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Dawn News 27 June 2024
Dawn News 27 June 2024
Editorial
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Positive feelers
HOPES were not very high that relations between Pakistan and India would improve greatly
under Modi 3.0, and up till now there is little to suggest that Narendra Modi’s third
stint(tenure, )ﻣﺪت'ﻣﻼزﻣﺖin power would change the bilateral equation(mutual
relationship, )دوﻃﺮﻓﮧ'ﺗﻌﻠﻖpositively.
Pakistan was not invited to the Indian prime minister’s oath-taking earlier this month, whereas
other regional(local, )ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺋﯽleaders attended. Moreover, there was a
lukewarm(indifferent, )ﺳﺮد'ﻣﮩﺮیexchange of X posts between Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and
Mr Modi to mark(celebrate, )ﻣﻨﺎﻧﺎthe latter’s election victory, and while replying to Nawaz Sharif’s
congratulatory(expressing praise, )ﻣﺒﺎرﮐﺒﺎدtweet, the Indian leader highlighted the need for
‘security’.
Yet the Pakistani administration has lately sent out positive public feelers(sent out
(inquiries),)ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻘﺎت, perhaps(maybe, )ﺷﺎﯾﺪto gauge(measure, )ﭘﯿﻤﺎﺋﺶthe mood in New Delhi.
Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar, who also oversees(supervises, )ﻧﮕﺮاﻧﯽ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthe foreign affairs
portfolio(range of duties,)ﮐﺎروﺑﺎری'ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﯿﺎں, while speaking at(addressing, )ﺧﻄﺎب'ﮐﺮﻧﺎan event on
Tuesday, called for “good-neighbourly relations” with India, at the same time
emphasising(stressing, )زور'دﯾﻨﺎa “just and peaceful solution” to the Kashmir dispute. Mr Dar
added that it is time for “sober reflection” on the status of bilateral ties(connections,)راﺑﻄﮯ.
Moreover, the stalled(delayed, )ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮdialogue process should be restarted, both at the official
level and via(through, )ﮐﮯ'ذرﯾﻌﮯthe backchannel(informal communication,)ﻏﯿﺮ'رﺳﻤﯽ'راﺑﻄﮧ. The
Indian establishment can pretend that Pakistan no longer matters in its foreign policy
calculus(calculation,)ﺣﺴﺎب, but the truth is that a peaceful region will bring economic and other
dividends(returns, )ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊfor the entire subcontinent, including India.
Either the status quo(status, )ﺣﺎﻟﺖcan continue, and with it the mistrust(suspicion, )ﺑﺪ'اﻋﺘﻤﺎدیand
toxicity(harmfulness, )زﮨﺮﯾﻼthat have dominated bilateral relations for over seven decades, or
both sides can take bold steps for peace, and create a better future for the more than two billion
people of the subcontinent.
A basic framework(structure, )ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮧfor peace exists from the Musharraf era; this can be dusted
up(revived, )دوﺑﺎرہ'زﻧﺪہ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎand updated if both sides are committed to leaving the past behind and
working for a better future. Much will depend on whether and how New Delhi reacts to Mr Dar’s
overture(proposal,)ﺗﺠﻮﯾﺰ.
Polio problem
SIX cases in six months. The tally(count, )ﺷﻤﺎرfor the entire last year equalled(matched, )ﺑﺮاﺑﺮin
half the time. Pakistan’s efforts towards eradicating(eliminating,)ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧ, or even containing, the
polio virus seem to be failing. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif met American
philanthropist(benevolent, )ﻓﻼح'ﮐﺎرBill Gates, whose foundation has long funded the country’s
campaign(promotion, )ﻣﮩﻢto combat polio, just a day before the sixth confirmed case of the year
was officially reported. It is unlikely(improbable, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻣﻤﮑﻦthat their interaction would have been
an entirely pleasant(enjoyable, )ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻮارone. Huge(large, )ﺑﮍاsums of money have been
poured(invested, )ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﮧ'ﮐﺎریinto eradicating polio from the country by the Bill and
Melinda([Melinda Gates], )ﻣﯿﻠﻨﺪاGates Foundation, yet after a period where we seemed set to
achieve the ‘polio-free’ distinction(difference,)اﻣﺘﯿﺎز, the country now seems to have hit reverse
gear. The donors will not be happy. It seems worthwhile(valuable, )ﻗﯿﻤﺘﯽto mention here that
Pakistan is ‘half’ of the world’s polio problem: it is the only country, apart from war-ravaged(war-
torn, )ﺟﻨﮓ'ﺳﮯ'ﺗﺒﺎہAfghanistan, where the wild poliovirus continues to circulate. It is well known
what the cause behind Pakistan’s persistent(continuous, )ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞfailure to eradicate the disease
is, yet the government and the authorities remain unable to ensure compliance(adherence,)ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی
from vaccine-rejecting segments(parts, )ﺣﺼﮯof the population.
Somewhere, somehow(in some way,)ﮐﺴﯽ'ﻃﺮح, the authorities will have to put their foot
down(take a stand,)ﻣﻮﻗﻒ'اﺧﺘﯿﺎر'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ. It is unacceptable(intolerable, )ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﻗﺒﻮلthat the number of
children being disabled by an entirely preventable(avoidable, )ﻗﺎﺑﻞ'روکdisease continues to rise
while the government fails to rein in(control, )ﮐﻨﭩﺮول'ﮐﺮﻧﺎor penalise(punish, )ﺳﺰا'دﯾﻨﺎelements
spreading spurious(false, )ﺟﮭﻮﭨﮯrumours(gossip, )اﻓﻮاﮨﯿﮟand encouraging(promoting,)ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ'اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ
vaccine rejection. There is, of course, an ethical(moral, )اﺧﻼﻗﯽreason why no one should be
forced to take medication(drugs,)دواﺋﯿﺎں. At the same time, there are also good ethical reasons
to start formally penalising anyone who refuses to either take the anti-polio vaccine or
administer it to their children, including officially sanctioning(authorizing, )اﺟﺎزت'دﯾﻨﺎtheir
movement, which would limit the possibility of the virus spreading in previously cleared places,
and placing social checks on them, so that others can be made aware of the risk the
unvaccinated pose to larger society. Secondly, the government must put an immediate end
to(stop immediately, )ﻓﻮری'ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧthe targeting of polio workers, who already risk much to do an
immense(vast, )ﺑﮩﺖ'زﯾﺎدہpublic service. No polio worker should have to worry about losing life or
limb(body part, )ﻋﻀﻮas they work to protect the children of this country. The government needs
to demonstrate much more resolve for eradicating polio than it has been lately. Time is of the
essence(nature,)ﻣﺎﮨﯿﺖ.
Lessons and actions are overdue(delayed,)ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ'ﺳﮯ. The government must hit the ground(start
immediately, )ﻓﻮری'ﺷﺮوع'ﮐﺮﻧﺎrunning with a nationwide strategy comprising enhancement of
facilities at hospitals, mobile health units(portable medical units, )ﻣﻮﺑﺎﺋﻞ'ﺻﺤﺖ'ﮐﮯ'ﯾﻮﻧﭧand cooling
stations in low-income localities and along congested routes. In addition, there has to be
continuous mapping(surveying, )ﻧﻘﺸﮧ'ﺑﻨﺎﻧﺎof hotspots(crisis areas, )ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ'ﮐﮯ'ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎتin urban and
rural parts so that rapid response(quick action, )ﺗﯿﺰ'ردﻋﻤﻞmechanisms can rescue people in time.
Moreover, vulnerable(susceptible, )ﮐﻤﺰورresidents should have first-aid services at their doorstep.
Heatwaves cannot be wished away(disregarded,)ﻧﻈﺮاﻧﺪاز'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ. In fact, they are set to worsen in
Pakistan and India. Hence, there is little choice but to curtail(reduce, )ﮐﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthe
asphalt(pavement, )ﭘﺨﺘﮧ'ﺳﮍکand increase tree cover by converting vast tracts into(areas,)ﻋﻼﻗﮯ
forests, alongside upgrading and expanding parks and water bodies. Experts
assert(declare, )اﻇﮩﺎر'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthat foliage(leaves, )ﭘﺘﮯis the only way out of global warming — trees,
dubbed(nicknamed, )ﻧﺎم'رﮐﮭﻨﺎnatural air-conditioners, reduce temperatures by at least 4°C,
provide shade, absorb carbon in the atmosphere, emit oxygen and normalise monsoon patterns.
Pakistan must transition(change, )ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽto renewable energy(sustainable power,)ﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﺗﺠﺪﯾﺪ'ﺗﻮاﻧﺎﺋﯽ,
limit greenhouse gas fumes and develop a robust(strong, )ﻣﻀﺒﻮطtransport system to stem the
deluge(flood, )ﺳﯿﻼبof vehicles. In a rapidly warming world, saving human lives cannot be
delayed.
Opinion
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The despotic state
WHAT is a core(central, )ﻣﺮﮐﺰیhuman value? It’s freedom, says Nobel laureate(award
winner, )اﯾﻮارڈ'ﺣﺎﺻﻞ'ﮐﺮﻧﮯ'واﻻJoseph Stiglitz, the economist who, in his book The Road to Freedom,
pleads(requests, )اﻟﺘﻤﺎسfor an economic and political system based on equity, justice and well-
being.
The concept of freedom articulated by US president Franklin Roosevelt revolved around four
pillars: 1) freedom of speech and expression; 2) freedom of belief or faith; 3) freedom from
want; and 4) freedom from fear. “A person facing extremes of want and fear is not free,” says
Stiglitz, echoing Oxford philosopher Isaiah Berlin, who said that “freedom for the wolves has
often meant death to the sheep”.
Economic and political freedoms have deep connections. Can a nation have one set of rights
without the other? Unfortunately, we in Pakistan have lost the core value of freedom. Extremes
of want and fear haunt(disturb, )ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن'ﮐﺮﻧﺎus daily.
“The death of human empathy(compassion, )ﮨﻤﺪردیis one of the earliest and most telling signs
of a culture about to fall into barbarism(savagery,)ﺑﺮﺑﺮﯾﺖ,” said Hannah Arendt, the German-born
American historian, philosopher, political theorist and social critic(reviewer,)ﻧﺎﻗﺪ. The
dearth(scarcity, )ﮐﻤﯽof empathy is evident in our present ruling elite(select group,)اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ.
Subservient(submissive, )ﻣﺎﺗﺤﺖto the forces of tyranny(cruelty,)ﻇﻠﻢ, we are treading the path to
serfdom(bondage,)ﻏﻼﻣﯽ. Will we ever get on the road to freedom that leads to the republican
values of equity, justice, rule of law, and collective(shared, )اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽwell-being?
The elite’s hegemony(dominance, )ﻏﻠﺒﮧmust be broken. For that, we must ask what kind of
economic, political and social system will contribute to the freedom of most citizens. As Cicero
said some 2,000 years ago, “We are slaves of the law so that we may be able to be free.”
Thomas Jefferson, the US founding father who drafted the Declaration of Independence, said:
“The two enemies of the people are criminals and government, so let us tie the second down
with the chains of the Constitution so the second will not become the legalised version of the
first.”
The military establishment has ruled Pakistan directly or indirectly since the
abrogation(abolition, )ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧof our first constitution (1956). Four army chiefs ruled directly by
either imposing martial law, suspending the constitution, or becoming either president or chief
executive. Most other army chiefs have been de facto(in practice, )ﻋﻤﻠﯽ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮrulers under the
façade(appearance, )ﻇﺎﮨﺮی'ﻧﻤﺎﺋﺶof democratic dispensations(regimes,)ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯿﮟ.
Four political leaders who tried to assert(declare, )اﻇﮩﺎر'ﮐﺮﻧﺎcivilian supremacy met with an
adverse(negative, )ﻣﻨﻔﯽfate. One was hanged in a murder case. Two other heads of political
parties were sacked(dismissed, )ﻓﺎرغone after the other without completion of parliament’s
tenure in the 1990s. The fourth one, brought to power by the establishment to replace two
political dynasties(ruling families,)ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﯽ'ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯿﮟ, was shown the door through a vote of no-
confidence. The first went to the gallows(execution,)ﭘﮭﺎﻧﺴﯽ, the second chose exile(banishment,
) ﺟﻼوﻃﻨﯽover incarceration(imprisonment,)ﻗﯿﺪ, the third was assassinated, and the fourth, after
surviving an assassination attempt, is in prison under frivolous(trivial, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﺳﻨﺠﯿﺪہcharges.
A troika of power brokers has always called the shots(decisions, )ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯby manipulating
constitutional provisions. Initially, it was the president, prime minister and army chief under
Article 58(2)(b) of the 1973 Constitution. Later, the president lost his clout(influence, )اﺛﺮwith the
repeal of the draconian(severe, )ﺳﺨﺖclause. Then emerged the new troika of prime minister,
army chief and chief justice. The shenanigans(misbehavior, )ﺷﺮارﺗﯿﮟcontinue to this day, with the
military establishment and deep state involved in political engineering. Political
tussles(conflicts, )ﺟﮭﮕﮍےend up in courts and judicial verdicts(judgments, )ﻓﯿﺼﻠﮯdecide the fate
of political leaders.
homeland. They are waging(engaging, )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎa heroic battle against militants and violent
extremists who want to unravel(untangle, )ﺳﻠﺠﮭﺎﻧﺎthe state. We salute them for their courage
and sacrifices.
But when officers of the armed forces and intelligence agencies indulge(partake, )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎin
political engineering, they lose the public’s respect, and the compact(agreement, )ﻣﻌﺎﮨﺪہbetween
state and society comes under serious threat. This is where our state and society find
themselves currently. The nation looks up to its protectors and defenders, and expects them to
abide by(follow, )ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ'رﮨﻨﺎtheir oath, rise above narrow self-interest, and assist in nation-building
in these trying times(periods,)اوﻗﺎت.
The only way forward is to embark upon(start, )ﺷﺮوع'ﮐﺮﻧﺎcourse correction for the sake of equity,
justice and the collective well-being of citizens. Can our leaders ponder over George
Washington’s words to Alexander Hamilton: “I hope I shall always possess
firmness(stability, )اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎمand virtue(morality, )ﻧﯿﮑﯽenough to maintain (what I consider the
most enviable of all titles) the character of an honest man”?
We, the people, demand nothing but honesty and fairness(justness, )اﻧﺼﺎفfrom those leading
our armed forces, intelligence agencies, judiciary, bureaucracy and police services. Is it asking
too much, or shall we echo(resemble, )ﻣﺸﺎﺑﮩﺖthe Virginian Patrick Henry’s cry, “Give me liberty,
or give me death”?
The idea of a ‘moral economy’ comes from the English historian and writer E.P. Thompson, who
came up with the term ‘moral economy’ while studying the 18th-century food riots in England.
According to The Economist, “the rioters, he argued, were not motivated purely by empty bellies,
but by a belief that the bakers(bread makers,)ﻧﺎﻧﺒﺎﺋﯽ, farmers and millers(grain processors,ﭼﮑﯽ'ﻣ
) ﺎﻟﮑﺎنhad violated paternalist(guardian-like, )ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﮧcustoms, which suggested they should
limit their profit, sell locally and not hold back(restrain, )روﮐﻨﺎgrain(cereal,)اﻧﺎج.
Gradually(slowly,)آﮨﺴﺘﮧ'آﮨﺴﺘﮧ, Thompson argued, the moral economy was being displaced by a
market economy, in which prices follow the amoral(unethical, )ﺑﮯ'اﺧﻼﻗﯽlogic of supply and
demand, rather than ideas of what would be a ‘fair price(appropriate cost, ’)ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ'ﻗﯿﻤﺖin times
of scarcity(shortage,”)ﮐﻤﯽ.
His concept of the ‘moral economy’ still holds appeal. “Respondents to [Bulgarian-French
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economist Stefanie] Stantcheva’s surveys suggested that inflation widened the gap between
rich and poor, while businesses allowed prices to rise because of corporate(business,)ﮐﺎروﺑﺎری
greed(avarice,)ﻻﻟﭻ. They also ‘tend to believe that employers have a lot of power and
discretion(judgment, )اﺧﺘﯿﺎرin setting wages’, notes Ms Stantcheva. In their view, inflation is not
a phenomenon that emerges from hundreds of millions of people taking trillions of decisions. It
is something inflicted(imposed, )ﻣﺴﻠﻂon them by people at the top of the totem(symbol,)ﻋﻼﻣﺖ
pole. ... In a moral economy, concerns about what is right and wrong outweigh(override,)ﻓﻮﻗﯿﺖ
efficiency(productivity,)ﮐﺎرﮐﺮدﮔﯽ, imposing a cost on those assigning blame as well as those
being blamed.”
Global resources are becoming increasingly scarce and their deployment in terms of the best
socioeconomic returns is a must(necessary,)ﺿﺮوری.
Global resources are becoming increasingly scarce(rare, )ﻧﺎﯾﺎبand their deployment in terms of
the best socioeconomic returns is a must, especially in Pakistan’s case, where over 95m souls
live below the poverty line.
The definition of a ‘moral economy’ varies. In the West, it is focused on ‘climate compliance’. Its
relevance, however, can also incline(slope, )ڈﮬﻠﻮانtowards more fundamental issues, like the
allocation of budgetary revenues in Pakistan, which makes fiscal(budgetary, )ﻣﺎﻟﯿﺎﺗﯽaccount
imbalances the single biggest culprit(offender, )ﻣﺠﺮمresponsible for our ills, particularly the
unproductive(futile, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﭘﯿﺪاواریdiversion(detour, )ﻣﻮڑof our precious(valuable, )ﻗﯿﻤﺘﯽresources
towards debt servicing and privilege-soliciting subsidies. Of course, the equitable(fair,)ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ
and judicious(sensible, )ﻋﻘﻠﻤﻨﺪاﻧﮧcollection of taxes is critical to enhancing revenues, but it is the
expenditure side which is the focus of our argument.
A significant challenge to Pakistan’s moral economy is weak governance structures and an ever
-growing informal economy. Efforts to align economic practices with moral and ethical
standards often face hurdles(obstacles,)رﮐﺎوﭨﯿﮟ. Ironically(sarcastically,)ﺗﻀﺤﯿﮑًﺎ, debt
servicing(repaying, )اداﺋﯿﮕﯽand indirect subsidies are intimately connected and circular in nature,
as if the government is borrowing(loaning, )ﻗﺮضto extend the fruitless(unproductive,)ﺑﮯ'ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ
allocation of resources to benefit only a handful(few,)ﭼﻨﺪ.
In the past five years, of the Rs47tr the federal government spent, 42 per cent went into foreign
and local currency debt servicing, while 19pc went towards government salaries and pensions.
Regrettably, a negligible portion is allocated for health and education (predominantly provincial
subjects). The most inflation-inducing, nevertheless(however,)ﺗﺎﮨﻢ, has been the dishing
out(distributing, )ﺗﻘﺴﯿﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎon development programmes, which has been clocked at over 10pc.
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Just as exports can’t be enhanced through the free float(sustain, )ﺑﺮﻗﺮار'رﮐﮭﻨﺎof the exchange rate
alone, a tight monetary policy can’t beat inflation on its own.
There’s surely an extent to which monetary policy can help in controlling inflation, but after a
stage, it loses steam(energy,)ﺗﻮاﻧﺎﺋﯽ. The only way to bring debt servicing down is by cutting the
fiscal deficit(shortfall, )ﺧﺴﺎرہand making the subsidies direct and constructive(positive,)ﺗﻌﻤﯿﺮی.
There is, therefore, a quid pro quo([a favor for a favor], )ﺑﺪﻟﮯ'ﻣﯿﮟ'ﻓﺎﺋﺪہbetween loose monetary
policy and fully encompassing(including, )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎsubsidies. We need to let go of
exploitative(taking advantage, )اﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎل'ﮐﺮﻧﮯ'واﻻsubsidies to control inflation and to achieve the
interest rates adjustment for the greater good. Implementing economic reforms that align with
moral and ethical principles can be challenging, but also offer opportunities for sustainable and
inclusive growth. Policies promoting financial inclusion, social justice, and ethical business
practices can strengthen the ‘moral economy’. American economist Samuel Bowles argued in
his book The Moral Economy” that “[Even] Good incentives(motives, )ﻣﺤﺮﮐﺎتare no substitute for
good citizens.”
Sultan Ali Allana is chairman HBL. Zafar Masud is chairman Pakistan Banks Association.
Istanbul, not…
TURKISH cuisine(food, )ﮐﮭﺎﻧﺎis to die for, not from. What seafood([marine food], )ﺳﻤﻨﺪری'ﺧﻮراکis
to the Japanese, meat is for the Turks. It promises longevity(life expectancy,)ﻋﻤﺮ.
Türkiye today is where Pakistan should have been, had it been properly
husbanded(conserved,)ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ'ﮐﯿﺎ. Pakistan, although a brother in Islam, took instead(rather,)ﺑﺠﺎﺋﮯ
the path of unbridled(uncontrolled, )ﺑﮯ'ﻗﺎﺑﻮprocreation(reproduction,)ﭘﯿﺪاﺋﺶ. Türkiye’s population
(99 per cent Muslim) increased from 21 million in 1950, to 86m in 2023. Over the same period,
Pakistan’s population burgeoned(grew rapidly, )ﺗﯿﺰی'ﺳﮯ'ﺑﮍﮬﺎfrom 34m to over 220m. Birth control
is spelt differently in Turkish.
Today, while Pakistan is still struggling to emerge out of its ideological sac([a pouch],)ﺗﮭﯿﻠﯽ,
Türkiye knows what it is. It is the Türkiye envisaged(imagined, )ﺗﺼﻮر'ﮐﯿﺎby its Jinnah; ie, Kemal
Atatürk. On Nov 10 each year — Atatürk’s death anniversary(celebration, — )ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮہall Türkiye
comes to a halt and observes one minute’s silence. Jinnah shares his birthday with Jesus Christ
and Nawaz Sharif.
The late president Pervez Musharraf studied in Türkiye until 1956. He spoke Turkish
fluently(smoothly,)رواں. Unfortunately, that is all he learned. He forgot Türkiye’s
seismic(earthquake-related, )زﻟﺰﻟﮯ'ﺳﮯ'ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖshift from a khaki([military uniform],)ﮐﺎ'ﮐﯽ
kleptocracy([rule by thieves], )ﭼﻮروں'ﮐﯽ'ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖto a democratically elected dictatorship.
Its present ruler, Recep Erdogan, has been in power as prime minister, then president, since
2003. On his way up, he served as Istanbul’s mayor(city leader,)ﻣﯿﺌﺮ. (In China, being mayor of
Shanghai helps in reaching Beijing.)
In 1999, he served four months in jail for making a speech in which he recited Ziya Gökalp’s
1912 poem, Soldier’s Prayer. Erdogan quoted: ‘Minarets([tall towers of mosques], )ﻣﯿﻨﺎرےare
bayonets(knives,)ﺳﻨﮕﯿﻨﯿﮟ, domes are helmets, mosques are our barracks(military
housing,)ﭼﮭﺎؤﻧﯽ, believers are soldiers’.
Türkiye — dismissed(rejected, )ﻣﺴﺘﺮد'ﮐﺮﻧﺎin the 19th century as the “sick man of Europe”, and, in
the 20th century, denied entry into the EU — has decided to steer(direct, )رﮨﻨﻤﺎﺋﯽ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎits own
course. It is a vibrant(lively, )زﻧﺪہ'دلexample of a benign(harmless, )ﺑﮯ'ﺿﺮرIslam —
shorn(shaved, )ﻣﻮﻧﮉاof ritualism(ceremonialism, )رﺳﻤﯽand an intrusive(obtrusive,)ﺧﻠﻞ'ڈاﻟﻨﮯ'واﻻ
clergy(religious leaders,)ﻋﻠﻤﺎء.
Its priorities are education, infrastructure and expanding tourism. In 2023, Türkiye’s income
from 57m visitors exceeded $54 billion. The largest number — Russians — live within
spitting(expelling saliva, )ﺗﮭﻮﮐﻨﺎdistance across the Black Sea. Pakistan sent 140,388, less than
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155,155 Mexicans. The Mongolian hordes have yet to invade(intrude, )ﺣﻤﻠﮧ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎTürkiye. A Turkish
Chinatown is still decades away.
A 1990 guide book warned travellers that Turks were just “beginning to learn about living on
plastic”. Modern Turks are now as addicted(dependent, )ﻋﺎدیto plastic cards as the Americans
are to plastic surgery.
Turkey is becoming a preferred destination for medical tourism. Almost half a million foreign
visitors come to have their Iooks improved (or damaged) by Botox([a cosmetic
treatment], )ﺑﻮﭨﻮﮐﺲprocedures. Some hospitals have dedicated hotels where patients check in,
go next door to have their operation, and return for five-star recuperation(recovery,)ﺻﺤﺖ'ﯾﺎﺑﯽ.
In Istanbul, stray dogs and cats are tagged(labeled, )ﻟﯿﺒﻞ'ﻟﮕﺎﯾﺎat official expense and
pampered(indulged, )ﻻڈ'ﭘﯿﺎر'ﮐﯿﺎwith free meals and comfortable kennels([dog houses],)ﮐﺘﮯ'ﮐﺎ'ﮔﮭﺮ.
The Indian cynophile([dog lover],)ﮐﺘﺎ'ﭘﺴﺎﻧﺪ, Maneka Gandhi, who fought for Delhi’s canines, would
have been gratified(pleased,)ﺧﻮش. After the recent Eidul Azha holidays (known as Kurban
Bayrami), bones became hard to come by. A rabies([a viral disease], )رﯾﺒﯿﺰepidemic(outbreak,)وﺑﺎ
could force the Turkish administration to rethink its hospitality(welcoming nature,)ﻣﮩﻤﺎن'ﻧﻮازی.
Despite(in spite of, )ﮐﮯ'ﺑﺎوﺟﻮدthe keenness(enthusiasm, )ﺟﻮشto encourage tourists, Turks are
curiously(inquisitively, )دﻟﭽﺴﭙﯽ'ﺳﮯxenophobic(fearful of foreigners,)ﻏﯿﺮﻣﻠﮑﯿﻮں'ﺳﮯ'ڈرﻧﺎ. They insist
on speaking only Turkish. This often leads to a dialogue of the deaf between Turks and
strangers, until both tap into(utilize, )اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل'ﮐﺮﻧﺎtheir mobile phones for translation.
Istanbul’s shopping malls are a treat(a pleasure,)ﺧﻮﺷﯽ, even for a tourist tired of London. In
them, designer outlets(stores, )دﮐﺎﻧﯿﮟrubcheeks([a term for affectionate gesture], )ﮔﺎل'ﻣﻼﻧﺎwith
shops offering every kind of Turkish sweetmeats(candies, )ﻣﭩﮭﺎﺋﯿﺎںand flavours(tastes, )ذاﺋﻘﮯof
honey. Haunches(upper thighs, )راﻧﯿﮟof cured meat(preserved meat, )ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ'ﮐﯿﺎ'ﮨﻮا'ﮔﻮﺷﺖcompete
with Harrods([a famous department store], ’)ﮨﯿﺮوڈزFood Hall. The generational divide appears in
the Food Court, where hamburgers([sandwich with a patty], )ﮨﻤﺒﺮﮔﺮand fried chicken
overwhelm(overpower, )ﻏﻠﺒﮧtraditional adana kebabs([Turkish minced meat kebabs], )اداﻧﺎ'ﮐﺒﺎبand
shorba(soup,)ﺷﻮرﺑﮧ.
To spend a few days in a Turkish hotel is to escape from home. To live in a villa(mansion, )ﺑﻨﮕﻠﮧin
the cool, silent suburb(outskirts, )ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎتof Zekeriyaköy([a neighborhood in Istanbul],)زﮐﺮﯾﮧ'ﮐﻮﺋﯽ,
high in the green, undulating(rising and falling, )ﻟﮩﺮﯾﮟhills that overlook(neglect,)ﻧﻈﺮاﻧﺪاز'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ
Istanbul, is to holiday in heaven(paradise,)ﺟﻨﺖ.
Over Kurban Bayrami, its affluent(rich, )ﻣﺎﻟﺪارresidents fled(escaped, )ﻓﺮار'ﮨﻮﮔﺌﮯto their second
seaside homes, leaving streets empty for dogs, their walkers, and for those who prefer their Eid
away from an urban abattoir(slaughterhouse,)ذﺑﺢ'ﺧﺎﻧﮧ.
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Taxing health
‘BABU’ a colloquial(informal, )ﻏﯿﺮ'رﺳﻤﯽterm and a remnant(remainder, )ﺑﺎﻗﯽof our colonial past,
was used to refer to the British bureaucracy, who would wield(exercise, )اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthe stick to
tax the people. Even after independence, our inherited(inborn, )وراﺛﺘﯽbureaucratic system and
‘babu’ mindset(mentality, )ذﮨﻨﯿﺖhaven’t evolved. Every year before the budget, we hear of tax
babus([bureaucrats], )اﻓﺴﺮarbitrarily(randomly, )ﺑﻼ'وﺟﮧformulating policies, including on health, to
decide the fate of the people.
Interesting research published by the British Medical Journal in 2011 chronicles how, in 2003,
the Tony Blair government in the UK invited all food companies, secretly, and informed them of
the burden of hypertension(high bloodpressure, )ﺑﻠﻨﺪ'ﻓﺸﺎر'ﺧﻮنcases on the National Health
Service. The government’s ask was to reduce sodium content by 10 per cent every year for three
years. It was an inclusive(all-encompassing,)ﺟﺎﻣﻊ, well-informed policy directive(instruction,)ﮨﺪاﯾﺖ
that didn’t appear out of thin air, but was backed by(supported by, )ﮐﯽ'ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ'ﺳﮯdata and
research. After many years, once its impact had taken effect, the study quoted above was
published to document this.
Clearly, almost eight decades after leaving the subcontinent, the British have evolved, backing
policy measures with authentic data to make informed decisions without disadvantaging any
specific stakeholder. But we have not. Take the matter of health tax; there are numerous global
examples of health taxes on a myriad(numerous, )ﺑﮩﺖ'ﺳﺎرےof items consumed by the public to
save on healthcare costs. Some countries impose duties on beverages(drinks,( )ﻣﺸﺮوﺑﺎتliquor
and carbonated drinks) and junk(trash, )ﻓﻀﻮلfood, and particularly on tobacco. The decisions
taken are well-informed and intended for the long term; they are not simply an arbitrary(random,ﺑ
) ﻼ'وﺟﮧexercise to meet revenue shortfalls(deficiencies,)ﮐﻤﯽ.
Last year, the government imposed massive duties on the cigarette sector to discourage
consumers. While the decision was correct, it should have also noted that the number of cases
of oral cancer exceed(surpass, )آﮔﮯ'ﺑﮍﮬﻨﺎthose of lung cancer. Gutka([a form of chewing
tobacco], )ﮔﭩﮑﺎconsumption is the main reason behind oral cancer, an
undocumented(unrecorded, )ﺑﻐﯿﺮ'دﺳﺘﺎوﯾﺰاتarea that is not just completely off the tax authorities’
radar(detection, )رﯾﮉارbut that also doesn’t face any action except for the occasional ‘ban’.
All this brings me back to the point that any policy decision should be well-thought-out,
especially when it comes to one that will have an impact on the health of the common man. It is
an unfortunate fact that when those in policymaking circles are not connected with the ground
realities and tend to overlook hard facts as well as research, it becomes near impossible to take
the correct steps. Invariably(consistently,)ﮨﻤﯿﺸﮧ, the fallout of uninformed policymaking is
suffered by the masses, and not by the decision-makers who will get transfers and postings and
will eventually retire with hefty(large, )ﺑﮍاpensions and perks(benefits, )ﻓﻮاﺋﺪwithout having to
answer any uncomfortable questions about how they exercised their powers.
The writer is an academic medical researcher and a doctor working for a tertiary care hospital in
Karachi.
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