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The Dawn News of 6-Jul-24

Editorial
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Pension burden
AFTER years of bureaucratic resistance(opposition,‫)مزاحمت‬, the ECC(Economic Coordination Committee,
‫ )اقتصادی'رابطہ'کمیٹی‬has finally approved changes to the federal government’s pension system to reduce
the rapidly(quickly,‫ )تیزی‬growing burden(load,‫ )بوجھ‬of pension costs on the budget. The reforms
alter(change,‫ )تبدیل‬the formula to calculate gross pension, penalise voluntary(optional,‫)رضاکارانہ‬
retirements, change the method for future pension increases, adjust family pension
entitlements(benefits,‫)مراعات‬, eliminate multiple pensions, establish a pension fund, and initiate other
measures to introduce savings in the federal pension system. The introduction of the
contributory(contributive,‫ )شراکت‬pension scheme(plan,‫ )منصوبہ‬for the new civilian employees and
military personnel(staff,‫ )عملہ‬is perhaps the most significant reform being rolled out(implemented. A
report suggests that the government has deferred(postponed,‫ )موخر‬pension cuts for(reduction in
pensions,‫ )پنشن'میں'کمی‬existing pensioners and employees due to questions over its “legal mandate(legal
authority,‫)قانونی'اختیار‬, which might have resulted in “substantial(significant,‫ )کافی‬savings”. The new
pension rules will come into force for civilian employees from the next fiscal year(financial year,‫)مالی'سال‬
and for military personnel the year after.

Many of the changes had already been announced in this year’s budget but remained
unimplemented(not carried out,‫)نافذ'نہیں‬. The draft(proposal,‫ )مسودہ‬changes in pension rules are in line
with recommendations of the Pay and Pension Commission of 2020 regarding amendments(changes,
‫ )ترامیم‬to the pension scheme for existing pensioners(retired people,‫ )پنشن'لینے'والے‬and employees to
curtail(reduce,‫ )کم'کرنا‬future increases in annual(yearly,‫ )ساالنہ‬pension costs “without compromising on
the government’s pension philosophy”. Successive(consecutive,‫ )پے'در'پے‬governments have been
struggling since the 1990s to strike(attack,‫ )حملہ‬a balance between ensuring financial
sustainability(endurance,‫ )پائیداری‬of pension liabilities(debts,‫ )ذمہ'داریاں‬and providing an
adequate(sufficient,‫ )کافی‬income in retirement to public sector employees. With the annual pension bill
becoming the fourth-largest budget expense following interest payments, defence costs and
development spending, reforms are unavoidable(inevitable,‫)ناقابل'انکار‬, especially with the ongoing
economic crisis adding urgency(importance,‫ )فوری'ضرورت‬to the need for fiscal
consolidation(strengthening,‫)استحکام‬.

The question is whether the measures are enough to slash(reduce,‫ )کم'کرنا‬the annual pension liabilities
of existing pensioners, or those who will retire and join the rollover(renewal,‫ )تجدید‬in the next 30-40
years. As the annual federal pension budget is estimated to rise to more than Rs1tr for both existing
military and civilian pensioners next fiscal year, the ‘reforms’ are likely to yield(produce,‫ )پیدا'کرنا‬only
Rs4bn, or 0.4pc of pension liabilities, in savings in the first year according to some officials quoted in a
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media report. Some estimates indicate that the consolidated(strengthened,‫ )مستحکم‬federal and
provincial pension bill would grow at 22-25pc a year for the next 35 years unless serious reforms are
implemented. The cost of inaction(inactivity,‫ )غیر'فعالی‬has been enormous(huge,‫ ;)بہت'بڑا‬the national
pension bill has risen 50 times during the last 20 years. The liability doubles roughly(approximately,‫)تقریبًا‬
every four years. If vested(self-interest,‫ )مفاد‬interests continue to stall meaningful(significant,‫)معنی'خیز‬
changes, the government may not be left with enough money for most pensioners or social and
economic development in the next 10 years. One hopes that the issue is revisited(reviewed,‫)دوبارہ'دیکھنا‬
and stronger reforms are introduced to reduce burden on the state.

‘Hot pursuit(chase,‫’)تعاقب‬
WHILE Pakistan faces a major problem in the form of terrorists from Afghanistan infiltrating(entering
secretly,‫ )داخل'ہونا‬the country, unilaterally(one-sidedly,‫ )یکطرفہ‬targeting militants on Afghan soil may
create more problems than it solves. The defence minister has again discussed the option of ‘hot
pursuit’ of TTP terrorists into Afghanistan; this is not the first time such a suggestion has been made.
While talking to Voice of America, Khawaja Asif said Pakistan could strike(attack,‫ )حملہ‬targets in
Afghanistan as Kabul was “exporting” terrorism to Pakistan. He also observed that while the TTP(Taliban
group,‫ )تحریک'طالبان‬was operating from across our western border, a few thousand militants were active
“within the country”.

Considering the sensitivities involved, the defence minister should have been careful(cautious,‫ )احتیاط‬in
his choice of words. As mentioned, cross-border terrorism is a major threat to our security, while ties
with the Taliban regime(government,‫ )حکومت‬in Kabul are hardly(barely,‫ )بمشکل‬cordial(friendly,‫)دوستانہ‬.
But that does not mean that Pakistan should publicly(openly,‫ )عوامی'طور'پر‬advocate(support,‫ )حمایت‬for
violating the territorial sanctity(sacredness,‫ )تقدس‬of a sovereign country. There are two major reasons for
this. Firstly, if Pakistan were to take major unilateral(one-sided,‫ )یکطرفہ‬action against militants across the
border, ties with Afghanistan would very quickly go south. It will not be in this country’s interest to lose
whatever goodwill(kindness,‫ )نیک'نیتی‬remains for Pakistan in Kabul. Secondly, using our justified
concerns about cross-border terrorist havens(sanctuaries,‫ )پناہ'گاہیں‬to initiate hot pursuit(chasing,‫)تعاقب‬
may give other regional states ideas about violating our sovereignty(independence,‫)خودمختاری‬, in the
name of targeting ‘militants’. For example, Indian leaders — including the current prime minister —
have boasted about(bragged,‫ )شیخی'مارنا‬striking terrorists ‘in their homes’, a thinly veiled(barely hidden,
‫ )بمشکل'چھپا‬threat to Pakistan. This country has, of course, correctly said on record that no one should
harbour(shelter,‫ )پناہ‬any illusions(delusions,‫ )وہم‬of violating its territorial integrity. Promoting the concept
of hot pursuit then should be discouraged(dissuaded,‫)حوصلہ'شکنی‬. The terrorist threat is real, and the
TTP and other malign(harmful,‫ )نقصان'پہنچانا‬actors cannot be given free rein(control,‫ )قابو‬to cause
havoc(destruction,‫ )تباہی‬in Pakistan. But the best options available to the state include raising the issue
with the Afghan Taliban, and strengthening(making stronger,‫ )مضبوط'کرنا‬our internal security. Pakistan
must keep up(maintain,‫ )برقرار'رکھنا‬the pressure on the Taliban to remove the TTP and other terrorist
groups from our borders, and prevent them from staging(preparing,‫ )تیاری‬attacks across the
frontier(border,‫)سرحد‬. Moreover, as the defence minister noted, thousands of militants are active on our
soil. Eliminating this threat should be the prime objective of the newly announced Azm-i-
Istehkam(Resolve to Strengthen, ‫)عزم'استحکام‬campaign.

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Of fatal flaws
IT is remarkable(notable,‫ )قابل'ذکر‬how chaos(disorder,‫ )افراتفری‬seems to be the only constant with the PTI.
Late on Thursday, it emerged(appeared,‫ )ظاہر'ہونا‬that the party’s erstwhile(former,‫ )پہلے‬secretary
general, Omar Ayub Khan, had resigned from various positions he held within the party. The
development followed a confrontation(clash,‫ )ٹکراؤ‬between Mr Ayub and angry PTI supporters earlier in
the day after Imran Khan and his spouse(partner,‫ )ساتھی‬Bushra Imran’s pleas for suspension(pause,‫)معطلی‬
of sentence in the ‘iddat case’ were rejected. It also came amidst(among,‫ )درمیان‬rumours(gossip,‫ )افواہیں‬of
the formation of a forward bloc(pro-government group,‫ )آگے'کا'گروہ‬in the National Assembly. It seems
that even die-hard(staunch,‫ )پکا‬loyalists(supporters,‫ )وفادار‬like Hammad Azhar and Murad Saeed were
taken off(removed,‫ )ہٹا'دیا‬guard by Mr Ayub’s decision: in messages shared on social media platform X,
the former asked that Mr Ayub reconsider(rethink,‫)دوبارہ'سوچنا‬, while the latter(late,‫ )بعد'کا‬spoke
passionately(enthusiastically,‫ )جوش'سے‬about the need for unity within the party’s ranks. It then
emerged(appeared,‫ )ظاہر'ہونا‬that the resignation had been tendered(offered,‫ )پیش'کیا‬days earlier and had
also been endorsed(supported,‫ )حمایت'کی‬by the party’s jailed chief.

While Mr Ayub framed(formulated,‫ )تشکیل'دیا‬his decision as necessary because of the responsibilities he

is entrusted(given responsibility,‫ )سپرد‬with as opposition leader in the National Assembly, other party
leaders seem to blame him for the PTI’s continuing inability(lack of ability,‫ )نااہلی‬to secure Mr Khan’s
release. On Friday, one of the party’s maverick(unconventional,‫ )غیر'روایتی‬leaders, Sher Afzal Marwat,
demanded senior party leader Shibli Faraz’s resignation on the same grounds(reasons,‫)وجوہات‬. It is also
worth noting(important,‫ )قابل'ذکر‬that several former PTI leaders, who had previously(earlier,‫ )پہلے‬parted
ways(separated,‫ )الگ'ہونا‬with the PTI, have recently resurfaced(reappeared,‫ )دوبارہ'ظاہر‬to make their
cases for re-entry(return,‫ )واپسی‬into the party. The party’s most vocal(outspoken,‫ )کھال‬supporters,
meanwhile(during this time,‫)اسی'دوران‬, have been getting increasingly restless(impatient,‫ )بے'چین‬and
frustrated(annoyed,‫ )مایوس‬in the absence of any major breakthrough(advancement,‫)پیشرفت‬. Many will
closely observe how the PTI moves forward, especially since its differences have now spilled
out(overflowed,‫ )بہہ'گیا‬in the open. As far as it has come, internal discipline(order,‫ )نظم‬remains the
Achilles’ heel(weakness,‫ )کمزوری‬of the party. How quickly it establishes order within its ranks may be
critical(important,‫ )اہم‬to its survival.

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Opinion
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More than Biden or Trump?

WE talk a lot about the state of Pakistan today, and, by and large, it is not encouraging(motivating,
‫ — )حوصلہ'افزا‬to put it mildly(slightly,‫)ہلکا‬. We are also part of the larger world and are witnessing the
state of ‘the greatest state in the world’, and — to put it mildly — it is not encouraging.

The debate between President Biden and former president Trump was, in the words of one
commentator(analyst,‫)مبصر‬, a match between a derelict(abandoned,‫ )بے'سہارا‬and “infirm(weak,‫”)کمزور‬
Biden and an “unstable” felon(criminal,‫)مجرم‬, Trump. Accordingly(therefore,‫)لہذا‬, the world’s
mightiest(strongest,‫ )طاقتور‬country will be led by someone who is either “not quite there” or someone
who is pathologically(disease-like,‫“ )مرض'کی'طرح‬reckless(careless,‫”)بے'پروا‬. One can hear the
Doomsday(judgment day,‫ )قیامت‬Clock tick-tocking towards “midnight”.

The US is politically more polarised(divided,‫ )تقسیم‬than ever. A less polarised and more informed political
society might have been expected to moderate(average,‫ )درمیانی‬the recklessness(carelessness,‫ )الپرواہی‬or
compensate(reimburse,‫ )معاوضہ'دینا‬for the cluelessness(ignorance,‫ )ناواقفیت‬of its leadership. But the
American polity is irreconcilably(incompatibly,‫ )ناقابل'مصالحت‬divided between the ‘besotted’ (for Trump)
and the ‘haters’ (of Trump) — which renders(makes,‫ )بنا'دینا‬Biden irrelevant(unrelated,‫)غیر'متعلق‬, and yet
a possible winner! This is what the US has been reduced to while being the world’s mightiest military
and economic power.

Like it or not, the rest of the world has a vital(essential,‫ )اہم‬stake(risk,‫ )خطرہ‬in the policies
pursued(chased,‫ )پیچھا'کیا‬by the US as ‘leader of the free world’. But neither Biden nor Trump measure
up(meet expectations,‫ )مطابق'ہونا‬to the minimum essentials(basics,‫ )ضروریات‬for such a role. Moreover,
the US political process by and large does not take account of the impact of its policies and
follies(foolishness,‫ )حماقتیں‬on the rest of the world. This may be true of other countries, but their ability
to benefit or harm the rest of the world is relatively(comparatively,‫ )نسبتًا‬limited. So what is to be done if
we are to avoid the prospect(outlook,‫ )نظارہ‬of the US leading the world over the cliff(precipice,‫?)چٹان‬

Like it or not, the rest of the world has a vital stake in the policies pursued by the US as ‘leader of the
free world’.

Intellectually(mentally,‫)ذہنی'طور'پر‬, answers are available. Instead of the US political process — or rather,

its power structure — deciding the fate of the world, the UN Charter(United Nations' Constitution and
UN decisions should be enabled — with the necessary UN reforms — to play a much greater role in
preserving the peace, eliminating poverty and injustice, and combating climate(fighting climate change,
‫ )آب و ہوا'کی'تبدیلی'سے'مقابلہ‬and other challenges to the survival of human civilisation(society,‫)تہذیب‬.

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However, securing intellectual agreement on such a panacea(cure-all,‫ )عالج‬is far easier than translating
it into reality. For a start, this would require democratising(making democratic,‫ )جمہوری'بنانا‬the decision-
making processes of the UN and its affiliated(associated,‫ )منسلک‬bodies, which the US and other great
powers are anything but willing to contemplate(consider,‫)غور'کرنا‬. Nevertheless(however,‫)بہر'حال‬, the
idea of One World, in which we win or lose and live or die together, needs to be promoted with far
greater urgency(immediacy,‫ )فوری‬and realism(pragmatism,‫ )حقیقت'پسندی‬than has been the case.

How might this be possible? Let us resort(turn to,‫ )رجوع'کرنا‬to childhood imagination and build on old
Hollywood movie themes, such as a war of the worlds, etc. Suppose alien intelligent life discovered us
and saw our world as an inviting place for conquest(victory,‫ )فتح‬and occupation. How would we react to
such a palpable(tangible,‫ )محسوس‬threat? Would we, as in the movies, overcome(defeat,‫ )مغلوب‬all our
divisions and differences to unitedly(together,‫ )متحد‬meet and overcome such a threat? Or would we, in
accordance with the prevailing(dominant,‫ )غالب‬reality, dismiss as juvenile(youthful,‫ )نوجوان‬the very idea
of making a serious and sincere attempt on a scale(large extent,‫ )وسیع'پیمانے‬and speed that would make a
real difference? Can we mimic(imitate,‫ )نقل'کرنا‬the movies and bring ourselves to see
contemporary(modern,‫ )عصری‬existential(relating to existence,‫ )وجودی‬challenges as we might an alien
invasion(attack,‫ )حملہ‬if it became a reality? If so, we might yet make the right choices in time.

Even so, no one country with all its supposed superlatives(high praises,‫ )بہترین‬is able and wise enough to
be the sole(only,‫ )واحد‬leader of such a global undertaking(project,‫)پروجیکٹ‬. The current
dysfunction(inefficiency,‫ )خرابی‬of the American political process underscores(highlights,‫ )واضح'کرتا‬this
fact. It should incentivise(motivate the best minds and enablers to come together as never before to
meet and overcome these threats. If the US political process can sufficiently(adequately,‫ )کافی‬buy
into(accept,‫ )قبول‬this urgent global imperative(essential,‫)ضروری‬, it may yet provide a major contribution
to such a global endeavour(attempt,‫ )کوشش‬and become worthy of its self-image(self-perception,
‫ )خود'تصور‬as a shining City on a Hill.

The price of failure was affordable(economical,‫ )سستی‬up until now(until present,‫)اب'تک‬. This is
increasingly no longer the case. One could afford to be sceptical(doubtful,‫)شک'میں‬, cynical(distrustful,
‫)شک'زدہ‬, lazy, self-centred(egocentric,‫)خود'غرض‬and self-deluded(self-deceived,‫ )خود'فریبی‬without having
to imminently(soon,‫ )جلد‬pay an existential price(life cost,‫ )وجود'کی'قیمت‬for such irresponsibility.
Accordingly, one could more or less comfortably(easily,‫ )آرام'سے‬acknowledge(admit,‫ )تسلیم'کرنا‬the
existential urgency of doing things without bothering(caring,‫ )فکر'کرنا‬to do them — and get away
with(escape blame,‫ )بچ'نکلنا‬the hypocrisy(double standards,‫)منافقت‬. No longer. This insight(understanding,
‫ )سمجھ‬needs to become an imperative that informs political processes all over the world — and of such
processes, arguably(possibly,‫ )بحث'طلب‬none is more important than the dysfunctional(inefficient,
‫ )غیر'فعالی‬one in the US that occupies our screens today. It has facilitated if not promoted the
indescribable(beyond description,‫ )ناقابل'بیان‬horrors(terrors,‫ )خوف‬we are compelled to(forced to,‫)مجبور‬
helplessly(without help,‫ )بے'بسی'سے‬bear witness(testify,‫ )گواہی'دینا‬to on a daily basis. Unless such
obscenities(vulgarities,‫ )گندگی‬are immediately and effectively addressed, they will ensure survival
imperatives remain helpless cries in the wilderness(uncultivated area,‫)بیابان‬.

What can Pakistan do? It can be true to itself, which, of course, is easily said but has remained
impossible to achieve. Its ‘leaders’ need to do on a national scale(countrywide,‫ )قومی'سطح‬what has been
suggested is imperative on a global scale. It can try to set an example for the rest of the world as other

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countries must similarly try to do. Only then will they be able to collectively(together,‫)اجتماعی'طور'پر‬
contain the fatal(deadly,‫ )مہلک‬potential of global realpolitik(pragmatic politics,‫)حقیقی'سیاست‬. Only a
realisation(awareness,‫ )احساس‬that the wolf is at the door can transform counsels(advisors,‫ )مشیر‬of
perfection into practical and realistic policies at the national, regional and global levels.

Ironically(oddly,‫)عجیب'طور'پر‬, the global display of US political dysfunction may yet save the world by
highlighting the scale and immediacy(urgency,‫ )فوری‬of the stakes involved, and thereby(thus,‫)اس'طرح‬
compel(force,‫ )مجبور‬the country to become something more than Biden or Trump. Otherwise, the rest of
the world will have to find ways to survive on their own by cooperatively(collaboratively,‫)مل کر‬
confronting the US as they would invading aliens.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, India and China and head of UN missions in Iraq and
Sudan.

Hurtling(rushing,‫ )تیزی‬past 240m

IT was futile(useless,‫ )بیکار‬to expect Pakistan’s phenomenally(remarkably,‫ )غیر'معمولی‬high population
growth rate and staggering(shocking,‫ )حیران'کن‬population numbers of over 240 million to find mention in
any of the budget speeches. The impact of a large population on lowering per capita(per person,‫)فی'کس‬
incomes and forecasted(predicted,‫ )پیش'گوئی‬economic growth rates of two to three per cent
barely(hardly,‫ )مشکل‬featured(included,‫ )شامل‬in post-budget discussions. Additionally, the glaring(obvious,
‫ )واضح‬link between population numbers and declining per capita income was all but ignored, as was its
impact on poverty and the low rate of household investment and savings.

Surprisingly, it did not occur to media pundits(experts,‫ )ماہرین‬or policy advisers to challenge how an
economic growth rate as sluggish(slow,‫ )سست‬as 2-3pc could possibly absorb a population growth rate of
over 2pc and pull the country out of an economic abyss(depth,‫)گہرائی‬. In a nutshell(in summary,
‫)مختصر'طور'پر‬, among the numerous(many,‫ )کئی‬remedies for reviving(bringing back,‫ )بحالی‬the economy,
the strong potential impact of reducing the population growth rate was overlooked(ignored,‫)نظر'انداز‬.

More than five years have passed since the Supreme Court took notice of the 2017 population census,
which reported a growth rate of 2.4pc. Another census was held in 2023, supposedly(allegedly,‫ )مبینہ‬to
validate these results. The latest census ended up recording an even higher five-year
intercensal(between censuses,‫ )مردم'شماری'کے'درمیان‬population growth rate, with the latest figure
standing at 2.55pc. The population estimate of 241m is unacceptably(intolerably,‫ )ناقابل'قبول‬higher than
any projections made for 2023 by international agencies such as the projections(forecasts,‫)توقعات‬, in
addition to national demographers(population experts,‫ )آبادی'کے'ماہرین‬and statisticians(data analysts,
‫)اعدادیات'کے'ماہرین‬.

The political buzz around(excited talk,‫ )گفتگو‬the 2023 census results resembled(looked like,‫ )مشابہ‬an
auction(sale,‫)نیالمی‬, with each province and political group asking for greater allocation of resources,
commensurate(proportionate,‫ )مطابق‬with their population size.

The prime minister must prioritise(give importance,‫ )ترجیح'دینا‬the challenge of reducing the population
growth rate.

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The provinces and parties that gained additional seats and resources were presumed(assumed,‫)فرض'کیا‬
the winners, and those that reduced their share of the pie(share,‫ )حصہ‬by declaring smaller numbers, the
losers. Amid the enthusiasm(excitement,‫ )جوش‬for financial resources and political representation, the
principle that the census(population count,‫ )مردم'شماری‬count is meant to calculate the needs of the
citizens, according to the Constitution, was forgotten.

Of deep concern is the fact that the exaggerated(overstated,‫ )مبالغہ‬intercensal population growth rate
has gained wide acceptance among officials, including economic policy planners. Up to the 1990s, the
Planning Commission, tasked with five-year plans, would have expressed concern over
evidently(obviously,‫ )ظاہر‬distorted(misrepresented,‫ )بگاڑنا‬population figures. In that scenario, the
contested(challenged,‫ )چیلنج'کیا‬intercensal(between censuses,‫ )مردم'شماری'کے'درمیان‬growth rate of 2.55pc
would have been re-evaluated(re-assessed,‫ )دوبارہ'تشخیص‬and verified through consultations at the
highest level before it was accepted. The concerned census commissioners would have
meticulously(thoroughly,‫ )تفصیلی‬weighed and vetted(examined,‫ )جانچ‬the numbers, even to the point of
scrutinising a decimal(numeric,‫ )اعدادی‬place of change in population growth because of its multiple
implications for economic planning.

Those were the good old days, when the addition of a million or even thousands of citizens to the
population was taken seriously and the associated needs duly(properly,‫ )مناسب‬addressed. Population-
related concerns were prioritised in policymaking. The current NFC(National Finance Commission,
‫ )قومی'مالیاتی'کمیشن‬award, which gives 82pc weightage(importance,‫ )اہمیت‬to population size, is a
pernicious(harmful,‫ )نقصان'دہ‬incentive(motivation,‫ )ترغیب‬to exaggerate population size. To top it
all(moreover,‫)مزید‬, many view the census as merely(only,‫ )صرف‬an exercise to allocate
parliamentary(legislative,‫ )پارلیمانی‬seats and demarcate(mark boundaries,‫ )حدود'کا'تعین'کرنا‬constituencies.

Realising that lowering fertility(birth rate,‫ )زرخیزی‬rates was conducive(favorable,‫ )سازگار‬to human
development, the leadership of many a country formulated(devised,‫ )ترتیب'دیا‬and implemented effective
population policies. President Suharto of Indonesia in 1967, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh in
1975, and president Khamenei of Iran in the late 1980s took that course of action. Even the Muslim Gulf
states(Middle Eastern countries,‫ )خلیجی'ریاستیں‬have an average total fertility rate(birth rate,‫)پیدائش'کی'شرح‬
of two children per woman. Saudi Arabia now has a fertility rate of 2.4 children per woman, which is one
child less than Pakistan.

When the Government of Pakistan declared an educational emergency last month, it raised hopes that a
population emergency would follow. There has been a clear neglect(ignorance,‫ )نظرانداز‬of the education
sector despite(in spite of,‫ )باوجود‬Article 25-A of the Constitution, which makes free primary education
mandatory(required,‫)الزمی‬. The failure of not reducing fertility has increased the number of out-of-
school children.

If the population policy of 2002 had been successfully implemented, fertility rates would have reached
2.1 children per woman by 2020. Consequently(therefore,‫)نتیجتًا‬, we would not have a single child out of
school based on our existing efforts to raise educational enrolment(admission,‫ )داخلہ‬rates. However, as
things stand, there are 23m children who are out of school due to the challenge of
accommodating(adjusting,‫ )سازگار‬7m additional children each year. As a result, we are leaving behind a

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generation of incapacitated(disabled,‫ )معذور‬children who cannot read or write and are likely to be
stunted(growth restricted,‫ )رکاوٹ‬due to poor nutrition(diet,‫)غذا‬.

We ask the prime minister to prioritise the challenge of reducing the population growth rate for multiple
reasons. The most important among them is to protect the fundamental human right of millions of
children to basic education. This nation is in dire(terrible,‫ )شدید‬need of leadership on an important policy
matter which impacts the lives of millions.

The oversight(supervision,‫ )نگرانی‬of not pursuing(chasing,‫ )پیچھا'کرنا‬the 2002 population policy, or the CCI
Plan of Action, 2018, does not implicate(involve,‫ )ملوث'کرنا‬the government in power as it spans(extends,
‫ )پھیلتا‬two decades of negligence(carelessness,‫)غفلت‬. What is available now is an opportunity for the
current political leadership to seize(grab,‫ )قبضہ‬the moment and make a difference through appropriate
course correction(change of direction,‫)راستے'کی'اصالح‬.

It is an opportune time for the prime minister to mobilise(organize,‫ )متحرک'کرنا‬all four chief ministers in
the next meeting of the Council of Common Interests(group of stakeholders,‫ )مشترکہ'مفادات'کی'کونسل‬to
renew their pledge(promise,‫ )وعدہ‬to the CCI’s population decisions of 2018. The religious leadership
stands united in supporting the new population narrative of tawazzun (balance), which gives individuals
the right to balance their family size in accordance with their resources.

Additionally, all major political parties currently in power in the provinces have expressed their support
for decisions of the CCI in their respective 2023 manifestos(declarations,‫)اعالنات‬.

Not taking immediate policy action on tackling(addressing,‫ )نمٹنا‬population growth rates will be a huge
blunder(mistake,‫)غلطی‬, one with a huge cost for the country.

The writer is Country Director, Population Council.

Labour cases
BEFORE 1972, significant labour litigation(lawsuit,‫ )مقدمہ‬did not exist in Pakistan. When the first PPP
government assumed(supposed,‫ )فرض'کیا‬charge under the leadership of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, it carried out
several amendments in the Industrial Relations Ordinance, 1969, purportedly(allegedly,‫ )مبینہ‬for the
welfare(well-being,‫ )فالح‬of workers. In this context, two additions were made in the labour judiciary:
junior labour courts (JLC) and the National Industrial Relations Commission (NIRC).

Labour courts did exist and disposal(removal,‫ )نکاسی‬of cases was far quicker than it is now, court
proceedings began on time and defaulting(failing to pay,‫ )قرض'نا'ادا'کرنا‬parties were rarely(seldom,
‫ )شاذ'و'نادر‬granted adjournments(postponements,‫)ملتوی'کرنا‬. All proceedings took place in court and not in
judges’ chambers, which is currently practised in some courts, and judges followed all rules
faithfully(loyally,‫)وفاداری‬.

For one of our company’s cases in a Lahore labour court, certain attendance and payroll(salary list,‫)تنخواہ‬
registers were submitted as evidence. Later, the same records were required by the audit(examination,
‫ )معائنہ‬department of the company. A company representative approached the court for the material but
the request was denied. However, the material could be photocopied within the judicial
premises(building,‫)عمارت‬. The judge also ordered the company to make advance payment of electricity
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charges for the photocopy machine to the court. Although the judge’s order caused hardship(difficulty,
‫ )مشقت‬for the company, he was correct about not permitting the registers to be taken out of the court
premises. It prevented any tampering(interference,‫ )چھیڑ چھاڑ‬with the evidence.

For expeditious(speedy,‫ )جلدی‬labour litigation, it was made mandatory for JLCs to decide cases within
seven days. In the beginning, these fora(forums,‫ )فورم‬adhered(followed,‫ )پابندی‬to the stipulated(specified,
‫ )مقرر‬timeframe(time period,‫ )مدت‬but eventually lethargy(sluggishness,‫ )سستی‬crept in(entered stealthily,
‫)داخل'ہوگیا‬, resulting in months of delay. Hence, the primary purpose of JLCs stood thwarted(prevented,
‫ )روکنا‬and the previous system was restored. The NIRC, on the other hand, was instituted with the
mandate to register trade unions and federations.

The labour courts now take years to decide lawsuits(legal cases,‫)مقدمے‬.

In the early 1970s, incidents of labour unrest(chaos,‫ )بدامنی‬and mob(crowd,‫ )ہجوم‬violence,

orchestrated(manipulated,‫ )منظم‬by labour unions at industrial sites across the country, became
widespread(extensive,‫)وسیع'پیمانے‬. In fact, in Karachi’s SITE area, Korangi and Landhi, agitating(protesting,
‫ )احتجاج‬workers manhandled(mistreated,‫ )بدسلوکی‬and humiliated(embarrassed,‫ )ذلیل‬many factory owners;
unremitting(relentless,‫ )مسلسل‬turmoil(chaos,‫ )ہلچل‬impacted industrial productivity and led to the closure
of small and medium-sized enterprises(businesses,‫)کاروبار‬, with the Federal Security Force, created by
the PPP government, being deployed at larger factories. In 1973, the government added two
comprehensive sections in the Industrial Relations Ordinance, 1969 to cover “unfair labour practices on
the part of employers and the workmen”, and related cases were filed in the NIRC.

In view of the government’s pro-labour policy, NIRC head, retired justice Abdul Hameed, was
sympathetic(compassionate,‫ )ہمدرد‬towards workers and, to appease(pacify,‫ )راضی'کرنا‬union leaders, he
adopted an aggressive stance(position,‫ )موقف‬towards representatives of the employers; he even ordered
the imprisonment(jail,‫ )قید‬of a factory manager from Faisalabad. This particular decision sent waves of
fear through the factory owners, making them wary(cautious,‫ )ہوشیار‬of labour unions, and they also
began to see the Commission as an intimidating(frightening,‫ )خوفناک‬body — an impression that lasted for
nearly five years.

As activities of the labour federations and unions fell silent(stopped talking,‫)خاموش'ہوگیا‬, the NIRC too
became dormant(inactive,‫)غیر'فعال‬. After the devolution(decentralization,‫ )منتقلی‬of labour laws to the
provinces through the 18th Amendment in 2010, a new concept of provincial and trans-provincial(inter-
provincial,‫ )بین'صوبائی‬companies came into existence. The labour cases of provincial companies would
continue to be filed before the labour courts, and those of trans-provincial companies went to the NIRC.

Despite the clear distinction(difference,‫)امتیاز‬, many lawyers file cases of aggrieved(distressed,‫)پریشان‬

workers from trans-provincial companies in labour courts. When transferred to the NIRC, these cases
start afresh(anew,‫)دوبارہ‬, which delays remedy, causes frustration, and drains(sewers,‫ )نالی‬people of
funds. The labour courts now take years to decide law suits pertaining(relating,‫ )متعلق‬to issues such as
reinstatement(restoration,‫)بحالی‬. But courts alone are not responsible for these pile-ups(accumulations,
‫)جمع‬, some petitioners should also take the blame for wasting the courts’ time with frivolous(trivial,
‫ )غیر'ضروری‬litigation. For example, when I served as personnel and administration services manager at a
British multinational in Sheikhupura, a worker had filed a complaint against me, stating that I had

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abused(mistreated,‫ )بدسلوکی‬and threatened him over his trade union activities and even
barred(prohibited,‫ )روکا‬him from entering the plant.

The judge asked me to swear on the Holy Quran to deny the worker’s allegations against me, and when I
did so, both the petitioner and his lawyer vanished(disappeared,‫ )غائب‬from the court. This proves that
only compliance(adherence,‫ )تعمیل‬with specified procedures and fora(forums,‫ )فورم‬for the
redressal(remedy,‫ )تدارک‬of workers’ woes — along with strict curbs(severe restrictions,‫ )سخت'پابندیاں‬on
bogus(fake,‫ )جعلی‬litigations — ensures accelerated(sped up,‫ )تیز‬delivery of justice as well as a collective
sigh of relief for the tormented(suffering,‫)اذیت'زدہ‬.

The writer is a consultant in human resources at the Aga Khan University Hospital and Vital Pakistan
Trust.

Medicine, not just milk

DISAPPOINTED! is the response of numerous physicians and paediatricians like myself after the recent
suspension of Pakistan’s first human milk bank initiative. Tailored to give vital sustenance to our most
vulnerable babies, the milk bank was halted even before it started.

It is critical to understand the importance of the proposed human milk bank, the type of babies it
intends to help, and the diligence and assurances made to ensure compliance with Islamic principles.

Human milk banks play a critical role in caring for small or sick newborns worldwide who are either born
prematurely or are too ill to tolerate infant formula due to an underdeveloped or compromised
digestive system.

Unlike human milk, formula milk does not contain the antibodies, growth factors, and bioactive
molecules that help protect the baby’s gut from inflammation and infection. In very small babies; for
example, those being managed in neonatal intensive care unit for prematurity; these factors are
essential to provide protection against harmful bacteria which may prevent absorption of necessary
nutrients and/ or damage the delicate intestines, resulting in an almost fatal condition called necrotising
enterocolitis (NEC). Being derived from cow’s milk, infant formula contains very different types of fats
and proteins, making them less absorbable and increasing stress on the gut, leading to further damage.
Formula milk is also more concentrated than human milk, and its use in premature babies can result in
leaky gut and absorption of excessive water, which can again lead to damage. Also, formula lacks the
necessary chemicals known as human milk oligosaccharides, which form a biofilm in the gut that
protects against infection.

Human milk banks play a critical role in caring for small or sick newborns.

For all the above reasons, human breast milk is the best option for feeding premature and critically sick
babies, especially those at risk for NEC.

When breast milk from the mother is not available, donor human milk from a milk bank is often
recommended as the next best alternative to provide these vulnerable babies with the nutrients and
protection they need.

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For these infants, human milk is not just food, it is medicine.

The World Health Organisation strongly recommends exclusive breastfeeding in the first six months of
life — not always possible, especially when the mother delivers prematurely. Pakistan has the highest
rates of prematurity in the world. Providing an alternative source of protection for these babies when
their mother does not have enough breast milk is essential.

In the proposal by the Sindh government, a conservative strategy was to be adopted by focusing on
protecting the smallest and the most premature of babies, and which included assurances to ensure
Sharia compliance. The service would have been provided without any remuneration or money involved.
It was to ensure that only milk from a Muslim mother was given to a Muslim baby and this milk would
only be given to babies under 34 weeks of age, whose mothers did not have enough milk to feed their
babies.

The milk bank would have followed strict protocols to educate its users about milk kinship in Islam, and
maintain a record of the identity and lineage of both the donor and recipient.

In this way, they intended to address concerns about milk kinship and create safeguards. The
programme was developed with the involvement and oversight of religious scholars, ensuring that all
practices were in line with Islamic teachings.

According to a spokesperson for the milk bank effort, they had ensured that every requirement provided
was fulfilled before the issuance of the guidance (fatwa). However, the ulema who provided the initial
guidance reconsidered and withdrew their support “without discussion”, and published a revised fatwa.

Moving forward, we must engage in open and informed discussions about the benefits of human milk
banks and how they can be implemented within our cultural and religious standards. Increasing public
awareness, creating educational programmes, and consultations with different religious leaders are
needed to help dispel myths and rebuild trust. Paediatric and religious societies must work together to
find solutions that uphold our religious values while advancing our healthcare system.

Let us focus on the health and well-being of our children and develop ways to implement this vital
programme in a manner that respects our religious beliefs. By doing so, we can ensure that our babies
receive the best possible start in life, and can survive and thrive for a healthier and brighter future for
Pakistan.

The writer is the chair of Paediatrics & Child Health at Aga Khan University.

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