found

in the numerous relics and monuments that lie

scattered all around. (22)

Delhi has been the site of a capital city from the

earliest times of Indian history. (23) It has been

(22) The Handbook of India, Ministry of Information

and Broadcasting, Govt of India, 1972.
(23) H.D.Birdi, "Slums and Law- A Comparative study
of Indian and Foreign Law", ISSD, Delhi, 1982,
pp. 9.

CHAPTER-II
 64

the capital of mighty Empires and Kingdoms. It is

of great historic and political importance. Delhi

has the mausoleums of atleast eleven well - known
Emperors of India, and tombs of about half a dozen

minor ones. (24)

Pandavas of Mahabharata are believed to have set up

Indraprasth, the first city, on the banks of
Yamuna. Currently Din-Panah, now known as Purana
Quila, is beleived to have occupied the erstwhile
Indraprasth.

The glory of Indraprasth suffered due to lack of

any mention to it, or to Dilli, by Greek writers

who visited India, or invaded it in the first

century. Secondly, Ashoka did not find Indraprasth
worthy of an Ashoka Pillar, though he had erected
one at Mehrauli. Thirdly, Chinese visitors to

India (390 and 645 AD) do not mention Delhi at all.

There were Seven Delhis:

(24) Thapers, 'Delhi Pocket Guide, India

Industrial Directory, pp.4.

CHAPTER-II
 65

1) Lal Kot of Anang Pal (736 AD) belonging to the

Tomar Dynasty (25) .
2) Raipithora of Prithviraj Chauhan (1100 AD).
3) Fort of Siri of the Khilji dynasty (1290 AD).
4) Tuglakabad founded by Ghias-ud-din Tuglak

(1321 AD) .
5) Din-Panah of the Moghul Humayun (1530-1540 AD).
6) The walled city of Shahjahanabad of Shah Jahan
(1636-1658 AD)with a capacity to accomodate
60,000, having a great mosque called Jama

Masjid.

7) The New Delhi.

Generally,only seven cities of Delhi are mentioned.

The area extendeds from the present Old Delhi to
Qutab Minar in Meharauli in South of the town. (26)
Through the ages, the population of Delhi has been

(25) Gazetteer of Delhi District, 1883-84, Punjab

Government, Ch-VI, pp. 188.

CHAPTER-II
 66

steadily growing as seen from the following

table. (27)

1941 to 1951 witnessed a dramatic increase in

population of Delhi due to immigrants, as a
consequence of partition of India. While the total
population increased by 90 per cent, the urban
population increased by 107 per cent, raising the
immigrant component of Delhi to over 44 per cent.

(26) Delhi-History and Places of Interest, Delhi

Gazetteer, Delhi Administration, Delhi, 1970,
pp.1.
(27) Quarterly Digest of Economics and Statistics
Delhi Administration, Sept-Dec., Vol.XXV,1977.

CHAPTER-II
 67

Table 2.1

Population of Delhi(Urban) 1901-91.

year total urban

--------------------------
1901 405819 208575

1911 413851 232837

1921 488452 304420

1931 636246 447442

1941 917939 695686

1951 1744072 1437134

1961 2638612 2359408

1971 4065698 3647023

1981 6196414 5768200

1991 9420644 8471625

(*) Census of India 1991, Final Population Totals

for 1981: Rural- Urban Distribution Paper-2
of 1991.
(**)Census of India, Series -I, Paper-1 of 1992,
Vol II, p.19.

In Delhi, the noticeable feature is the

combination of very high population density in

relatively small areas and relatively low

population density in the large areas. In New

CHAPTER-II
 68

Delhi, this phenomenon is accentuated. Along with

this, Delhi is surounded by areas of temporary
settlements. There is cheap and efficient slow
moving means of transport like rickshaws for short
distances and motorised vehicles for bulk and long
distance movements. Land use in Delhi is for
industrial, commercial and residential purposes.
The most important feature of residential
development is the great range in population
density.
Gross densities in Delhi range from an average of
13.16 persons per acre in New Delhi to an average
of 213.34 persons per acre in Old Delhi. (28).
The attraction of Delhi for immigrants from all
the states of the country due to regular employment
vacancies advertised in newspapers for low level
jobs in Indian Government's bureaucracy. The

(28)Singh, Renuka, "Status of Indian Women A

Sociological Study of Women in Delhi", (Ph.D.
work) Jawaharlal Nehru University,New Delhi,
1986, pp.17.

CHAPTER-II
 69

location of offices of various ministries and

public sector undertakings, including some offices
that should not have initially been locat in Delhi
like Directorate of Lighthouses and Lightships,
Coastguards, Beas Construction Board, Brahmaputra
Board, Dept. of Ocean Development, Electricity
Board of West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh and Bihar
etc. have also added to the problem of congestion
and population increase and burden on the civic
services.

Growth of illegal industrial units, and even

industrial estates, have helped in the haphazard
growth of the city. The consequent construction
activity to build multistorey buildings, and flats,
drawn labour from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa
and Rajasthan producing temporary slums close to
sites of construction. The building of fly-overs
also used up public land.

The post partition refugees were given plots over

which they initially built ramshackle abodes.

CHAPTER-II
 70

No planning of any sort was resorted to.

The buildings touched each other and grew into
modern colonies.

With the passage of time the multi storeyed

buildings came up on empty grounds near now
historical places of Lutyens. Meanwhile,Cooperative
building societies got land all around East, North,
South and West Delhi. The destruction of green
cover in such large areas played havoc with the
local eco-environment. With not enough water to
grow trees in the colonies, Delhi is becoming a
dustbowl, though some land developers are taking
care to have green surroundings in the colonies
that they develop.

In keeping with the development around them, the

urban villages like Munirka, Ber Sarai etc. have
built multi storey houses to meet the rising demand
for housing. No wonder, people who have come as
immigrants are gradually veering round to the view
that returning to their native places would be good
if work was available.

CHAPTER-II
 71

Consequent to the haphazard material development,

Delhi faces crisis on all fronts, i.e., Civic
amenities, Power, Transport, Environment, reduced
employment opportunities, lack of space to put up
housing, gallopping rise in unauthorised squatter
settlements and slums, pollution, Law and order
and break up of traditional familial ties.

There has been sudden inflow of money into the

hands of the upper class, when the value in real
terms of lower classes' income fell. This brought
about apparent widening of the gulf between the
rich and the poor, making the traditional saying
'Rich becoming richer and poor becoming poorer'
appropriate.

Future of the youth was affected by uncertainties

of employment and even training in vocation of
choice not being available in the educational
institutions; and disappointment due to intense
competition for seats in institutions of higher
education have added to social tensions at all
levels. The final crunch came in the form of

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rising cost of living due to fall in the value of

currency.

This was the situation of Delhi at the time of this

study.

Housing Shortage:
When did the housing shortage emerge? How did it
rise? Slum is a product of the Bourgeoise Social
Order and it is found in a society in which a large
number of workers are exclusively dependent upon
wages, that is to say, on the sum of food stuff
necessary for their existence and for the
propagation of their kind, in which improvement of
the existing machinery continually throw masses out
of employment. In such a situation violent and
regularly recurring industrial vaccillations
determine, on the one hand, the existance of a
large reserve army of unemployed workers, and on
the other, drive large masses of the workers
temporarily unemployed into the streets. Thus the
workers are crowded together in the big towns at a
quicker rate than dwellings come into existance for

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them under existing conditions. There must always

be tenants even for the infamous pigsties. The
house owner in his capacity as a capitalist
exploits the situation ruthlessly by expropFiating
abnormally high rent from the hapless

workers. (29). Engels further adds:

"By Haussmann I mean the practice which has now
become general of making breaches in the working
class quarters of our big towns, and particularly
in those which are centrally situated, quite apart
from whether this is done from considerations of

public health and for beautifying the town, or

owing to the demand for big centrally situated
premises, or owing to traffic requirements, such
as the laying down of railways, streets etc. No
matter how different the reason may be, the result
is everywhere the same: the scandalous alleys and

(29) F.Engels, Volkstaat, Leipzig, Organ of the

German Social Democrat Party, 1872.

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lanes disappear to the accompaniment of lavish self

praise from the bourgeoise on account of this
tremendous success, but they appear again
immediately somewhere else and often in the
immediate neighbourhood." (30)

Vivid description of the emergence of slums in

England is a testimony Engel's view. He writes:

"· .. a group.of houses situated in the valley bottom

of the river Medlock, which under the name of
Little Ireland was for years one of the worst
blots on Manchester. Little Ireland has long age
disappeared and on its site there now stands a
Railway station build on a high foundation. The
bourgeoise pointed with pride to the happy and
final abolition of Little Ireland as to a great
triumph. Now last summer a great inundation took
place, as in general the river embanked in our big

(30) Ibid, pp.28.

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towns cause extensive floods year after year owing

to easily understood causes. And it was then
revealed that Little Ireland had not been abolished
at all, but had been simply shifted from the south
side of Oxford Road to the North Side, and that it
still continues to flourish." (31)

Investigative reports about the flood revealed

that low lying areas, places where one expected
sanitary officials cleaning up the stinking walls
and disinfecting houses, were occupied by poorest
of the poor. A woman who lived with seven of her
children was of the opinion that the place was not
fit even for pigs to live in. But on account of
the low rent, she had taken it. If this was the
situation in England, perhaps much worse could
happen in India , because industrialisation in the
U.K. and India has never been the same in terms of
its scale and quality.

(31) ibid,29.

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HEALTH AND SANITATION:

Slums are areas inhabiting people with low income,
low literacy and low standard of living. Slum-
dwellers thus remain at the subsistence level. The
relationship between income, nutrition and health
is clearly evident in case of the slum dwellers.
Socio-cultural milieu and environment also
commensurate with structural realities of slums as
a social formation.

Slums are suffering from insanitation, unsafe water

supply and other deficient civic services which

lead to higher morbidity and mortality rates. In
Delhi the slum people have complained of stomach
disorders, fever, measles, malaria, typhoid and
tuberculosis. Such ailments appertain to the
poorest of the poor in urban areas more often than
the better off sections of society. Mortality
could be due to delayed treatment caused by high
cost of medical treatment, or non availability of
~

hospital facility to the people. Invariably, the

slum - dwellers fall prey to quacks. Superstitions

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also play a role in raising the mortality rates.

A study in Delhi shows that a vast majority of
child deaths are in the age group of 1 to 5 years.
However, the following points may also be noted:

a. No reliable data exists regarding the problems

of health and nutrition among slum-dwellers
to do a scientific analysis of the situation.
b. Up-to-date records of morbidity pattern are
needed to monitor changes effectively.
c. Comparative studies should be made of health
and nutrition in slums which have undergone
environmental improvement and slums which have
not, to compare the impact of such programmes.

d. Lack of mortality-rate records regarding

rates of mortality, especially infant
mortality and child death rates,
prevents formulation of policies;
especially adoption of small family norm.

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e. Comparative studes of nutrition and diet at the

micro level are needed for the effective design
of supplementary feeding programmes for

children and non-formal education regarding

nutrition.
f. Epidemiological studies of slums would give
information for those organising and delivering
health services to the community. (32)

MORALS:

Crime, Prostitution, vice and moral evils exist

primarily due to poverty. Inadequate housing has

further accelerated the causation of crime,
particularly among the delinquents. Singh and
D'Souza (33) observe: "A high incidence of deviant
behaviour, crime, juvenile delinquency,
prostitution, drunkenness, drug usage, mental
disorder, suicide, illegitimacy and family mal-

(32) Karl Marx, Das Capital, Peoples Publishing

House, Moscow , USSR.
(33) Singh and de Souza, Urban Poor, Manohar

Publications, New Delhi, 1980.

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adjustment have long been associated with slum

living."

Durkheim was one of the first thinkers to state

clearly that urbanisation inevitably results in a

high rate of crime and juvenile delinquency, and,it

has been validated by subsequent researches. Crime
is found more in urban than in rural
environment. (34)

Larger industrial and commercial centres have

higher crime and juvenile delinqency rates than

smaller, more isolated and more stable

communities. (35)

Poverty is accepted as a potent cause of deviant

behaviour. Association and environment play an
important part in the causation of crime. (36).

(34) Clinard, Marshal, B. (ed) Slums and Community

development,Experiments in Self-Help,The Free
Press,New York,1970.
(35) U.A.Attar,Urbanisation and Crime,op.cit,Social
Welfare, June 1978.
(36) M.A.Elliot, Crime in Modern Society, Harper &
Bros, New York,1952, pp.347.

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Clyde N Vedder and others, however, do not agree

with the theory of causal relationship between the
high delinquency rates of slum areas, and its
neighbourhood. They, however, agree that
neighbourhood characteristics are important to
understand the high rates of delinquency. Whether
or not there is a causal relationship between
these characteristics and delinquency remains
uncertain. (37)

Slum is an area where vices are found as much as

one finds them in non-slum area. A brief look at

the criminals lodged in the nearest jails would
show that the slum-dwellers are not the significant
or dominant group from among the imppisoned
convicts. However, unreported crime,delinquency and
social evils like alcoholism, drug-addiction and
prostitution may be found more mainly because of
the appropriation of the slum-situation by

(37) Clyde B Vedder and others, Criminology- A book

of Reading,Holt,Rinehart and Winston, New
York 1953, pp.7.

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outsiders such as toughs and professional

criminals.
SOCIAL GROUPINGS:

Slums have clearcut social division and groupings

based on kinship, language, religion, caste and

occupation. Each group, which is culturally
distinct, has its customs, has specific food
habits, festivals etc. Generally, slums are
dominated numerically by members of a caste,
community, district(s), region, linguistic group

etc. In case of a slum having multiple identities,

segregation and separation based on the above
criteria is a normal way of having social ties.
However, there are always common bases of social
activities as they all belong to the same slum(s) .
Such a commonality springs up from their nearly

common existential basis mainly in material terms.

As such slum refers to a class situation of the
pauperised proletariat, of the poorest of the poor.
71 % of the sample family members are dependants,

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i.e. 50% of the males and 96 % of females. 2 % are

earning dependants who depend partly on the main
bread winner of the family. For the city as a whole
the figure is 34 % as against 29 % for the slum
dwellers. (38)

Anti-Social activities are found in slums, but

they are not significantly higher than its
incidence in other upper class areas where the
problem is not of bare survival. Slums play an
important role in the functioning of the city's
economy. It can safely be said that the economy of
a city may come to a halt if the slum dwellers are
completely removed. Economic weakness and their
numerical superiority make the slum dwellers a
significant and politically powerful segment of
urban society.

(38) Sabir Ali, Slums Within Slums : A Study of

Resettlement Colonies in Delhi", Vikas
Publishing House, Delhi, 199l,pp.20-21.

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There is sufficient interaction between the upper

class people and the slum-dwellers who work for
them in various capacities. While there is an
element of antagonism, there is also a sense of
mutual respect based on symbiolic relationship.
Such a relationship may be explained in Marxian
terms as 'unity of the opposites'

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