Professional Documents
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Dawn News 28 June 2024
Dawn News 28 June 2024
Editorial
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PM spurned(rejected,)رد
AN attempt by the prime minister, perhaps a tad belated(late,)دﯾﺮ, to mend(repair,)ﻣﺮﻣﺖ
fences(walls, )ﺑﺎڑﯾﮟwith the PTI has been shot down before it could take flight.
The PTI seems to be in no mood for any talks with the government until its
incarcerated(imprisoned, )ﻗﯿﺪ'ﮨﻮﮔﺌﮯworkers and leaders, including former PM Imran Khan, have
been released by the state. In answer to PM Shehbaz Sharif’s surprise offer for dialogue, made
during the Wednesday session in the National Assembly, PTI lawmakers, one after the other,
recounted(narrated, )ﺑﯿﺎن'ﮐﯿﺎthe indignities(humiliations, )ﺗﻮﮨﯿﻦthey had been made to suffer by
the state.
Their anger was justified; still, it was an unfortunate response to an otherwise positive
development. It now seems the door has closed on the possibility of a quick political
breakthrough(progress,)ﭘﯿﺸﺮﻓﺖ. The acrid(bitter, )ﺗﻠﺦhostility(antagonism, )دﺷﻤﻨﯽbetween the
government and opposition has festered(rot, )ﺑﮕﮍ'ﮔﯿﺎfor too long, and unless one side softens its
position, a messy(disorderly, )اﻧﺘﺸﺎرshowdown seems inevitable.
Further, the Feb 8 election made clear that the Pakistani citizenry was rallying against the
tactics employed by the state. This should have been signal enough for a new government
battling for legitimacy(validity, )ﺟﻮازto immediately launch the reconciliation process and
prevent further victimisation(oppression, )ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﯿﺖof its political opponents(adversaries,)ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﯿﻦ.
It chose not to.
To make matters worse, over the past few weeks, at least two different PML-N lawmakers
signalled(indicated, )اﺷﺎرہthat the government was now considering ‘extending’ Mr Khan’s
detention(arrest,)ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎری, presumably(probably, )ﺷﺎﯾﺪthrough freshly(recently,)ﺣﺎل'ﮨﯽ'ﻣﯿﮟ
fabricated(manufactured, )ﻣﻦ ﮔﮭﮍتcases. This seemed like a
deliberately(intentionally, )ﺟﺎن'ﺑﻮﺟﮫ'ﮐﺮprovocative(instigating, )اﺷﺘﻌﺎل'اﻧﮕﯿﺰact by a party that still
does not realise it is on very thin ice(risky,)ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎک.
If the prime minister is serious about turning a new page, he must ensure the release of all
political prisoners forthwith and make sure the PTI is allowed to function just like any other
political party. This simple gesture alone will earn him much-needed goodwill(kindness,)ﺧﯿﺮ'ﺳﮕﺎﻟﯽ
and help create an environment more conducive(favorable, )ﺳﺎزﮔﺎرto talks.
On the other hand, the PTI must not set rigid conditions that may preclude(prevent, )روﮐﻨﺎa
meaningful dialogue. This country does not ‘belong’ to any particular political entity or political
leader: people ascribing(attributing, )ﻣﻨﺴﻮب'ﮐﺮﻧﺎto all hues of political opinion should be given
equal respect.
Talks must be welcomed and given a fair chance simply because no government can endure in
Pakistan without first securing some guarantee from its opponents on political stability.
Gaza’s journalists
FAR from showing any remorse over its actions, Israel is continuing its murderous(lethal,)ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻧﮧ
rampage(riot, )ﻓﺴﺎدagainst Palestinian civilians across Gaza with great vigour(strength,)ﻃﺎﻗﺖ.
For those who rule Tel Aviv, every Gazan is linked to Hamas, and thus a ‘legitimate’ target. While
all segments of Palestinian society have been affected by Israel’s campaign of
extermination(annihilation,)ﻧﺴﻞ'ﮐﺸﯽ, Gaza’s journalists have been hit particularly hard. This has
been dubbed(nicknamed, )ﻧﺎم'دﯾﺎthe deadliest(most deadly, )ﺳﺐ'ﺳﮯ'ﻣﮩﻠﮏconflict for journalists in
the modern era. As per the latest figures of the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least 108
journalists and media workers have been killed in the war — 103 of them Palestinian. According
to the findings of the Gaza Project — a collaborative(cooperative, )اﺷﺘﺮاﮐﯽeffort involving various
media organisations and NGOs — in many instances, Israel has intentionally targeted
Palestinian journalists. As the Guardian, which was part of the project, has written, “some within
the IDF(Israeli Defense Forces, )اﺳﺮاﺋﯿﻠﯽ'دﻓﺎﻋﯽ'ﻓﻮجappear to have viewed journalists working in
Gaza” for outlets(channels, )ﭼﯿﻨﻠﺰlinked to Hamas as “legitimate military targets”.
Even before the slaughter(mass killing, )ﻗﺘﻞ'ﻋﺎمin Gaza commenced(started,)ﺷﺮوع'ﮨﻮا, Israel was
using deadly(lethal, )ﻣﮩﻠﮏmethods against journalists in the occupied territories. The case of
Palestinian-American Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh is amongst the most high-profile;
the senior reporter was murdered by Israeli forces while in the field in Jenin in 2022. The then
Israeli prime minister had, after the tragedy, made the dubious(doubtful, )ﻣﺸﮑﻮکsuggestion that
Abu Akleh had been shot by Palestinian fighters. This notion was swiftly(quickly,)ﻓﻮرا
disproved(refuted,)رد, as all indications were that it was the Israelis that had targeted the
reporter. Al Jazeera has particularly attracted the wrath(anger, )ﻏﺼﮧof the Zionist
state(Israel,)ﺻﮩﯿﻮﻧﯽ'رﯾﺎﺳﺖ, as the Qatar-based broadcaster(media outlet, )ﺑﺮاڈﮐﺎﺳﭩﺮhas been
banned from operating within Israel. Clearly, Israel does not want other voices to be heard, and
is adamant(firm, )ﻣﻀﺒﻮطon spinning its blood-soaked(bloody, )ﺧﻮن'آﻟﻮدcampaign in Gaza as a
‘just war’. All institutions — public and private — that claim to speak for media freedom must
insist(assert, )اﺻﺮارthat Israel be held to account for its murder of Palestinian journalists. The
excuse that the journalists were working for Hamas does not fly, as Israel can label anyone —
even children — a Hamas operative(working, )ﻋﻤﻠﯽand summarily execute them. If and when a
ceasefire takes effect, the families of the slain journalists need to be
compensated(reimbursed,)ﻣﻌﺎوﺿﮧ'دﯾﻨﺎ, and those responsible for their murders brought to justice.
Israel cannot be allowed to silence Palestinian voices.
Chinese industries
PRIME MINISTER Shehbaz Sharif appears to be pushing the rusty bureaucratic
machinery(inefficient administration, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻣﻮﺛﺮ'اﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯿﮧhard to turn nearly three dozen
MoUs(Memorandums of Understanding,)ﯾﺎدداﺷﺖ'ﮐﯽ'ﻣﻔﺎﮨﻤﺖ, signed with Chinese companies
during his recent visit to Shenzhen, into real agreements and investments. Chairing a meeting to
discuss Board of Investment matters, Mr Sharif said that promoting local as well as foreign
investment in Pakistan was a priority. His claim that a business-friendly environment was being
cultivated to facilitate the relocation of Chinese industries to Pakistan, through joint
ventures(enterprises,)ﮐﺎروﺑﺎر, will, however, soon be tested since the nation’s bureaucracy is
notorious(infamous, )ﺑﺪﻧﺎمfor stalling(delaying,)ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮ, and is seen by foreign
firms(companies, )ﮐﻤﭙﻨﯿﺎںas a major barrier(obstacle, )رﮐﺎوٹto direct investment. Some of the
policy steps being pushed by the government to allay(relieve, )ﮐﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthe concerns of Chinese
investors include legislation to create a one-stop shop for attracting investments in the Special
Economic Zones(dedicated business areas, )ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽ'ﻣﻌﺎﺷﯽ'ﻋﻼﻗﮯand the establishment of a
business facilitation centre in Islamabad to remove investors’ doubts.
That said, it is Pakistan’s internal security challenges that will continue to dictate the investment
decisions of Chinese companies, notwithstanding(despite, )ﺑﺎوﺟﻮدbetter business policies.
Safety of their workers in Pakistan was perhaps the most critical issue raised by Chinese
investors during their meetings with Mr Sharif. This concern was more forcefully(strongly,)زور'ﺳﮯ
raised by a senior minister of China’s Communist Party recently; while addressing the
representatives of Pakistan’s political parties in Islamabad, he identified internal security
defects as a major factor responsible for the erosion(degradation, )ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧof investor confidence.
While the safety of its workers has always been a matter of concern for Beijing, the recent
targeted attacks, especially the one in Bisham(Bisham,)ﺑﺸﺎم, near the project site of the Dasu
dam, on its engineers has significantly dented(damaged, )ﻧﻘﺼﺎن'ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﻧﺎChina’s confidence in our
ability to protect its interests from militant groups. Security conditions will have to be improved
in tandem(cooperation, )ﺗﻌﺎونwith the business environment to make Pakistan a destination of
choice for Chinese investors.
Opinion
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Implementing PHC primer
SINCE the Alma-Ata Declaration of 1978, there has been much rhetoric from the World Health
Organisation (WHO) about primary healthcare, but little organised and specific guidance from it
on how to practically implement PHC in the context(background, )ﺳﯿﺎقof different countries.
However, it appears that the WHO PHC Special Programme(World Health Organization Primary
Health Care Special Programme,, based at the organisation’s headquarters, has done a good job
by finally producing the first volume of the PHC global report titled Implementing the Primary
Health Care Approach: a Primer.
It goes without saying that no country can improve its vital health indicators, prevent diseases
and address the determinants(factors, )ﻋﻮاﻣﻞof health without qPHC(quality primary health
care,)ﻣﻌﯿﺎری'ﭘﺮاﺋﻤﺮی'ﺻﺤﺖ'ﮐﯽ'دﯾﮑﮫ'ﺑﮭﺎل. It is the foundation of universal health coverage, and yet we
spend(expend, )ﺧﺮچ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎaround 70 per cent of our health budget on tertiary-level healthcare,
which is primarily curative(healing,)ﺷﻔﺎﺋﯽ. Basically, we continue to treat in big hospitals at a very
high cost what could be prevented at the PHC level at a very low cost. We treat the failure of
PHC in big hospitals with the help of specialists. One doesn’t need to be Aristotle to understand
this simple fact; yet nothing changes. There are many reasons for this tragedy(disaster,)ﺳﺎﻧﺤﮧ,
ranging(spanning, )وﺳﻌﺖfrom the political economy to education, the training of health
professionals, and many others. But the fact remains that, in our minds, we
equate(compare, )ﻣﻮازﻧﮧPHC with poor healthcare for poor people. PHC is less sexy, less
remunerative(profitable,)ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ'ﺑﺨﺶ, and away from the power centres of healthcare.
In 1978, the WHO and Unicef(United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund,)ﯾﻮﻧﯿﺴﯿﻒ
joined hands to convene(assemble, )ﺟﻤﻊ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎan international conference on PHC in Kazakhstan,
which was then a part of the communist Soviet Union. The same conference was
reorganised(restructured, )دوﺑﺎرہ'ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎin 2018 to commemorate(honor, )ﯾﺎد'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthe 40th
anniversary of the Alma-Ata Declaration(Alma-Ata statement,. In the intervening four decades,
Alma-Ata had become Almaty, and the Soviet republic the independent republic of Kazakhstan,
driven by a market economy. In these 40 years, a selective PHC approach based on
vertical(upright, )ﻋﻤﻮدیand unsustainable(unmaintainable, )ﻧﺎ'ﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﺑﺮﻗﺮارhealth programmes had
pushed aside(apart from, )ﻋﻼوہthe holistic(overall, )ﮐﻞ'ﻣﻠﯽ'ﺟﻠﯽPHC approach, which had active
community engagement(involvement,)ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖ.
In recent years, however, under the leadership of Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the
dynamic(active, )ﻣﺘﺤﺮکWHO director general, a resurgence of PHC has been witnessed in the
organisation. Dr Tedros set up a special programme on PHC, which started drilling deeper
into(examining closely, )ﮔﮩﺮاﺋﯽ'ﺳﮯ'ﺟﺎﻧﭽﻨﺎthe theory and practice of PHC around the world. A series
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It is co-produced by the WHO and the European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies. It
is a work of significance and edited by six editors, including a dear former WHO colleague from
Pakistan, Dr Khalid Faraz, with 69 authors from all continents. This almost 500-page,
comprehensive(complete, )ﻣﮑﻤﻞwork is divided into three parts and 17 chapters. Part one is
about the PHC approach — its foundations, history and concepts; part two is about
implementation; and part three deals with the impact on performance. Each chapter, under the
three parts, follows the same template(model,)ﻧﻤﻮﻧﮧ, which consists of five sections — key
messages, introduction, evidence review, country illustrations(examples, )ﻣﺜﺎﻟﯿﮟand conclusion.
As an example, the chapter on health financing under part two (implementation), begins by
providing a list of 12 key messages, which in a way summarises the chapter. One of the key
messages, for example, is that using pooled funds to pay for PHC (and avoiding out-of-pocket
payments(direct payments, ))ﺟﯿﺐ'ﺳﮯ'اداﺋﯿﮕﯿﺎںis more equitable(fair,)ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﮧ.
The introduction explains the key health financing functions: revenue(income, )آﻣﺪﻧﯽcollection;
pooling(collecting, ;)ﺟﻤﻊ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎallocation; purchasing; coverage(inclusion, )ﺷﻤﻮﻟﯿﺖpolicies from
financing perspective; and purchasing arrangements.
The section on evidence first explains PHC expenditures(spending, )اﺧﺮاﺟﺎتand how they are
measured, and provides global PHC trends. For example, government spending on PHC by all
countries is not more than one-third of the total government health spending, ranging between
26pc and 22pc in low- and low-middle-income countries respectively, and out-of-pocket
spending on PHC makes up the largest share of the total spending on PHC in L&MICs(low and
middle-income countries,)ﮐﻢ'اور'درﻣﯿﺎﻧﯽ'آﻣﺪﻧﯽ'واﻟﮯ'ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ, which is a big barrier to timely care,
besides pushing people into poverty(deprivation,)ﻏﺮﺑﺖ. The chapter provides a large number of
studies from various countries to show the fragmentation(disintegration, )ﭨﻮٹ'ﭘﮭﻮٹin PHC
financing and how countries are struggling to ensure adequate funds and effective financing
flows for PHC.
The examples provided are of the Philippines and India and show how
earmarking(allocating, )ﻣﺨﺼﻮص'ﮐﺮﻧﺎtobacco taxation and imposing health and education
taxation in these countries respectively has improved financing for PHC. The examples of
Tanzania, China, Ukraine, Estonia and Afghanistan are also provided in terms of financing PHC
by employing different approaches. At the end of the chapter, there is a list of around 80
references which cover more or less all the important sources of evidence on health financing
for PHC from across the world.
All the 17 chapters are produced in the same pattern, covering almost all major topics in PHC.
These include: ‘the PHC approach: an introduction’; ‘historical overview and
unrealised(unachieved, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﺣﺎﺻﻞpotential of PHC’; ‘PHC: definitions, terminology(terms,اﺻﻄﻼ
) ﺣﺎتand frameworks(structures,‘ ;’)ڈﮬﺎﻧﭽﮯthe PHC approach: rationale(reasoning, )ﻣﻨﻄﻖfor
orienting health systems’; ‘integrating(including, )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎpublic health and primary care at the
core of the PHC approach’; ‘PHC-oriented models of care’; ‘health governance’; ‘health and care
workforce’; ‘health financing’; ‘medicines and pharmaceutical(medicinal, )دواؤں'ﺳﮯ'ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖservices’;
health technologies’; ‘health infrastructure’; ‘information systems and digital solutions’; ‘the
impact of PHC on efficiency and quality of care’; ‘the impact of PHC on equity, access and
financial protection’; ‘the impact of PHC on resilience(flexibility, )ﻟﭽﮏand environmental
sustainability(durability, ;’)اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎمand ‘implementing the PHC approach: summary and
conclusions’.
This is a great reference work on various aspects of the implementation of PHC with a special
focus on L&MICs. Every student, teacher and practitioner(professional, )ﻣﺎﮨﺮof PHC must have it.
I hope the next volume in this series drills deeper into(explores, )ﮔﮩﺮاﺋﯽ'ﻣﯿﮟ'ﺟﺎﻧﺎspecific
operational issues in the public, for-profit and not-for-profit private health sector in L&MICs.
The writer is a former SAPM on health and currently a professor of health systems & population
health at Shifa Tameer-i-Millat University. The report can be accessed at
https://eurohealthobservatory.who.int/publications/i/implementing-the-primary-health-care-
approach-a-primer
Privileged here refers not only to those who are directly in power but also to the
intellectual(scholarly,)ﻋﻠﻤﯽ, civil and economic notables(dignitaries, )اﻋﻠﯽ'ﺷﺨﺼﯿﺎتwho influence
public and private decision-making. Societies are almost always under elite(noble,)اﺷﺮاﻓﯿﮧ
capture, with a small group wielding(holding, )ﭘﮑﮍﻧﺎdisproportionate power to decide or influence
policy and resource distribution. The real question, then, is about the nature of these elites. Ali
Mazuri, a Kenyan philosopher, bifurcates them: the elite of leisure(free time, )ﻓﺎرغ'وﻗﺖand the
elite of labour. The elite of leisure “minimises social commitment(dedication, )ﻋﮩﺪand
exertion(effort, )ﮐﻮﺷﺶand is placed in a situation in which it can pursue(chase, )ﭘﯿﭽﮭﺎ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎa life of
comfort without worrying about social disapproval(rejection,)رد. Elite of labour, on the other
hand, is one which finds it necessary to justify its elite status by providing effective leadership
and by setting an example of hard work through its own behaviour and performance”.
For now, it seems the education of the privileged in Pakistan is driven by economic goals of
lucrative(profitable, )ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ'ﺑﺨﺶjobs inside or outside the country. The entire system works under
the shadow of economics, which transforms education primarily into an investment that needs
to be recouped(recovered, )وﺻﻮل'ﮐﺮﻧﺎin due course. This is a recipe for creating the elites of
leisure, in Mazuri’s terms.
What kind of education is likely to turn this privileged group of 3m children into an elite of labour?
What kind of education is likely to turn a privileged group of 3m children into an elite of labour?
There is much stress on the ideal of critical(important, )اﮨﻢthinking. Arguably, the best roads to
critical thinking are philosophy and history. The former helps raise first-order questions and
scrutinise(examine, )ﺟﺎﻧﭻthe premise(assumption, )ﻣﻔﺮوﺿﮧof knowledge claims, while the latter
helps create a cognitive(mental, )ذﮨﻨﯽdistance from the present, the here and now, allowing for
its critical interrogation. These should be a significant part of education.
Until not too long ago, the talk of the educated was punctuated(interrupted, )وﻗﻔﮯwith
apt(suitable, )ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐquotes from memory. Many difficult situations are dealt with through citing
a befitting couplet(pair of lines, )دوﮨﺮی'ﻻﺋﻨﯿﮟthat dissolves the tension. The tradition of learning
great literature by heart is dying out because of the conflation(combination, )ﻣﻼپof
memorisation with regurgitation(repetition,)اﻋﺎدہ. The latter is a problem, the former a gift which
needs to be nurtured and enjoyed.
The biggest barrier to such an education for the privileged is the conscious(aware, )ﺷﻌﻮریor
subconscious(unaware, )ﻻﺷﻌﻮریthreat of power sharing — the daughter of my servant might get
ahead of(outpace, )آﮔﮯ'ﻧﮑﻠﻨﺎmy son. But this threat is misguided. Societies with a better quality of
life are also high on equity and distribution of resources. Both, the moral imperative that all
humans deserve equal opportunities to fulfil their potential, and the practical consideration that
no one is safe until all are safe, call for an elite that works for the wider society and not against
it. Privilege brings responsibility. As Nyerere noted, education should aim not for a better life,
but for making a better world.
The writer is dean of the Institute for Educational Development, Aga Khan University.
Defying nature
IT seems that the guardians of our morality(ethics, )اﺧﻼﻗﯿﺎتbelieve a major threat to Pakistan’s
existence comes from its transgender(non-binary, )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﺛﻨﺎﺋﯽcitizens. A
considerable(significant, )ﮐﺎﻓﯽsection of religious scholars is unable to explain how a small
community of 10,478 (census 2023) vulnerable(susceptible, )ﮐﻤﺰورsouls can pose a danger to
some 240 million who constitute the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
The aim, it seems, is to reverse(undo, )اﻟﭩﻨﺎthe few gains the transgender persons had managed
to win after a hard struggle. We saw some fundamentalist(extremist, )ﺑﻨﯿﺎد'ﭘﺮﺳﺖelements
belatedly(late, )دﯾﺮ'ﺳﮯfile a petition in the Federal Shariat Court challenging the 2018 Act and
labelling it un-Islamic. In 2023, the court gave a verdict turning down(refusing, )اﻧﮑﺎرthe self-
determination clause and requiring a transgender person’s gender to be identified by a medical
board. Transgender persons understandably(reasonably, )ﺳﻤﺠﮭﺪاری'ﺳﮯconsider this
violative(breaching, )ﺧﻼف'ورزیof their dignity(respect,)ﻋﺰت.
Now, these elements are claiming that they had been ‘deceived(cheated, ’)دﮬﻮﮐﮧand that the
‘nation is a victim of a big “fitna”’. These are serious charges against the Supreme Court that
had set the ball rolling for the transgender community at a time when internationally the
trend(fashion, )رﺟﺤﺎنhad been to reform gender recognition laws. According to TGEU
(Transgender Europe), “Self-determination is growing in popularity(fame, )ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﯿﺖas a model.
Gender self-determination(independence, )ﺧﻮد'ﻣﺨﺘﺎریmeans that a person can change gender
marker and name on official documents through an easy administrative process. The change is
based on the person’s self-determined gender identity. No third party is required.”
Since the government has mercifully(kindly, )رﺣﻢ'دﻟﯽappealed against the FSC(Federal Shariat
Court verdict, these conservative(traditionalist, )ﻗﺪاﻣﺖ'ﭘﺴﻨﺪelements are in a fix. They now want
the government to withdraw its appeal. They even speak of launching a movement against the
law protecting the rights of the transgender community. According to the participants of the
convention, the Act is a guise(mask, )ﻧﻘﺎبto encourage(motivate,)ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ'اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ
homosexuality(same-sex relations, )ﮨﻢ ﺟﻨﺲ'ﭘﺮﺳﺘﯽand obscenity(vulgarity,)ﻓﺤﺎﺷﯽ.
These are trying times for the transgender community. A large number of them have been
singled out(selected, )ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐand killed since 2021, when the hate campaign against them
reached fever pitch(climax,)ﻋﺮوج. They feel insecure(unsafe,)ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ, and this has
hampered(hindered, )رﮐﺎوٹtheir progress. After the passage of the 2018 Act, the rights activists
failed to sustain(maintain, )ﺑﺮﻗﺮار'رﮐﮭﻨﺎtheir campaign to create awareness about the transgender
community. Social prejudice(bias, )ﺗﻌﺼﺐagainst them has still to be rooted
out(eradicated,)ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮧ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ. Many religious parties have taken advantage of this situation and are
whipping up(stirring, )اﺷﺘﻌﺎل'دﻻﻧﺎhatred(loathe, )ﻧﻔﺮتagainst non-binary(genderqueer,)ﻏﯿﺮ'ﺛﻨﺎﺋﯽ
people.
I feel sad and call up Bindiya Rana, the pioneer(innovator, )ﭘﮩﻞ'ﮐﺮﻧﮯ'واﻻof the transgender
movement in Pakistan. She is depressed(sad,)اﻓﺴﺮدہ. “Three transgender persons have been
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murdered recently,” she tells me. “And do you know who their killers were? They were her own
siblings, who have no love for their sister.” Bindiya feels that the Transgender Persons Act
needs to be strengthened and not undermined(weakened,)ﮐﻤﺰور'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ. It should have a provision
for punishing parents who abandon(desert, )ﭼﮭﻮڑ'دﯾﻨﺎa transgender child before s/he reaches
adulthood(maturity,)ﺑﻠﻮﻏﺖ. But here are some conservative(traditionalist, )ﻗﺪاﻣﺖ'ﭘﺴﻨﺪelements
trying to make life more difficult for them.
I agree and point out(indicate, )اﺷﺎرہ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎthat the real danger comes from bigotry(prejudice,)ﺗﻌﺼﺐ
and obscurantism(opposition to enlightenment,)ﺗﺎرﯾﮏ'ﺧﯿﺎﻟﯽ. Those born with birth defects
cannot hurt this country.
Bindiya remains calm and has no harsh(severe, )ﺳﺨﺖwords for her tormentors(oppressors,)ﻇﺎﻟﻢ,
who reject her humanity. After all, she is God’s creation, and what she has been denied is
compensated(repaid, )ﻣﻌﺎوﺿﮧ'دﯾﻨﺎby her generosity(kindness, )ﺳﺨﺎوتof spirit(soul, )روحand
sagacity(wisdom,)داﻧﺎﺋﯽ. Bindiya reminds me of the words of the transgender protagonist(main
character, )ﻣﺮﮐﺰی'ﮐﺮدارof Arundhati Roy’s book, Ministry of utmost(highest, )زﯾﺎدہHappiness: “The
word Hijra … meant a Body in which a Holy Soul lives.”
Death-worth rule
ASK anyone what a human life is worth, and answers would range between ‘priceless’,
‘incalculable(immeasurable,’)ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﺣﺴﺎب, and ‘more than all the gold in the world’.
incurable(incapable of being cured, )ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﻋﻼجnihilists(pessimists, )ﻋﺪم'وﺟﻮدﯾﺖwould say
‘worthless’, and the philosophical-minded would lead you astray(lost, )ﮔﻢ'ﺷﺪہwith
gems(jewels, )ﺟﻮاﮨﺮاتlike ‘every breath is a transaction, decide the price and pay the cost’.
It can take the authorities several years to process claims and determine compensation. Why?
Because the concerned bodies have the unenviable(unattractive, )ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﯾﺪہtask of determining
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the ‘worth’ of each life lost. Economic and non-economic losses are considered. The former
consists of losses in expected income in case of death or decreases resulting from
disability(impairment,)ﻣﻌﺬوری. The non-economic losses include pain, trauma(shock,)ﺻﺪﻣﮧ, and
short- to long-term psychological impacts. To assess economic losses, factors like the victim’s
age, academic qualification, means of livelihood, income at the time of death/disability, health
condition, and life expectancy(life span, )ﻋﻤﺮare all factored in to extrapolate(infer,)ﻧﺘﯿﺠﮧ'ﻧﮑﺎﻟﻨﺎ
their earnings from what is determined to be their expected working life.
Depending upon local laws and other factors, more or different factors may be thrown in or
removed from the equation. Back to the incident in Kohistan, a 30-year-old driver earning, let us
assume, Rs35,000 a month will not earn more than a 50-year-old engineer earning Rs5m a
month possibly for the next 10 years, assuming 60 to be the age of
superannuation(retirement, )ﭘﯿﻨﺸﻦfor both. Of course, these formulae assume that the driver
would remain that and will not branch out into(diversify,)ﺷﺎخ'ﭘﮭﯿﻼﻧﺎ
entrepreneurship(business, )ﮐﺎروﺑﺎرand that the engineer would retain his ability to construct
hydropower projects for another 10 years. Hopefully, a clearer picture is beginning to emerge by
now as to how your life may be worth more than mine when it comes down to hard-
core(dedicated,)ﮐﭩﺮ, economic number crunching(calculating,)ﺣﺴﺎب'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ.
In our local context, while laws, procedures, and protocols to deal with almost any
eventuality(possibility, )اﻣﮑﺎنexist, implementation depends on
officialdom’s(bureaucracy, )ﺳﺮﮐﺎری'ادارےwhims(fancies, )ﺧﻮاﮨﺸﺎتand political
expedience(convenience,)ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ. Every fire or rain deluge(flood, )ﺳﯿﻼبresults in business and
trade bodies exhorting the government to compensate for their losses. Why, one must ask,
should the government pick up(collect, )اﭨﮭﺎﻧﺎthe tab(bill, )ﺑﻞfor their decision to
forego(relinquish, )ﭼﮭﻮڑ'دﯾﻨﺎinsurance(coverage, ?)ﺑﯿﻤﮧWhen moveable assets like vehicles are
lost or damaged, do we ask the government to compensate for them? Either they are insured or
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they are not. Why should it be any different for other types of assets? Governments should
incentivise(motivate, )ﺗﺮﻏﯿﺐ'دﯾﻨﺎthe insurance sector and encourage employers to
enlist(recruit, )ﺑﮭﺮﺗﯽ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎtheir workforce. Faiz Ahmad Faiz rued the voiceless multitudes: “No
plaintiff(complainant,)ﻣﺪﻋﯽ, no witnesses; the blood of the down-to-earth, sustains it.”
The writer is a poet. His latest publication is a collection of satire essays titled Rindana
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