Dawn News 2 Jul 2024

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The Dawn News of 2-Jul-24

Editorial
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‘Cruel jest’
ANOTHER year and another missed opportunity to set things right. But what is it for those who,
by all appearances (outward shows; ‫)ﻇﺎﮨﺮی ﺷﮑﻞ‬, consider themselves unaccountable
(unanswerable; ‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ ﺟﻮاﺑﺪہ‬to the public and unfussed (unconcerned; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﻓﮑﺮی‬by their miseries
(sufferings; ‫ ?)ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬Precisely three weeks ago, Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb had
solemnly (seriously; ‫ )ﺳﻨﺠﯿﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮯ‬declared that there were “no sacred cows (untouchable
entities; ‫ ”)ﻣﻘﺪس ﮔﺎﺋﮯ‬in his eyes and that “everyone would have to contribute to the economy”.
The pronouncement (declaration; ‫ )اﻋﻼن‬had come a day before the federal budget for the new
fiscal year was unveiled (revealed; ‫)ﺑﮯ ﻧﻘﺎب ﮐﯿﺎ‬, and it had momentarily (briefly; ‫)ﻋﺎرﺿﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬
ignited (sparked; ‫ )ﺑﮭﮍﮐﺎﯾﺎ‬some hope that Pakistan, at long last, was serious about setting itself
on a path of equitable (fair; ‫ )ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ‬taxation and sustainable (maintainable; ‫ )ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار‬spending
under a ‘technocrat’ finance minister. Between then and this weekend, however, the nation has
realised that the finance minister’s ‘assurances (guarantees; ‫ ’)ﯾﻘﯿﻦ دﮨﺎﻧﯽ‬had been little more
than a cruel jest (harsh joke; ‫)ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﮧ ﻣﺬاق‬. Speaking at a news conference on Sunday, Mr
Aurangzeb could only express his condolences (sympathies; ‫ )ﺗﻌﺰﯾﺖ‬to the salaried class on the
higher taxes he had imposed on them.

It is now widely (extensively; ‫ )وﺳﯿﻊ ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ‬accepted that the coalition (alliance; ‫)اﺗﺤﺎد‬
government’s ‘crisis budget’ will achieve little more than strangulating (suffocating; ‫)ﮔﻼ ﮔﮭﻮﻧﭩﻨﺎ‬
those already paying their dues (payments; ‫ )واﺟﺒﺎت‬while allowing sacred cows to fatten
(increase; ‫ )ﺑﮍﮬﺎﻧﺎ‬themselves even further. Actual economic course correction has once again
been put off (delay; ‫ )ﻣﻠﺘﻮی ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬for another time. The term ‘deepening the tax net (increasing tax
collection; ‫ ’)ﭨﯿﮑﺲ ﻧﯿﭧ ﮐﻮ ﮔﮩﺮا ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬is being used widely in a bid (attempt; ‫ )ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬to rationalise
(justify; ‫ )ﺟﻮاز‬what was clearly another half-hearted (unenthusiastic; ‫ )ﻧﯿﻢ دﻟﯽ‬attempt at fixing the
state’s perennial (lasting; ‫ )داﺋﻤﯽ‬revenue woes (troubles; ‫)ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬. It is little more than a
euphemism (mild term; ‫)ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻔﻆ‬, a fig leaf (cover-up; ‫ )ﭘﺮدہ ﭘﻮﺷﯽ‬for our decision-makers’
continuing unwillingness (reluctance; ‫ )ﻋﺪم ﺧﻮاﮨﺶ‬or inability (incapacity; ‫ )ﻋﺪم ﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ‬to
meaningfully (significantly; ‫ )ﺑﺎﻣﻌﻨﯽ‬expand the tax base (taxable resources; ‫)ﭨﯿﮑﺲ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻨﯿﺎد‬. To add
insult to injury (harm; ‫)ﭼﻮٹ‬, the government has not felt compelled (forced; ‫ )ﻣﺠﺒﻮر‬to cut its own
expenditures in any meaningful (significant; ‫ )ﺑﺎﻣﻌﻨﯽ‬way: those paying will just be forced to pay
even more to fund its profligacy (wastefulness; ‫)ﻓﻀﻮل ﺧﺮﭼﯽ‬. Meanwhile (at the same time; ‫اﺳﯽ‬
)‫دوران‬, the trader class, whose activities remain largely undocumented (unrecorded; ‫)ﻏﯿﺮ دﺳﺘﺎوﯾﺰی‬,
have been let off once again, presumably (probably; ‫ )ﺷﺎﯾﺪ‬because of political expediencies
(advantages; ‫)ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽ‬.

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Likewise, while a big show has been made of increased taxes on real estate (property; ‫)ﺟﺎﺋﯿﺪاد‬,
these will apply mainly to ordinary citizens and not to those who belong to the armed forces or
the federal or provincial bureaucracies. Our lawmakers have also managed to have their travel
allowances (stipends; ‫ )اﻻؤﻧﺴﺰ‬increased from Rs10 per kilometre to Rs25, increased the number
of travel vouchers (coupons; ‫ )واؤﭼﺮز‬they receive annually from 25 to 30, and also introduced a
measure which would see unused air tickets from one year carry over (transfer; ‫ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬to the
next instead of being cancelled. The audacity (boldness; ‫ )ﺟﺮات‬of such measures should be
illustrative enough to show how the ruling classes continue to privilege (advantage; ‫)اﻣﺘﯿﺎز‬
themselves while throwing the rest of the nation under the bus. That this is happening while the
authorities clamour (uproar; ‫ )ﮨﻨﮕﺎﻣﮧ‬for an umpteenth (countless; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﺷﻤﺎر‬IMF [International
Monetary Fund]

An international organization that provides financial support and advice to member countries]
bailout (financial rescue; ‫ )ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﻣﺪد‬explains why this country remains unable to break its shackles
(free itself; ‫ )ﺧﻮد ﮐﻮ آزاد ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬and find a more prosperous (wealthy; ‫ )ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎل‬future for its teeming
(abundant; ‫ )ﺑﮭﺮا ﮨﻮا‬millions.

Limited choices
NONE of the limited choices before the international community where dealing with the Afghan
Taliban regime are very good ones. For example, it would not be advisable (recommended;
)‫ ﻣﺸﻮرہ دﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬for foreign countries to fully embrace (accept; ‫ )ﻗﺒﻮل ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the Taliban before securing
commitments from them regarding inclusivity (inclusion; ‫ )ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖ‬and lifting of curbs
(restrictions; ‫ )ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪﯾﺎں‬that stand in the way of women’s education and participation in public life.
On the other hand, it would be unwise (foolish; ‫ )ﻧﺎﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ اﻧﺪﯾﺶ‬for the world to isolate Afghanistan
and leave millions of ordinary Afghans in the lurch. It should be remembered that the last time
the comity (courtesy; ‫ )ﺧﻮش اﺧﻼﻗﯽ‬of nations refused to engage with the Taliban, the hard-line
(strict; ‫ )ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﯿﺮ‬outfit (organization; ‫ )ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻢ‬moved even closer to Al Qaeda. Therefore, the most
feasible (possible; ‫ )ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬course at this point appears to be limited engagement with the Taliban,
while continuing to apply pressure upon Afghanistan’s de facto (in reality; ‫ )در ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ‬rulers to lift
their stringent (strict; ‫ )ﺳﺨﺖ‬curbs on women’s freedom. The international community seems to
have realised the practicality (usefulness; ‫ )اﻓﺎدﯾﺖ‬of the aforementioned (previously mentioned;
)‫ ﻣﺬﮐﻮرہ ﺑﺎﻻ‬course, which is why Taliban representatives were invited to recent UN-backed
(supported by the United Nations; ‫ )اﻗﻮام ﻣﺘﺤﺪہ ﮐﯽ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﯾﺎﻓﺘﮧ‬discussions in Doha about the future
of Afghanistan. Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid, who led the Afghan delegation (group
of representatives; ‫)وﻓﺪ‬, did not mention girls’ education or human rights, but was keen to court
foreign support for his country, and called for lifting (removing; ‫ )اﭨﮭﺎﻧﺎ‬sanctions (penalties;
)‫ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪﯾﺎں‬on Afghanistan.

While the Taliban’s track record (history; ‫ )رﯾﮑﺎرڈ‬on human rights is abysmal (terrible; ‫)ﺑﮩﺖ ﺧﺮاب‬,
and the international community should not legitimise (validate; ‫ )ﺟﺎﺋﺰ‬the group’s misogyny
(hatred of women; ‫)ﻋﻮرت ﺳﮯ ﻧﻔﺮت‬, a more realistic (practical; ‫ )ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ ﭘﺴﻨﺪاﻧﮧ‬view of the issue is
needed. As per the UN, 23.7m people in Afghanistan are in need, and the country continues to
suffer from “entrenched (established; ‫ )ﺟﻤﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﻮا‬poverty”. It is evident (clear; ‫ )واﺿﺢ‬then that
ordinary Afghans should not be punished for the Taliban’s medieval (middle ages; ‫)ﻗﺮون وﺳﻄﯽ‬
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worldview (perspective; ‫)ﻧﻘﻄﮧ ﻧﻈﺮ‬. Cutting off (disconnecting; ‫ )ﮐﺎﭨﻨﺎ‬Afghanistan from the global
financial system, and preventing states from trading with it, will only add to the population’s
misery (suffering; ‫)ﺑﺪﺣﺎﻟﯽ‬. Therefore, engagement (involvement; ‫ )ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖ‬with the Taliban should
continue, with the message that full international recognition can only come when girls are
allowed unobstructed (clear; ‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺴﺪود‬access to education, and women participation in public
life. Moreover, no terrorist outfits can be allowed to use Afghan soil to attack other countries.
As this process continues, Afghans in need should be able to access international humanitarian
aid. Moreover, Muslim states, including Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, should make more effort to
convince the Taliban leadership that educating girls does not violate religious norms (standards;
)‫اﺻﻮل‬.

India’s victory
IN the end, the best team won — the team that held its nerve best (calmness; ‫ )اﻋﺼﺎب ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬when
the stakes (risks; ‫ )داؤ‬were the highest. Batting lynchpin (key player; ‫ )ﮐﻠﯿﺪی ﮐﮭﻼڑی‬Virat Kohli had
laid the platform before bowling ace Jasprit Bumrah brought his side back (team return; ‫ﭨﯿﻢ‬
)‫ واﭘﺴﯽ‬into the game and when Suryakumar Yadav took that catch — the debate will rage on
whether it was a legitimate take or a six — the glory (honor; ‫ )ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬was India’s. For Rohit
Sharma’s men, the T20 World Cup crown ended an 11-year wait for an international title. For
South Africa, the loss in their maiden (first; ‫ )ﭘﮩﻠﯽ‬global tournament final adds to their long list of
heartbreaks. The title seemed to be theirs with 30 runs required off (needed from; ‫)ﺿﺮورت ﺗﮭﯽ‬
the last 30 deliveries; the momentum with them. But India came back, just like they did against
arch-rivals (main competitors; ‫ )اﮨﻢ ﺣﺮﯾﻒ‬Pakistan in the first round of the tournament, to stun the
South Africans. Bumrah delivered telling overs (decisive overs; ‫ )ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ ﮐﻦ اوورز‬to clip Proteas’
wings. Yadav then pulled off (achieved; ‫ )ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﯿﺎ‬a stunner (shock; ‫ )ﺣﯿﺮاﻧﯽ‬on the boundary —
replays later showing that the skirting (avoiding; ‫ )اﺟﺘﻨﺎب ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬had been pushed back — to dismiss
David Miller. For their stalwarts, Kohli — who hit 76 in the decider — and captain Sharma, it was
a fitting farewell with the duo (pair; ‫ )ﺟﻮڑی‬announcing that it was their last Twenty20
International. India took the title by winning all their matches, overpowering (overwhelming; ‫)ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬
a South African team that had won all of its games before the final, and even without Kohli and
Sharma, they look well-placed to dominate cricket’s shortest format in the years to come.

There are lessons here. India stuck with Kohli and Sharma even though their strike rates came
under question. They backed the others too. Most importantly, they kept faith. A World Cup
where Afghanistan made a shock run to the semi-finals, and where there were some stunning
upsets (disturbances; ‫)ﮨﻨﮕﺎﻣﮯ‬, has shown that the big boys of world cricket cannot rest on their
laurels (honors; ‫)اﻋﺰازات‬. There is a need to constantly improve to be the best.

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Opinion
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Did she slip up (mistake; ‫ )ﻏﻠﻄﯽ‬with emergency?
JUNE 25 marked the anniversary (commemoration; ‫ )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮہ‬of Indira Gandhi’s 21-month 1975-77
emergency. The 50-year-old event came up for censure (criticism; ‫ )ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪ‬in the Lok Sabha
Speaker’s and president Draupadi Murmu’s address to the joint sitting of the two Houses of
Parliament last week. The fuss (commotion; ‫ )ﮨﻨﮕﺎﻣﮧ‬over the emergency looks clearly designed to
frame the resurgent (reviving; ‫ )اﺑﮭﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﻮا‬Congress and mask the BJP’s role in far worse and truly
horrific (terrifying; ‫ )ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک‬events like the ethnic (racial; ‫ )ﻧﺴﻠﯽ‬cleansing (purging; ‫ )ﺻﻔﺎﺋﯽ‬in
Manipur, Gujarat pogroms and the destruction of Kashmiri lives under the Modi government.

Be that as it may, Khushwant Singh, J.R.D. Tata, Bal Thackeray and the Communist Party of
India (CPI) supported Mrs Gandhi’s suspension of civil liberties (personal freedoms; ‫)ﺷﮩﺮی آزادﯾﺎں‬.
The usually phlegmatic (calm; ‫ )ﭘﺮﺳﮑﻮن‬Tata said that “things had gone too far. You can’t imagine
what we’ve been through here — strikes, boycotts, demonstrations (protests; ‫)ﻣﻈﺎﮨﺮے‬. Why, there
were days I couldn’t walk out of my office into the street”.

The emergency, of course, was fought when it needed to be fought. At JNU, at the dead of night,
K.N. Ganesh would be on the prowl (roam; ‫ )ﮔﮭﻮﻣﻨﺎ‬with cyclostyled (duplicated; ‫ )ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪہ‬sheets
excoriating (criticizing; ‫ )ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the dictatorship. The targets included alleged ‘collaborators’
from faculty and management. Ganesh would slip in his subversive papers under the doors of
hostel inmates (prisoners; ‫)ﻗﯿﺪی‬. A few could tell from the dragging sound of his worn-out
slippers (footwear; ‫ )ﭼﭙﻞ‬with which he attended Romila Thapar’s ancient history classes that the
zealous (enthusiastic; ‫ )ﭘﺮﺟﻮش‬CPI-M supporter was on the move.

The Gestetner machine, its ink, A4 sheets and stencils (templates; ‫ )ﺳﺎﻧﭽﮯ‬were to be kept from
the security guards and ‘enemy agents’. An “enemy’s” room was selected as safe for the
purpose. Ali Javed, whose communist (socialist; ‫ )ﮐﻤﯿﻮﻧﺴﭧ‬party supported Mrs Gandhi, would
chortle (laugh; ‫ )ﻗﮩﻘﮩﮧ‬for as long as he lived remembering his playing trustee (guardian; ‫)اﻣﺎﻧﺖ دار‬
of the rival (competitor; ‫ )ﺣﺮﯾﻒ‬partisans’ printing machine. Several students were rounded up
(gathered; ‫ )ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ‬and released. Probir Purkayastha was jailed for the entire duration of the
emergency. Purkayastha was in Tihar jail again recently for running a media platform critical
(crucial; ‫ )اﮨﻢ‬of the Modi government. A double whammy (blow; ‫ )ﺟﮭﭩﮑﺎ‬for the former communist
student whose party once courted the BJP as an ally (partner; ‫ )اﺗﺤﺎدی‬in the fight for democracy.
JNU students’ union president Devi Prasad Tripathi was arrested soon after. Popular as DPT
[Democratic Progressive Party A major political party in Taiwan] he became a Rajya Sabha MP
and used his position to arrange visas (permits; ‫ )وﯾﺰے‬for Pakistani peaceniks (peace advocates;
)‫اﻣﻦ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬.

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The other inference is that Indira Gandhi saw a threat to India’s democracy as it was conceived
by her father’s enlightened associates (partners; ‫)ﺳﺎﺗﮭﯽ‬.

When elections were held in March 1977, Indira Gandhi suffered a resounding defeat in her
bastion of Rae Bareli. The socialist maverick (nonconformist; ‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ رواﯾﺘﯽ‬Raj Narain who laid her
low would soon plead with (beg; ‫ )اﻟﺘﺠﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬her to help depose (overthrow; ‫ )ﻣﻌﺰول ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬her
successor (heir; ‫ )ﺟﺎﻧﺸﯿﻦ‬Morarji Desai and instal (install; ‫ )ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬Charan Singh as a short-term
prime minister. While the northern states — where the BJP would gain strength — routed
(defeated; ‫ )ﺷﮑﺴﺖ دی‬Mrs Gandhi, the southern states stood solidly (firmly; ‫ )ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻃﯽ ﺳﮯ‬with her.
Which explains her winning 154 seats even as she lost her own. That’s much more than the
Congress tally (count; ‫ )ﮔﻨﺘﯽ‬in recent polls. Mrs Gandhi made her last comeback (return; ‫)واﭘﺴﯽ‬
with 373 MPs in 1980, marking the end of the Janata Party experiment. The tally has mocked
her rivals (competitors; ‫)ﺣﺮﯾﻒ‬.

The emergency came in for censure (criticism; ‫ )ﺗﻨﻘﯿﺪ‬in addresses by the Speaker to the Lok
Sabha and by India’s president to the mandated meeting of the two Houses of the new
parliament last week. Let’s see why Rahul Gandhi was miffed (annoyed; ‫ )ﻧﺎراض‬by the strange
references.

Months of student violence — more vicious (malicious; ‫ )ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‬than what prompts the bulldozing
(forcing; ‫ )زﺑﺮدﺳﺘﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬of suspects’ homes these days — was widely seen as sponsored (funded;
)‫ ﮐﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﯽ‬by the RSS [Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh A right-wing Hindu nationalist organization
in India]. It started in Gujarat and spread to Bihar. It spurred (motivated; ‫ )ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ دی‬the rise of
Jayaprakash Narayan — JP — who called on police and army to disobey (defy; ‫ )ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬Indira
Gandhi’s orders, which effectively meant a call to revolt (rebellion; ‫ )ﺑﻐﺎوت‬against the sitting
prime minister of India. Mrs Gandhi locked him up with his supporters from the right to the left
of the spectrum (range; ‫)داﺋﺮہ‬, by declaring internal emergency.

The trigger for the measure lay in the Allahabad High Court judgement that found Mrs Gandhi
guilty of using the Public Works Department to construct a podium (platform; ‫ )اﺳﭩﯿﺞ‬from which
she addressed an election rally. Also, her election manager was a junior government official,
which was illegal. For that, she had to be removed as prime minister and not be able to contest
(dispute; ‫ )ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ‬another election for six years. Going by the leeway (freedom; ‫ )آزادی‬available to
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, for example, the high court verdict (judgment; ‫ )ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮧ‬was vicious,
if also a bad joke. JP came out of the jail as a hero, the Lok Nayak, the people’s leader who
helped retrieve (recover; ‫ )ﺑﺎزﯾﺎﻓﺖ‬Indian democracy from Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian (dictatorial;
)‫ آﻣﺮاﻧﮧ‬talons (claws; ‫)ﭘﻨﺠﮯ‬.

Two inferences can be made. It’s legitimate, even heroic, to call on the army, the bureaucracy,
the works, to disobey the orders of a dictator, a deemed (considered; ‫ )ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺎ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬dictator,
since dictators don’t normally accept the accusation (charge; ‫ )اﻟﺰام‬of being one.

The other inference to be drawn (attracted; ‫ )ﮐﮭﯿﻨﭽﺎ ﮨﻮا‬is that Indira Gandhi saw a threat to India’s
democracy as it was conceived (created; ‫ )ﺗﺨﻠﯿﻖ ﮐﯿﺎ‬by her father’s enlightened (informed; ‫روﺷﻦ‬
)‫ ﺧﯿﺎل‬associates in the constituent assembly. In the insidiously (subtly; ‫ )ﭘﻮﺷﯿﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮯ‬right-wing
(conservative; ‫ )داﺋﯿﮟ ﺑﺎزو‬upsurge (rise; ‫ )اﺿﺎﻓﮧ‬that JP was leading, she clearly read the
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fingerprints of religio-fascist (religious authoritarian; ‫ )ﻣﺬﮨﺒﯽ آﻣﺮ‬groups camouflaged (disguised;


)‫ ﭼﮭﭙﺎ ﮨﻮا‬as seekers of democratic liberties. And this is said to have prompted her to take the
steps she believed were provided for the situation in the constitution.

Did Mrs Gandhi fall short of her objective (goal; ‫ — )ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬by focusing more on grooming
(preparing; ‫ )ﺗﺮﺑﯿﺖ‬her son Sanjay Gandhi as successor — in vacating (leaving; ‫ )ﺧﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the threat
to democracy she saw and many now also see? “This is worse than the declared emergency”, is
a common refrain (avoid; ‫ )ﺑﺎز رﮨﻨﺎ‬today. These critics (reviewers; ‫ )ﻧﻘﺎد‬have seen dark methods of
seeking to crush the opposition, intellectuals (scholars; ‫)داﻧﺸﻮر‬, farmers and students among
them, some jailed for years without trial (hearing; ‫)ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮧ‬, manifold (multiple; ‫ )ﮐﺌﯽ ﮔﻨﺎ‬longer than
Mrs Gandhi kept her quarries (mines; ‫)ﮐﺎﻧﯿﮟ‬.

“Only one thing could have stopped our movement — if our adversaries had understood its
principle and from the first day smashed (broken; ‫ )ﺗﻮڑ دﯾﺎ‬with the utmost (maximum; ‫زﯾﺎدہ ﺳﮯ‬
)‫ زﯾﺎدہ‬brutality (cruelty; ‫ )ﺑﺮﺑﺮﯾﺖ‬the nucleus of our new movement (core group; ‫ﮨﻤﺎری ﻧﺌﯽ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ ﮐﺎ‬
)‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬.” Thus exulted (rejoiced; ‫ )ﺧﻮﺷﯽ ﺳﮯ ﺟﮭﻮم اﭨﮭﺎ‬Adolf Hitler while addressing the Nuremberg [A
city in Germany known for the Nuremberg Trials post-World War II A city in Germany, historically
significant for the trials of Nazi war criminals] party rally in September 1933. Did Indira Gandhi
fail to grasp (understand; ‫ )ﺳﻤﺠﮭﻨﺎ‬his point?

The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.

Broken politics, broken budget


THE budget has come and gone, as far as parliament is concerned. The PPP showed much
concern and made much noise but then quietly (silently; ‫ )ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ ﺳﮯ‬voted for it, while the PTI
couldn’t even put up (resist; ‫ )ﻣﺰاﺣﻤﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬much of a noisy show in parliament. They were far too
busy fighting each other.

And so the PML-N has successfully passed a budget, which has been more widely criticised
than any in the recent past; when confronted (faced; ‫ )ﺳﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬with criticism, the party continues
to blandly (dully; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﻣﺰہ‬remind us all that everyone knew this was going to be a ‘difficult’ budget.
Of course, what they conveniently (easily; ‫ )آﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﮯ‬ignore is that the state, the politicians, the
bureaucracy, and the military have managed to avoid any burden or difficulty while the salaried
class and the more vulnerable (exposed; ‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ‬people are left to carry the burden, through
direct and indirect taxes.

expenses (costs; ‫ )اﺧﺮاﺟﺎت‬in government departments have gone up; salaries and pensions have
gone up; bonuses (extra pay; ‫ )ﺑﻮﻧﺲ‬are being given generously (lavishly; ‫)ﻓﺮاخ دﻟﯽ ﺳﮯ‬. But for
those outside the ‘state’, good news is downloading at the speed of their internet. Hope is a tiny
bird, which is sitting where only a few in government can see it.

Consider the finance minister’s latest press conference on Sunday. Pension reform is in the
works, he says, as is tax on traders. Reducing expenses and shutting down (closing; ‫)ﺑﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬
departments is also in the pipeline. Passing responsibilities (read: expenses) on to the
provinces is also being discussed.
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Its Camelot (ideal place; ‫ )ﻣﺜﺎﻟﯽ ﺟﮕﮧ‬in the making but for those stuck (trapped; ‫ )ﭘﮭﻨﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺎ‬in the
purgatory (limbo; ‫ )ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮزخ‬called the tax net, hell couldn’t really be any worse.

For those stuck in the purgatory called the tax net, hell couldn’t really be any worse.

This is the second press conference by the finance minister since the budget was presented
and it seems as if he doesn’t realise he is not just dealing with a distrustful (skeptical; ‫)ﺑﮯ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬
IMF but also a citizenry (population; ‫ )ﺷﮩﺮی‬which is equally suspicious (doubtful; ‫ )ﻣﺸﮑﻮک‬of the
Pakistan government. Muhammad Aurangzeb may have given up his passport and private
sector comforts (ease; ‫ )راﺣﺖ‬to come help the motherland but he is not the first such sincere
(genuine; ‫ )ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‬finance minister who has promised good times to the people in the vague
(unclear; ‫ )ﻣﺒﮩﻢ‬future.

What he doesn’t realise is that he carries the burden of the past few years; half a dozen finance
ministers have sat in the very same chair and made similar promises. Indeed, since 2018, the
people have been promised temporary pain, as the government — any government — gets
around to fixing problems. But while the pain is never-ending, the ‘fixing’ and the relief never
come.

And this is part of the reason why the anger this time around has been immediate, to which the
government seems oblivious. What else would one call it? The government doesn’t even realise
the need for optics. Confront it on its rising expenses and increased salaries, and the
government holds forth (expounds; ‫ )وﺿﺎﺣﺖ ﮐﺮﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬on how this will not make much of a
difference to the numbers. In others words, it appears oblivious (unaware; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﺧﺒﺮ‬to the need for
even making token efforts (symbolic actions; ‫ )ﻋﻼﻣﺘﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺸﯿﮟ‬at belt-tightening (austerity; ‫ﮐﻔﺎﯾﺖ‬
)‫ﺷﻌﺎری‬. Why else would the finance minister announce a three-month bonus for the National
Assembly staff during his speech, after having already given the entire bureaucracy a hefty
(large; ‫ )ﺑﮭﺎری‬raise?

But then, the problem is bigger than him or even the PML-N. This budget and the interests it has
protected at the expense of squeezing (pressing; ‫ )ﻧﭽﻮڑﻧﺎ‬the already weak shows, at one level,
the impact of manipulated (controlled; ‫ )ﺟﻮڑ ﺗﻮڑ‬election results — in 2018 and 2024. beleaguered
(troubled; ‫ )ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن‬and weak governments are simply incapable of protecting the rights of those
who can vote for them; the protection is, instead, secured for those who have shaped
governments. And this makes many wonder (awe; ‫ )ﺣﯿﺮت‬if this is why governments are being
shaped. To protect the privileges (benefits; ‫)ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت‬, which may be less secure if the people are
able to choose who comes to power? Institutional and individual likes and dislikes, which drive
(effort; ‫ )ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬narratives and analyses, are perhaps secondary.

And this is directly linked to the second point of the breathless (panting; ‫)ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﮭﻮﻟﻨﺎ‬
commentary (analysis; ‫ )ﺗﺒﺼﺮہ‬on how the heavy taxation and high energy bills will lead to
chances of rioting (uproar; ‫ )ﻓﺴﺎدات‬or street protests.

In fact, those who point this out also tend (care for; ‫ )ﺧﯿﺎل رﮐﮭﻨﺎ‬to frequently bemoan (lament; ‫ﻣﺎﺗﻢ‬
)‫ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the Pakistani people’s inability to protest and push back against an increasingly extractive
(exploitative; ‫ )اﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻟﯽ‬state. However, this analysis — both in terms of those who expect rioting

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and those who think the people are far too submissive (obedient; ‫ — )ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮدار‬is too Punjab-
focused. It seems as if they are unaware (ignorant; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﺧﺒﺮ‬of events in Balochistan, where the
discord with the state has led to two interconnected (linked; ‫ )ﻣﻨﺴﻠﮏ‬but distinct (different; ‫)ﻣﻨﻔﺮد‬
movements. If one is a violent struggle, the second is a peaceful street protest led by women to
highlight enforced disappearances.

Similarly, in parts of KP, the emergence of the PTM [Pashtun Tahafuz Movement A human
rights movement for Pashtuns Pakistan] is also a form of protest politics.

Perhaps one can go so far as to say that at least half of Pakistan is already home to movements
or political expressions, which no longer think parliament is the forum where negotiations
(discussions; ‫ )ﻣﺬاﮐﺮات‬can be carried out for the benefit of the people, be it economic or political.
It is important to note that these movements may have political issues at heart but economic
ones are not far behind. The Baloch have long complained about their resources being
monopolised (dominated; ‫ )اﺟﺎرہ دار‬by the centre, instead of being used for the welfare (well-
being; ‫ )ﻓﻼح و ﺑﮩﺒﻮد‬of the people living in the province. The PTM’s initial demands included the
issue of compensation (reparation; ‫ )ﻣﻌﺎوﺿﮧ‬for the damage caused to property and livelihood
(means of living; ‫)ذرﯾﻌﮧ ﻣﻌﺎش‬.

The point here is that those who think that the decisions of the state will not change unless
there is rioting and street protests, are essentially (basically; ‫ )ﺑﻨﯿﺎدی ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬accepting that the
election cycle, the formal structure of political parties, and parliament are no longer sufficient
(adequate; ‫ )ﮐﺎﻓﯽ‬for providing a voice or space to ordinary people. In other words, for the voice
of the people to be heard, politics now has to be carried out on the street, in the shape of
protests.

Indeed, our politics has been broken for a long time. The budget is simply another proof of this.

The writer a journalist.

Economic butchery
PAKISTAN is teetering (unstable; ‫ )ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰل‬on the edge of economic collapse (fall; ‫ )ﮔﺮﻧﺎ‬due to its
persistent (continuous; ‫ )ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ‬struggle to increase the tax-to-GDP ratio, a crucial (essential; ‫)اﮨﻢ‬
measure of its fiscal health (economic stability; ‫)ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﺻﺤﺖ‬.

Despite numerous (many; ‫ )ﻣﺘﻌﺪد‬efforts, many potential taxpayers remain outside the formal tax
net. Recent policies have unfairly targeted existing taxpayers, driving talent and capital away
and pushing the nation towards disaster. The recent passage of the Finance Act exemplifies
this flawed (defective; ‫ )ﻋﯿﺐ دار‬strategy, threatening long-term economic stability.

For the past decade, Pakistan has relied (depended; ‫ )اﻧﺤﺼﺎر ﮐﯿﺎ‬heavily on taxing non-filers and
compliant taxpayers to boost (increase; ‫ )ﻓﺮوغ دﯾﻨﺎ‬its revenues. Originally, the aim of collecting
taxes from non-filers was twofold (double; ‫)دو ﮔﻨﺎ‬: generate immediate revenue and use the
gathered data to bring the non-filers into the tax net. Sadly, the state failed to achieve the latter
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(second; ‫)آﺧﺮ اﻟﺬﮐﺮ‬. Instead of leveraging (utilizing; ‫ )ﻓﺎﺋﺪہ اﭨﮭﺎﻧﺎ‬this data, it has merely (only; ‫)ﻣﺤﺾ‬
increased taxes for non-filers, using it as a short-term revenue tool rather than a long-term
strategy for fiscal health.

The Finance Act exacerbates (worsens; ‫ )ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬this issue, further increasing the rate of tax
on non-filers and imposing tax rates as high as about 60 per cent on existing filers’ income.

This approach is flawed (defective; ‫)ﻋﯿﺐ دار‬. Unlike Scandinavian countries, where high tax rates
are balanced by extensive social services and a robust (strong; ‫ )ﻣﻀﺒﻮط‬public infrastructure,
taxpayers here see little or no return on their contributions. The disparity (inequality; ‫)ﺗﻔﺎوت‬
creates a significant trust deficit (shortfall; ‫)ﺧﺴﺎرہ‬, with taxpayers feeling alienated (isolated; ‫اﻟﮓ‬
)‫ﺗﮭﻠﮓ‬. High taxes on compliant taxpayers have stifled (suppressed; ‫ )دﺑﺎﯾﺎ ﮨﻮا‬economic activity,
reduced investment, and encouraged (motivated; ‫ )ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ‬tax evasion (avoidance; ‫)ﮔﺮﯾﺰ‬.

This is not a mere policy error; it is an unparalleled (unmatched; ‫ )ﺑﮯ ﻧﻈﯿﺮ‬disaster.

When individuals and businesses perceive (recognize; ‫ )ﭘﮩﭽﺎﻧﻨﺎ‬the tax system as punitive
(disciplinary; ‫ )ﺗﻌﺰﯾﺮی‬and unbalanced, they are more likely to engage in tax evasion and operate
within the informal economy (unregulated economy; ‫)ﻏﯿﺮ رﺳﻤﯽ ﻣﻌﯿﺸﺖ‬, undermining efforts to
formalise the economy and broaden the tax base.

This approach of persistently (constantly; ‫ )ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬targeting compliant taxpayers has already


driven away (repelled; ‫ )دور ﮐﺮ دﯾﺎ‬skilled professionals and entrepreneurs (businesspeople; ‫ﮐﺎروﺑﺎری‬
)‫اﻓﺮاد‬. With the ever-increasing (constantly rising; ‫ )ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺑﮍﮬﺘﯽ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ‬tax burden becoming
unbearable (intolerable; ‫)ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮداﺷﺖ‬, talented individuals have started seeking favourable
(advantageous; ‫ )ﺳﺎزﮔﺎر‬environments abroad, reducing the domestic talent pool (skilled people;
)‫ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺣﯿﺖ اﻓﺮاد‬and stifling potential economic growth and innovation (creativity; ‫)ﺟﺪت‬. This
exodus (migration; ‫ )ﮨﺠﺮت‬of human and financial capital severely hampers (hinders; ‫)روﮐﺘﺎ ﮨﮯ‬
Pakistan’s long-term economic prospects.

The state’s strategy extends to imposing indirect taxes on essential goods such as

milk, baby products, and petrol. This decision is nothing short of economic (financial; ‫)اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی‬

butchery (slaughter; ‫)ﻗﺘﻞ‬. By taxing these basic necessities (essentials; ‫)ﺿﺮورﯾﺎت‬, the state is
placing an unbearable burden on the shoulders of ordinary citizens, particularly those from
lower-income households. The cost of living will skyrocket (increase rapidly; ‫)ﺗﯿﺰی ﺳﮯ ﺑﮍﮬﻨﺎ‬,
pushing millions deeper into poverty and triggering widespread (extensive; ‫)وﺳﯿﻊ ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ ﭘﺮ‬
discontent (dissatisfaction; ‫)ﻋﺪم اﻃﻤﯿﻨﺎن‬.

Imagine a family struggling to buy milk for their children because it has been taxed to the point
of unaffordability (expensiveness; ‫)ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺮﯾﺪاری‬. Picture parents grappling (struggling; ‫ﺟﺪوﺟﮩﺪ‬
)‫ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬with the soaring (rising; ‫ )ﺑﮍﮬﺘﺎ ﮨﻮا‬costs of baby products while trying to provide the best care
for their newborns. Envision the devastating impact of rising petrol prices on transportation
costs, leading to increased prices for all goods and services. This is not a mere (just; ‫)ﻣﺤﺾ‬
policy error; it is a catastrophe (disaster; ‫ )ﺗﺒﺎﮨﯽ‬in the making, an unparalleled disaster that
threatens to unravel the social fabric (society structure; ‫)ﺳﻤﺎﺟﯽ ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮧ‬.
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Furthermore, the gains of selected elites (privileged; ‫ )اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ‬from properties have been
preserved (maintained; ‫ )ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ‬from taxation. Allowances of the armed forces and judiciary
remain untaxed, perpetuating (sustaining; ‫ )ﺑﺮﻗﺮار رﮐﮭﻨﺎ‬a system of inequality. No concrete
(tangible; ‫ )ﭨﮭﻮس‬measures have been taken to bring agricultural income within the federal tax
fold (enclose; ‫)ﻟﭙﯿﭩﻨﺎ‬, nor have there been clear directives (instructions; ‫ )ﮨﺪاﯾﺎت‬to provincial
governments to collect more taxes on agriculture and eliminate tax leakages (spills; ‫)رﺳﺎؤ‬. This
selective taxation preserves the status quo (existing state; ‫ )ﻣﻮﺟﻮدہ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬for the elite, while
burdening the average citizen.

To address these issues, it is essential that Pakistan learns from the successful strategies of
other countries. Pakistan should focus on bringing informal (casual; ‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ رﺳﻤﯽ‬sectors into the
formal economy through targeted policies and robust enforcement.

Leveraging technology to streamline (simplify; ‫ )ﮨﻤﻮار ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬tax compliances (adherence; ‫ )ﺗﻌﻤﯿﻞ‬and


employing data analytics (analysis; ‫ )ﺗﺠﺰﯾﮧ‬of data collected from non-filers to track economic
activities and ensure tax compliance, the tax-to-GDP ratio in Pakistan can grow organically
(naturally; ‫)ﻗﺪرﺗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬.

Moving forward, the focus needs to shift from overburdening (overloading; ‫ )ﺑﻮﺟﮫ ڈاﻟﻨﺎ‬existing
taxpayers to broadening the tax base. The state should immediately implement comprehensive
reforms to make the tax system more inclusive and transparent to bring the informal economy
into the tax net through incentives (motivation; ‫ )ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت‬and effectively using non-

filer data to identify with the help of technology and data analytics to bring them into the tax net.
Without immediate and decisive reforms, Pakistan will remain on a collision (crash; ‫)ﺗﺼﺎدم‬
course with catastrophe (disaster; ‫ ;)ﺗﺒﺎﮨﯽ‬it faces a doomsday (apocalypse; ‫ )ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺖ‬scenario
where our inaction (neglect; ‫ )ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬today becomes the tragedy (catastrophe; ‫ )ﺳﺎﻧﺤﮧ‬of tomorrow.

The writer is an advocate of the Supreme Court.

Engaging parents
PAKISTAN’S education system faces significant challenges on two fronts. Firstly, there is a
staggering number of out-of-school children, estimated at 26.2 million. This means that a
sizeable portion of the children is not accessing any formal education. Economic factors,
cultural barriers, and inadequate infrastructure are the primary reasons.

For instance, in some areas, cultural norms may prioritise work or domestic responsibilities over
schooling, especially for girls. Additionally, many remote areas lack adequate school facilities,
making access to education physically challenging. These children are denied the opportunity to
develop essential skills and knowledge, that perpetuates cycles of poverty and limits their
prospects. This lack of education not only affects their personal growth and future opportunities
but also hinders national development.

Secondly, the quality of education for the 43m children in school in Pakistan is another major
concern, as most experience poor learning outcomes due to factors like overcrowded

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classrooms, lack of qualified teachers, outdated teaching methods, poor governance,


insufficient resources, etc.

Overcrowded classrooms make it difficult for teachers to give individual attention to students,
hindering effective learning. Many teachers lack proper training and qualifications, which
impacts their ability to deliver quality education. Traditional teaching methods, often focused on
rote learning, do not foster critical thinking or problem-solving skills. Additionally, schools
frequently lack basic resources such as textbooks, teaching materials, and adequate facilities,
further compromising the learning environment. Despite school attendance, children are not
acquiring the necessary skills and knowledge to thrive in an increasingly competitive global
economy.

Parents have a crucial part in their child’s learning journey.

Shockingly, only 23pc of students at age 10 can read and understand age-appropriate text. This
indicates a significant gap in foundational literacy, which is crucial for future learning and
academic success.

Despite the significant educational challenges facing Pakistan, parents overwhelmingly express
satisfaction with the schooling system. Data from the Pakistan Social and Living Standards
Measurement surveys of 2014-15 and 2019-20 reveal that over 94pc of parents reported
satisfaction with schooling in the country.

Similarly, in the 2019 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study assessment, 76pc
of parents expressed satisfaction, and in the more recent National Achievement Test in 2023,
75pc of parents indicated complete satisfaction with schooling. This apparent paradox between
parental satisfaction and the reality of poor educational outcomes suggests a disconnect
between parents’ perceptions and the actual quality of education their children receive.

Bridging this gap between parental perception and educational reality is crucial for improving
learning outcomes. Parental engagement plays a vital role in a child’s learning journey. Research
shows that when parents are actively involved in their children’s education, children are more
likely to perform better academically, have higher attendance rates, and demonstrate improved
behaviour. Active engagement includes activities like helping with homework, attending parent-
teacher meetings, and encouraging a positive attitude towards learning.

The 2022 Global Education Evidence Advisory Panel report recommended several low-cost
parental involvement approaches that included direct communication from schools to parents,
engaging children in educational activities, reading books to a child (if the parent is literate), and
sharing simple exercises with parents via text or phone call.

Direct communication from schools, such as regular updates and progress reports, helps keep
parents informed and engaged in their children’s education. Encouraging parents to read to their
children and engage in educational activities at home promotes early literacy and cognitive
development. Sharing simple exercises and learning activities via text or phone can provide
parents with practical tools to support their children’s learning at home. Supporting the role of
parents should be a component of public policy in the medium term, as it can have a lasting
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impact on children’s educational outcomes.

At the same time, it is critical to generate a broader understanding of Pakistan’s foundational


learning challenges. While some challenges persist throughout the country, Pakistan’s
education landscape is heterogeneous, and delivery is devolved to the provinces. Each province
has its unique set of challenges and priorities, which must be addressed through tailored
solutions.

The writer is an education researcher and works for an Islamabad based think tank.

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