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The Dawn News of 29-Jun-24

Editorial
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Pension burden
AFTER years of bureaucratic resistance(opposition,‫)ﻣﺰاﺣﻤﺖ‬, the ECC(Economic Coordination
Committee,‫ )اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی'راﺑﻄﮧ'ﮐﻤﯿﭩﯽ‬has finally approved changes to the federal government’s pension
system to reduce the rapidly(quickly,‫ )ﺗﯿﺰی‬growing burden(load,‫ )ﺑﻮﺟﮫ‬of pension costs on the
budget. The reforms alter(change,‫ )ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻞ‬the formula to calculate gross pension, penalise
voluntary(optional,‫ )رﺿﺎﮐﺎراﻧﮧ‬retirements, change the method for future pension increases, adjust
family pension entitlements(benefits,‫)ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت‬, eliminate multiple pensions, establish a pension
fund, and initiate other measures to introduce savings in the federal pension system. The
introduction of the contributory(contributive,‫ )ﺷﺮاﮐﺖ‬pension scheme(plan,‫ )ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﮧ‬for the new
civilian employees and military personnel(staff,‫ )ﻋﻤﻠﮧ‬is perhaps the most significant reform
being rolled out(implemented. A report suggests that the government has
deferred(postponed,‫ )ﻣﻮﺧﺮ‬pension cuts for(reduction in pensions,‫ )ﭘﻨﺸﻦ'ﻣﯿﮟ'ﮐﻤﯽ‬existing
pensioners and employees due to questions over its “legal mandate(legal authority,‫)ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﯽ'اﺧﺘﯿﺎر‬,
which might have resulted in “substantial(significant,‫ )ﮐﺎﻓﯽ‬savings”. The new pension rules will
come into force for civilian employees from the next fiscal year(financial year,‫ )ﻣﺎﻟﯽ'ﺳﺎل‬and for
military personnel the year after.

Many of the changes had already been announced in this year’s budget but remained
unimplemented(not carried out,‫)ﻧﺎﻓﺬ'ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬. The draft(proposal,‫ )ﻣﺴﻮدہ‬changes in pension rules are
in line with recommendations of the Pay and Pension Commission of 2020 regarding
amendments(changes,‫ )ﺗﺮاﻣﯿﻢ‬to the pension scheme for existing pensioners(retired
people,‫ )ﭘﻨﺸﻦ'ﻟﯿﻨﮯ'واﻟﮯ‬and employees to curtail(reduce,‫ )ﮐﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬future increases in annual(yearly,‫ﺳﺎﻻ‬
)‫ ﻧﮧ‬pension costs “without compromising on the government’s pension philosophy”.
Successive(consecutive,‫ )ﭘﮯ'در'ﭘﮯ‬governments have been struggling since the 1990s to
strike(attack,‫ )ﺣﻤﻠﮧ‬a balance between ensuring financial sustainability(endurance,‫ )ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪاری‬of
pension liabilities(debts,‫ )ذﻣﮧ'دارﯾﺎں‬and providing an adequate(sufficient,‫ )ﮐﺎﻓﯽ‬income in
retirement to public sector employees. With the annual pension bill becoming the fourth-largest
budget expense following interest payments, defence costs and development spending,
reforms are unavoidable(inevitable,‫)ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'اﻧﮑﺎر‬, especially with the ongoing economic crisis
adding urgency(importance,‫ )ﻓﻮری'ﺿﺮورت‬to the need for fiscal
consolidation(strengthening,‫)اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم‬.

The question is whether the measures are enough to slash(reduce,‫ )ﮐﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the annual pension
liabilities of existing pensioners, or those who will retire and join the rollover(renewal,‫ )ﺗﺠﺪﯾﺪ‬in

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the next 30-40 years. As the annual federal pension budget is estimated to rise to more than
Rs1tr for both existing military and civilian pensioners next fiscal year, the ‘reforms’ are likely to
yield(produce,‫ )ﭘﯿﺪا'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬only Rs4bn, or 0.4pc of pension liabilities, in savings in the first year
according to some officials quoted in a media report. Some estimates indicate that the
consolidated(strengthened,‫ )ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ‬federal and provincial pension bill would grow at 22-25pc a
year for the next 35 years unless serious reforms are implemented. The cost of
inaction(inactivity,‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻓﻌﺎﻟﯽ‬has been enormous(huge,‫ ;)ﺑﮩﺖ'ﺑﮍا‬the national pension bill has risen
50 times during the last 20 years. The liability doubles roughly(approximately,‫ )ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ‬every four
years. If vested(self-interest,‫ )ﻣﻔﺎد‬interests continue to stall meaningful(significant,‫)ﻣﻌﻨﯽ'ﺧﯿﺰ‬
changes, the government may not be left with enough money for most pensioners or social and
economic development in the next 10 years. One hopes that the issue is
revisited(reviewed,‫ )دوﺑﺎرہ'دﯾﮑﮭﻨﺎ‬and stronger reforms are introduced to reduce burden on the
state.

‘Hot pursuit(chase,‫’)ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬
WHILE Pakistan faces a major problem in the form of terrorists from Afghanistan
infiltrating(entering secretly,‫ )داﺧﻞ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬the country, unilaterally(one-sidedly,‫ )ﯾﮑﻄﺮﻓﮧ‬targeting
militants on Afghan soil may create more problems than it solves. The defence minister has
again discussed the option of ‘hot pursuit’ of TTP terrorists into Afghanistan; this is not the first
time such a suggestion has been made. While talking to Voice of America, Khawaja Asif said
Pakistan could strike(attack,‫ )ﺣﻤﻠﮧ‬targets in Afghanistan as Kabul was “exporting” terrorism to
Pakistan. He also observed that while the TTP(Taliban group,‫ )ﺗﺤﺮﯾﮏ'ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎن‬was operating from
across our western border, a few thousand militants were active “within the country”.

Considering the sensitivities involved, the defence minister should have been
careful(cautious,‫ )اﺣﺘﯿﺎط‬in his choice of words. As mentioned, cross-border terrorism is a major
threat to our security, while ties with the Taliban regime(government,‫ )ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬in Kabul are
hardly(barely,‫ )ﺑﻤﺸﮑﻞ‬cordial(friendly,‫)دوﺳﺘﺎﻧﮧ‬. But that does not mean that Pakistan should
publicly(openly,‫ )ﻋﻮاﻣﯽ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮ‬advocate(support,‫ )ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ‬for violating the territorial
sanctity(sacredness,‫ )ﺗﻘﺪس‬of a sovereign country. There are two major reasons for this. Firstly,
if Pakistan were to take major unilateral(one-sided,‫ )ﯾﮑﻄﺮﻓﮧ‬action against militants across the
border, ties with Afghanistan would very quickly go south. It will not be in this country’s interest
to lose whatever goodwill(kindness,‫ )ﻧﯿﮏ'ﻧﯿﺘﯽ‬remains for Pakistan in Kabul. Secondly, using our
justified concerns about cross-border terrorist havens(sanctuaries,‫ )ﭘﻨﺎہ'ﮔﺎﮨﯿﮟ‬to initiate hot
pursuit(chasing,‫ )ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬may give other regional states ideas about violating our
sovereignty(independence,‫)ﺧﻮدﻣﺨﺘﺎری‬, in the name of targeting ‘militants’. For example, Indian
leaders — including the current prime minister — have boasted about(bragged,‫)ﺷﯿﺨﯽ'ﻣﺎرﻧﺎ‬
striking terrorists ‘in their homes’, a thinly veiled(barely hidden,‫ )ﺑﻤﺸﮑﻞ'ﭼﮭﭙﺎ‬threat to Pakistan.
This country has, of course, correctly said on record that no one should harbour(shelter,‫ )ﭘﻨﺎہ‬any
illusions(delusions,‫ )وﮨﻢ‬of violating its territorial integrity. Promoting the concept of hot pursuit
then should be discouraged(dissuaded,‫)ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ'ﺷﮑﻨﯽ‬. The terrorist threat is real, and the TTP and
other malign(harmful,‫ )ﻧﻘﺼﺎن'ﭘﮩﻨﭽﺎﻧﺎ‬actors cannot be given free rein(control,‫ )ﻗﺎﺑﻮ‬to cause
havoc(destruction,‫ )ﺗﺒﺎﮨﯽ‬in Pakistan. But the best options available to the state include raising

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the issue with the Afghan Taliban, and strengthening(making stronger,‫ )ﻣﻀﺒﻮط'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬our internal
security. Pakistan must keep up(maintain,‫ )ﺑﺮﻗﺮار'رﮐﮭﻨﺎ‬the pressure on the Taliban to remove the
TTP and other terrorist groups from our borders, and prevent them from staging(preparing,‫)ﺗﯿﺎری‬
attacks across the frontier(border,‫)ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‬. Moreover, as the defence minister noted, thousands of
militants are active on our soil. Eliminating this threat should be the prime objective of the newly
announced Azm-i-Istehkam(Resolve to Strengthen,‫)ﻋﺰم'اﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎم‬campaign.

Of fatal flaws
IT is remarkable(notable,‫ )ﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ذﮐﺮ‬how chaos(disorder,‫ )اﻓﺮاﺗﻔﺮی‬seems to be the only constant
with the PTI. Late on Thursday, it emerged(appeared,‫ )ﻇﺎﮨﺮ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬that the party’s
erstwhile(former,‫ )ﭘﮩﻠﮯ‬secretary general, Omar Ayub Khan, had resigned from various positions
he held within the party. The development followed a confrontation(clash,‫ )ﭨﮑﺮاؤ‬between Mr
Ayub and angry PTI supporters earlier in the day after Imran Khan and his spouse(partner,‫)ﺳﺎﺗﮭﯽ‬
Bushra Imran’s pleas for suspension(pause,‫ )ﻣﻌﻄﻠﯽ‬of sentence in the ‘iddat case’ were rejected.
It also came amidst(among,‫ )درﻣﯿﺎن‬rumours(gossip,‫ )اﻓﻮاﮨﯿﮟ‬of the formation of a forward
bloc(pro-government group,‫ )آﮔﮯ'ﮐﺎ'ﮔﺮوہ‬in the National Assembly. It seems that even die-
hard(staunch,‫ )ﭘﮑﺎ‬loyalists(supporters,‫ )وﻓﺎدار‬like Hammad Azhar and Murad Saeed were taken
off(removed,‫ )ﮨﭩﺎ'دﯾﺎ‬guard by Mr Ayub’s decision: in messages shared on social media platform X,
the former asked that Mr Ayub reconsider(rethink,‫)دوﺑﺎرہ'ﺳﻮﭼﻨﺎ‬, while the latter(late,‫ )ﺑﻌﺪ'ﮐﺎ‬spoke
passionately(enthusiastically,‫ )ﺟﻮش'ﺳﮯ‬about the need for unity within the party’s ranks. It then
emerged(appeared,‫ )ﻇﺎﮨﺮ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬that the resignation had been tendered(offered,‫ )ﭘﯿﺶ'ﮐﯿﺎ‬days earlier
and had also been endorsed(supported,‫ )ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ'ﮐﯽ‬by the party’s jailed chief.

While Mr Ayub framed(formulated,‫ )ﺗﺸﮑﯿﻞ'دﯾﺎ‬his decision as necessary because of the

responsibilities he is entrusted(given responsibility,‫ )ﺳﭙﺮد‬with as opposition leader in the
National Assembly, other party leaders seem to blame him for the PTI’s continuing inability(lack
of ability,‫ )ﻧﺎاﮨﻠﯽ‬to secure Mr Khan’s release. On Friday, one of the party’s
maverick(unconventional,‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ'رواﯾﺘﯽ‬leaders, Sher Afzal Marwat, demanded senior party leader
Shibli Faraz’s resignation on the same grounds(reasons,‫)وﺟﻮﮨﺎت‬. It is also worth
noting(important,‫ )ﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ذﮐﺮ‬that several former PTI leaders, who had previously(earlier,‫ )ﭘﮩﻠﮯ‬parted
ways(separated,‫ )اﻟﮓ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬with the PTI, have recently resurfaced(reappeared,‫ )دوﺑﺎرہ'ﻇﺎﮨﺮ‬to make
their cases for re-entry(return,‫ )واﭘﺴﯽ‬into the party. The party’s most vocal(outspoken,‫)ﮐﮭﻼ‬
supporters, meanwhile(during this time,‫)اﺳﯽ'دوران‬, have been getting increasingly
restless(impatient,‫ )ﺑﮯ'ﭼﯿﻦ‬and frustrated(annoyed,‫ )ﻣﺎﯾﻮس‬in the absence of any major
breakthrough(advancement,‫)ﭘﯿﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬. Many will closely observe how the PTI moves forward,
especially since its differences have now spilled out(overflowed,‫ )ﺑﮩﮧ'ﮔﯿﺎ‬in the open. As far as it
has come, internal discipline(order,‫ )ﻧﻈﻢ‬remains the Achilles’ heel(weakness,‫ )ﮐﻤﺰوری‬of the party.
How quickly it establishes order within its ranks may be critical(important,‫ )اﮨﻢ‬to its survival.

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Opinion
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More than Biden or Trump?
WE talk a lot about the state of Pakistan today, and, by and large, it is not
encouraging(motivating,‫ — )ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ'اﻓﺰا‬to put it mildly(slightly,‫)ﮨﻠﮑﺎ‬. We are also part of the larger
world and are witnessing the state of ‘the greatest state in the world’, and — to put it mildly — it
is not encouraging.

The debate between President Biden and former president Trump was, in the words of one
commentator(analyst,‫)ﻣﺒﺼﺮ‬, a match between a derelict(abandoned,‫ )ﺑﮯ'ﺳﮩﺎرا‬and
“infirm(weak,‫ ”)ﮐﻤﺰور‬Biden and an “unstable” felon(criminal,‫)ﻣﺠﺮم‬, Trump.
Accordingly(therefore,‫)ﻟﮩﺬا‬, the world’s mightiest(strongest,‫ )ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻮر‬country will be led by
someone who is either “not quite there” or someone who is pathologically(disease-
like,‫“ )ﻣﺮض'ﮐﯽ'ﻃﺮح‬reckless(careless,‫”)ﺑﮯ'ﭘﺮوا‬. One can hear the Doomsday(judgment day,‫)ﻗﯿﺎﻣﺖ‬
Clock tick-tocking towards “midnight”.

The US is politically more polarised(divided,‫ )ﺗﻘﺴﯿﻢ‬than ever. A less polarised and more informed
political society might have been expected to moderate(average,‫ )درﻣﯿﺎﻧﯽ‬the
recklessness(carelessness,‫ )ﻻﭘﺮواﮨﯽ‬or compensate(reimburse,‫ )ﻣﻌﺎوﺿﮧ'دﯾﻨﺎ‬for the
cluelessness(ignorance,‫ )ﻧﺎواﻗﻔﯿﺖ‬of its leadership. But the American polity is
irreconcilably(incompatibly,‫ )ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﺖ‬divided between the ‘besotted’ (for Trump) and the
‘haters’ (of Trump) — which renders(makes,‫ )ﺑﻨﺎ'دﯾﻨﺎ‬Biden irrelevant(unrelated,‫)ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬, and yet a
possible winner! This is what the US has been reduced to while being the world’s mightiest
military and economic power.

Like it or not, the rest of the world has a vital(essential,‫ )اﮨﻢ‬stake(risk,‫ )ﺧﻄﺮہ‬in the policies
pursued(chased,‫ )ﭘﯿﭽﮭﺎ'ﮐﯿﺎ‬by the US as ‘leader of the free world’. But neither Biden nor Trump
measure up(meet expectations,‫ )ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ'ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬to the minimum essentials(basics,‫ )ﺿﺮورﯾﺎت‬for such a
role. Moreover, the US political process by and large does not take account of the impact of its
policies and follies(foolishness,‫ )ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺘﯿﮟ‬on the rest of the world. This may be true of other
countries, but their ability to benefit or harm the rest of the world is relatively(comparatively,‫)ﻧﺴﺒﺘًﺎ‬
limited. So what is to be done if we are to avoid the prospect(outlook,‫ )ﻧﻈﺎرہ‬of the US leading the
world over the cliff(precipice,‫?)ﭼﭩﺎن‬

Like it or not, the rest of the world has a vital stake in the policies pursued by the US as ‘leader
of the free world’.

Intellectually(mentally,‫)ذﮨﻨﯽ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮ‬, answers are available. Instead of the US political process — or

rather, its power structure — deciding the fate of the world, the UN Charter(United Nations'
Constitution and UN decisions should be enabled — with the necessary UN reforms — to play a
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much greater role in preserving the peace, eliminating poverty and injustice, and combating
climate(fighting climate change,‫ )آب و ﮨﻮا'ﮐﯽ'ﺗﺒﺪﯾﻠﯽ'ﺳﮯ'ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ‬and other challenges to the survival of
human civilisation(society,‫)ﺗﮩﺬﯾﺐ‬.

However, securing intellectual agreement on such a panacea(cure-all,‫ )ﻋﻼج‬is far easier than
translating it into reality. For a start, this would require democratising(making
democratic,‫ )ﺟﻤﮩﻮری'ﺑﻨﺎﻧﺎ‬the decision-making processes of the UN and its
affiliated(associated,‫ )ﻣﻨﺴﻠﮏ‬bodies, which the US and other great powers are anything but willing
to contemplate(consider,‫)ﻏﻮر'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬. Nevertheless(however,‫)ﺑﮩﺮ'ﺣﺎل‬, the idea of One World, in which
we win or lose and live or die together, needs to be promoted with far greater
urgency(immediacy,‫ )ﻓﻮری‬and realism(pragmatism,‫ )ﺣﻘﯿﻘﺖ'ﭘﺴﻨﺪی‬than has been the case.

How might this be possible? Let us resort(turn to,‫ )رﺟﻮع'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬to childhood imagination and build
on old Hollywood movie themes, such as a war of the worlds, etc. Suppose alien intelligent life
discovered us and saw our world as an inviting place for conquest(victory,‫ )ﻓﺘﺢ‬and occupation.
How would we react to such a palpable(tangible,‫ )ﻣﺤﺴﻮس‬threat? Would we, as in the movies,
overcome(defeat,‫ )ﻣﻐﻠﻮب‬all our divisions and differences to unitedly(together,‫ )ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬meet and
overcome such a threat? Or would we, in accordance with the prevailing(dominant,‫ )ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬reality,
dismiss as juvenile(youthful,‫ )ﻧﻮﺟﻮان‬the very idea of making a serious and sincere attempt on a
scale(large extent,‫ )وﺳﯿﻊ'ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ‬and speed that would make a real difference? Can we
mimic(imitate,‫ )ﻧﻘﻞ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the movies and bring ourselves to see contemporary(modern,‫)ﻋﺼﺮی‬
existential(relating to existence,‫ )وﺟﻮدی‬challenges as we might an alien invasion(attack,‫ )ﺣﻤﻠﮧ‬if it
became a reality? If so, we might yet make the right choices in time.

Even so, no one country with all its supposed superlatives(high praises,‫ )ﺑﮩﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬is able and wise
enough to be the sole(only,‫ )واﺣﺪ‬leader of such a global undertaking(project,‫)ﭘﺮوﺟﯿﮑﭧ‬. The
current dysfunction(inefficiency,‫ )ﺧﺮاﺑﯽ‬of the American political process
underscores(highlights,‫ )واﺿﺢ'ﮐﺮﺗﺎ‬this fact. It should incentivise(motivate the best minds and
enablers to come together as never before to meet and overcome these threats. If the US
political process can sufficiently(adequately,‫ )ﮐﺎﻓﯽ‬buy into(accept,‫ )ﻗﺒﻮل‬this urgent global
imperative(essential,‫)ﺿﺮوری‬, it may yet provide a major contribution to such a global
endeavour(attempt,‫ )ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬and become worthy of its self-image(self-perception,‫ )ﺧﻮد'ﺗﺼﻮر‬as a
shining City on a Hill.

The price of failure was affordable(economical,‫ )ﺳﺴﺘﯽ‬up until now(until present,‫)اب'ﺗﮏ‬. This is
increasingly no longer the case. One could afford to be sceptical(doubtful,‫)ﺷﮏ'ﻣﯿﮟ‬,
cynical(distrustful,‫)ﺷﮏ'زدہ‬, lazy, self-centred(egocentric,‫)ﺧﻮد'ﻏﺮض‬and self-deluded(self-
deceived,‫ )ﺧﻮد'ﻓﺮﯾﺒﯽ‬without having to imminently(soon,‫ )ﺟﻠﺪ‬pay an existential price(life
cost,‫ )وﺟﻮد'ﮐﯽ'ﻗﯿﻤﺖ‬for such irresponsibility. Accordingly, one could more or less
comfortably(easily,‫ )آرام'ﺳﮯ‬acknowledge(admit,‫ )ﺗﺴﻠﯿﻢ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the existential urgency of doing things
without bothering(caring,‫ )ﻓﮑﺮ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬to do them — and get away with(escape blame,‫ )ﺑﭻ'ﻧﮑﻠﻨﺎ‬the
hypocrisy(double standards,‫)ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺖ‬. No longer. This insight(understanding,‫ )ﺳﻤﺠﮫ‬needs to
become an imperative that informs political processes all over the world — and of such
processes, arguably(possibly,‫ )ﺑﺤﺚ'ﻃﻠﺐ‬none is more important than the
dysfunctional(inefficient,‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻓﻌﺎﻟﯽ‬one in the US that occupies our screens today. It has

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facilitated if not promoted the indescribable(beyond description,‫ )ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﺑﯿﺎن‬horrors(terrors,‫)ﺧﻮف‬

we are compelled to(forced to,‫ )ﻣﺠﺒﻮر‬helplessly(without help,‫ )ﺑﮯ'ﺑﺴﯽ'ﺳﮯ‬bear
witness(testify,‫ )ﮔﻮاﮨﯽ'دﯾﻨﺎ‬to on a daily basis. Unless such obscenities(vulgarities,‫ )ﮔﻨﺪﮔﯽ‬are
immediately and effectively addressed, they will ensure survival imperatives remain helpless
cries in the wilderness(uncultivated area,‫)ﺑﯿﺎﺑﺎن‬.

What can Pakistan do? It can be true to itself, which, of course, is easily said but has remained
impossible to achieve. Its ‘leaders’ need to do on a national scale(countrywide,‫ )ﻗﻮﻣﯽ'ﺳﻄﺢ‬what
has been suggested is imperative on a global scale. It can try to set an example for the rest of
the world as other countries must similarly try to do. Only then will they be able to
collectively(together,‫ )اﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮ‬contain the fatal(deadly,‫ )ﻣﮩﻠﮏ‬potential of global
realpolitik(pragmatic politics,‫)ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯽ'ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ‬. Only a realisation(awareness,‫ )اﺣﺴﺎس‬that the wolf is
at the door can transform counsels(advisors,‫ )ﻣﺸﯿﺮ‬of perfection into practical and realistic
policies at the national, regional and global levels.

Ironically(oddly,‫)ﻋﺠﯿﺐ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮ‬, the global display of US political dysfunction may yet save the
world by highlighting the scale and immediacy(urgency,‫ )ﻓﻮری‬of the stakes involved, and
thereby(thus,‫ )اس'ﻃﺮح‬compel(force,‫ )ﻣﺠﺒﻮر‬the country to become something more than Biden or
Trump. Otherwise, the rest of the world will have to find ways to survive on their own by
cooperatively(collaboratively,‫ )ﻣﻞ ﮐﺮ‬confronting the US as they would invading aliens.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, India and China and head of UN missions in Iraq
and Sudan.

Hurtling(rushing,‫ )ﺗﯿﺰی‬past 240m

IT was futile(useless,‫ )ﺑﯿﮑﺎر‬to expect Pakistan’s phenomenally(remarkably,‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ‬high
population growth rate and staggering(shocking,‫ )ﺣﯿﺮان'ﮐﻦ‬population numbers of over 240
million to find mention in any of the budget speeches. The impact of a large population on
lowering per capita(per person,‫ )ﻓﯽ'ﮐﺲ‬incomes and forecasted(predicted,‫ )ﭘﯿﺶ'ﮔﻮﺋﯽ‬economic
growth rates of two to three per cent barely(hardly,‫ )ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬featured(included,‫ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬in post-budget
discussions. Additionally, the glaring(obvious,‫ )واﺿﺢ‬link between population numbers and
declining per capita income was all but ignored, as was its impact on poverty and the low rate of
household investment and savings.

Surprisingly, it did not occur to media pundits(experts,‫ )ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ‬or policy advisers to challenge how
an economic growth rate as sluggish(slow,‫ )ﺳﺴﺖ‬as 2-3pc could possibly absorb a population
growth rate of over 2pc and pull the country out of an economic abyss(depth,‫)ﮔﮩﺮاﺋﯽ‬. In a
nutshell(in summary,‫)ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ'ﻃﻮر'ﭘﺮ‬, among the numerous(many,‫ )ﮐﺌﯽ‬remedies for
reviving(bringing back,‫ )ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ‬the economy, the strong potential impact of reducing the
population growth rate was overlooked(ignored,‫)ﻧﻈﺮ'اﻧﺪاز‬.

More than five years have passed since the Supreme Court took notice of the 2017 population
census, which reported a growth rate of 2.4pc. Another census was held in 2023,
supposedly(allegedly,‫ )ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ‬to validate these results. The latest census ended up recording an
even higher five-year intercensal(between censuses,‫ )ﻣﺮدم'ﺷﻤﺎری'ﮐﮯ'درﻣﯿﺎن‬population growth rate,
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with the latest figure standing at 2.55pc. The population estimate of 241m is
unacceptably(intolerably,‫ )ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ'ﻗﺒﻮل‬higher than any projections made for 2023 by international
agencies such as the projections(forecasts,‫)ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎت‬, in addition to national
demographers(population experts,‫ )آﺑﺎدی'ﮐﮯ'ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ‬and statisticians(data analysts,‫)اﻋﺪادﯾﺎت'ﮐﮯ'ﻣﺎﮨﺮﯾﻦ‬.

The political buzz around(excited talk,‫ )ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬the 2023 census results resembled(looked like,‫)ﻣﺸﺎﺑﮧ‬
an auction(sale,‫)ﻧﯿﻼﻣﯽ‬, with each province and political group asking for greater allocation of
resources, commensurate(proportionate,‫ )ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬with their population size.

The prime minister must prioritise(give importance,‫ )ﺗﺮﺟﯿﺢ'دﯾﻨﺎ‬the challenge of reducing the
population growth rate.

The provinces and parties that gained additional seats and resources were
presumed(assumed,‫ )ﻓﺮض'ﮐﯿﺎ‬the winners, and those that reduced their share of the
pie(share,‫ )ﺣﺼﮧ‬by declaring smaller numbers, the losers. Amid the enthusiasm(excitement,‫)ﺟﻮش‬
for financial resources and political representation, the principle that the census(population
count,‫ )ﻣﺮدم'ﺷﻤﺎری‬count is meant to calculate the needs of the citizens, according to the
Constitution, was forgotten.

Of deep concern is the fact that the exaggerated(overstated,‫ )ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﮧ‬intercensal population growth
rate has gained wide acceptance among officials, including economic policy planners. Up to the
1990s, the Planning Commission, tasked with five-year plans, would have expressed concern
over evidently(obviously,‫ )ﻇﺎﮨﺮ‬distorted(misrepresented,‫ )ﺑﮕﺎڑﻧﺎ‬population figures. In that scenario,
the contested(challenged,‫ )ﭼﯿﻠﻨﺞ'ﮐﯿﺎ‬intercensal(between censuses,‫ )ﻣﺮدم'ﺷﻤﺎری'ﮐﮯ'درﻣﯿﺎن‬growth
rate of 2.55pc would have been re-evaluated(re-assessed,‫ )دوﺑﺎرہ'ﺗﺸﺨﯿﺺ‬and verified through
consultations at the highest level before it was accepted. The concerned census
commissioners would have meticulously(thoroughly,‫ )ﺗﻔﺼﯿﻠﯽ‬weighed and vetted(examined,‫)ﺟﺎﻧﭻ‬
the numbers, even to the point of scrutinising a decimal(numeric,‫ )اﻋﺪادی‬place of change in
population growth because of its multiple implications for economic planning.

Those were the good old days, when the addition of a million or even thousands of citizens to
the population was taken seriously and the associated needs duly(properly,‫ )ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬addressed.
Population-related concerns were prioritised in policymaking. The current NFC(National Finance
Commission,‫ )ﻗﻮﻣﯽ'ﻣﺎﻟﯿﺎﺗﯽ'ﮐﻤﯿﺸﻦ‬award, which gives 82pc weightage(importance,‫ )اﮨﻤﯿﺖ‬to
population size, is a pernicious(harmful,‫ )ﻧﻘﺼﺎن'دہ‬incentive(motivation,‫ )ﺗﺮﻏﯿﺐ‬to exaggerate
population size. To top it all(moreover,‫)ﻣﺰﯾﺪ‬, many view the census as merely(only,‫ )ﺻﺮف‬an
exercise to allocate parliamentary(legislative,‫ )ﭘﺎرﻟﯿﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬seats and demarcate(mark
boundaries,‫ )ﺣﺪود'ﮐﺎ'ﺗﻌﯿﻦ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬constituencies.

Realising that lowering fertility(birth rate,‫ )زرﺧﯿﺰی‬rates was conducive(favorable,‫ )ﺳﺎزﮔﺎر‬to human
development, the leadership of many a country formulated(devised,‫ )ﺗﺮﺗﯿﺐ'دﯾﺎ‬and implemented
effective population policies. President Suharto of Indonesia in 1967, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of
Bangladesh in 1975, and president Khamenei of Iran in the late 1980s took that course of action.
Even the Muslim Gulf states(Middle Eastern countries,‫ )ﺧﻠﯿﺠﯽ'رﯾﺎﺳﺘﯿﮟ‬have an average total
fertility rate(birth rate,‫ )ﭘﯿﺪاﺋﺶ'ﮐﯽ'ﺷﺮح‬of two children per woman. Saudi Arabia now has a fertility
rate of 2.4 children per woman, which is one child less than Pakistan.
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When the Government of Pakistan declared an educational emergency last month, it raised
hopes that a population emergency would follow. There has been a clear
neglect(ignorance,‫ )ﻧﻈﺮاﻧﺪاز‬of the education sector despite(in spite of,‫ )ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد‬Article 25-A of the
Constitution, which makes free primary education mandatory(required,‫)ﻻزﻣﯽ‬. The failure of not
reducing fertility has increased the number of out-of-school children.

If the population policy of 2002 had been successfully implemented, fertility rates would have
reached 2.1 children per woman by 2020. Consequently(therefore,‫)ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺘًﺎ‬, we would not have a
single child out of school based on our existing efforts to raise educational
enrolment(admission,‫ )داﺧﻠﮧ‬rates. However, as things stand, there are 23m children who are out
of school due to the challenge of accommodating(adjusting,‫ )ﺳﺎزﮔﺎر‬7m additional children each
year. As a result, we are leaving behind a generation of incapacitated(disabled,‫ )ﻣﻌﺬور‬children
who cannot read or write and are likely to be stunted(growth restricted,‫ )رﮐﺎوٹ‬due to poor
nutrition(diet,‫)ﻏﺬا‬.

We ask the prime minister to prioritise the challenge of reducing the population growth rate for
multiple reasons. The most important among them is to protect the fundamental human right of
millions of children to basic education. This nation is in dire(terrible,‫ )ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‬need of leadership on
an important policy matter which impacts the lives of millions.

The oversight(supervision,‫ )ﻧﮕﺮاﻧﯽ‬of not pursuing(chasing,‫ )ﭘﯿﭽﮭﺎ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the 2002 population policy,

or the CCI Plan of Action, 2018, does not implicate(involve,‫ )ﻣﻠﻮث'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the government in power as
it spans(extends,‫ )ﭘﮭﯿﻠﺘﺎ‬two decades of negligence(carelessness,‫)ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬. What is available now is
an opportunity for the current political leadership to seize(grab,‫ )ﻗﺒﻀﮧ‬the moment and make a
difference through appropriate course correction(change of direction,‫)راﺳﺘﮯ'ﮐﯽ'اﺻﻼح‬.

It is an opportune time for the prime minister to mobilise(organize,‫ )ﻣﺘﺤﺮک'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬all four chief
ministers in the next meeting of the Council of Common Interests(group of
stakeholders,‫ )ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﮧ'ﻣﻔﺎدات'ﮐﯽ'ﮐﻮﻧﺴﻞ‬to renew their pledge(promise,‫ )وﻋﺪہ‬to the CCI’s population
decisions of 2018. The religious leadership stands united in supporting the new population
narrative of tawazzun (balance), which gives individuals the right to balance their family size in
accordance with their resources.

Additionally, all major political parties currently in power in the provinces have expressed their
support for decisions of the CCI in their respective 2023 manifestos(declarations,‫)اﻋﻼﻧﺎت‬.

Not taking immediate policy action on tackling(addressing,‫ )ﻧﻤﭩﻨﺎ‬population growth rates will be
a huge blunder(mistake,‫)ﻏﻠﻄﯽ‬, one with a huge cost for the country.

The writer is Country Director, Population Council.

Labour cases
BEFORE 1972, significant labour litigation(lawsuit,‫ )ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮧ‬did not exist in Pakistan. When the first
PPP government assumed(supposed,‫ )ﻓﺮض'ﮐﯿﺎ‬charge under the leadership of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
it carried out several amendments in the Industrial Relations Ordinance, 1969,

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purportedly(allegedly,‫ )ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ‬for the welfare(well-being,‫ )ﻓﻼح‬of workers. In this context, two

additions were made in the labour judiciary: junior labour courts (JLC) and the National
Industrial Relations Commission (NIRC).

Labour courts did exist and disposal(removal,‫ )ﻧﮑﺎﺳﯽ‬of cases was far quicker than it is now,
court proceedings began on time and defaulting(failing to pay,‫ )ﻗﺮض'ﻧﺎ'ادا'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬parties were
rarely(seldom,‫ )ﺷﺎذ'و'ﻧﺎدر‬granted adjournments(postponements,‫)ﻣﻠﺘﻮی'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬. All proceedings took
place in court and not in judges’ chambers, which is currently practised in some courts, and
judges followed all rules faithfully(loyally,‫)وﻓﺎداری‬.

For one of our company’s cases in a Lahore labour court, certain attendance and payroll(salary
list,‫ )ﺗﻨﺨﻮاہ‬registers were submitted as evidence. Later, the same records were required by the
audit(examination,‫ )ﻣﻌﺎﺋﻨﮧ‬department of the company. A company representative approached the
court for the material but the request was denied. However, the material could be photocopied
within the judicial premises(building,‫)ﻋﻤﺎرت‬. The judge also ordered the company to make
advance payment of electricity charges for the photocopy machine to the court. Although the
judge’s order caused hardship(difficulty,‫ )ﻣﺸﻘﺖ‬for the company, he was correct about not
permitting the registers to be taken out of the court premises. It prevented any
tampering(interference,‫ )ﭼﮭﯿﮍ ﭼﮭﺎڑ‬with the evidence.

For expeditious(speedy,‫ )ﺟﻠﺪی‬labour litigation, it was made mandatory for JLCs to decide cases
within seven days. In the beginning, these fora(forums,‫ )ﻓﻮرم‬adhered(followed,‫ )ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪی‬to the
stipulated(specified,‫ )ﻣﻘﺮر‬timeframe(time period,‫ )ﻣﺪت‬but eventually lethargy(sluggishness,‫)ﺳﺴﺘﯽ‬
crept in(entered stealthily,‫)داﺧﻞ'ﮨﻮﮔﯿﺎ‬, resulting in months of delay. Hence, the primary purpose of
JLCs stood thwarted(prevented,‫ )روﮐﻨﺎ‬and the previous system was restored. The NIRC, on the
other hand, was instituted with the mandate to register trade unions and federations.

The labour courts now take years to decide lawsuits(legal cases,‫)ﻣﻘﺪﻣﮯ‬.

In the early 1970s, incidents of labour unrest(chaos,‫ )ﺑﺪاﻣﻨﯽ‬and mob(crowd,‫ )ﮨﺠﻮم‬violence,

orchestrated(manipulated,‫ )ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬by labour unions at industrial sites across the country, became
widespread(extensive,‫)وﺳﯿﻊ'ﭘﯿﻤﺎﻧﮯ‬. In fact, in Karachi’s SITE area, Korangi and Landhi,
agitating(protesting,‫ )اﺣﺘﺠﺎج‬workers manhandled(mistreated,‫ )ﺑﺪﺳﻠﻮﮐﯽ‬and
humiliated(embarrassed,‫ )ذﻟﯿﻞ‬many factory owners; unremitting(relentless,‫)ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ‬
turmoil(chaos,‫ )ﮨﻠﭽﻞ‬impacted industrial productivity and led to the closure of small and medium-
sized enterprises(businesses,‫)ﮐﺎروﺑﺎر‬, with the Federal Security Force, created by the PPP
government, being deployed at larger factories. In 1973, the government added two
comprehensive sections in the Industrial Relations Ordinance, 1969 to cover “unfair labour
practices on the part of employers and the workmen”, and related cases were filed in the NIRC.

In view of the government’s pro-labour policy, NIRC head, retired justice Abdul Hameed, was
sympathetic(compassionate,‫ )ﮨﻤﺪرد‬towards workers and, to appease(pacify,‫ )راﺿﯽ'ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬union
leaders, he adopted an aggressive stance(position,‫ )ﻣﻮﻗﻒ‬towards representatives of the
employers; he even ordered the imprisonment(jail,‫ )ﻗﯿﺪ‬of a factory manager from Faisalabad.
This particular decision sent waves of fear through the factory owners, making them
wary(cautious,‫ )ﮨﻮﺷﯿﺎر‬of labour unions, and they also began to see the Commission as an
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intimidating(frightening,‫ )ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎک‬body — an impression that lasted for nearly five years.

As activities of the labour federations and unions fell silent(stopped talking,‫)ﺧﺎﻣﻮش'ﮨﻮﮔﯿﺎ‬, the
NIRC too became dormant(inactive,‫)ﻏﯿﺮ'ﻓﻌﺎل‬. After the devolution(decentralization,‫ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻠﯽ‬of
labour laws to the provinces through the 18th Amendment in 2010, a new concept of provincial
and trans-provincial(inter-provincial,‫ )ﺑﯿﻦ'ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺋﯽ‬companies came into existence. The labour
cases of provincial companies would continue to be filed before the labour courts, and those of
trans-provincial companies went to the NIRC.

Despite the clear distinction(difference,‫)اﻣﺘﯿﺎز‬, many lawyers file cases of

aggrieved(distressed,‫ )ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن‬workers from trans-provincial companies in labour courts. When
transferred to the NIRC, these cases start afresh(anew,‫)دوﺑﺎرہ‬, which delays remedy, causes
frustration, and drains(sewers,‫ )ﻧﺎﻟﯽ‬people of funds. The labour courts now take years to decide
law suits pertaining(relating,‫ )ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬to issues such as reinstatement(restoration,‫)ﺑﺤﺎﻟﯽ‬. But courts
alone are not responsible for these pile-ups(accumulations,‫)ﺟﻤﻊ‬, some petitioners should also
take the blame for wasting the courts’ time with frivolous(trivial,‫ )ﻏﯿﺮ'ﺿﺮوری‬litigation. For
example, when I served as personnel and administration services manager at a British
multinational in Sheikhupura, a worker had filed a complaint against me, stating that I had
abused(mistreated,‫ )ﺑﺪﺳﻠﻮﮐﯽ‬and threatened him over his trade union activities and even
barred(prohibited,‫ )روﮐﺎ‬him from entering the plant.

The judge asked me to swear on the Holy Quran to deny the worker’s allegations against me,
and when I did so, both the petitioner and his lawyer vanished(disappeared,‫ )ﻏﺎﺋﺐ‬from the court.
This proves that only compliance(adherence,‫ )ﺗﻌﻤﯿﻞ‬with specified procedures and
fora(forums,‫ )ﻓﻮرم‬for the redressal(remedy,‫ )ﺗﺪارک‬of workers’ woes — along with strict
curbs(severe restrictions,‫ )ﺳﺨﺖ'ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪﯾﺎں‬on bogus(fake,‫ )ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬litigations — ensures
accelerated(sped up,‫ )ﺗﯿﺰ‬delivery of justice as well as a collective sigh of relief for the
tormented(suffering,‫)اذﯾﺖ'زدہ‬.

The writer is a consultant in human resources at the Aga Khan University Hospital and Vital
Pakistan Trust.

Medicine, not just milk

DISAPPOINTED! is the response of numerous physicians and paediatricians like myself after the
recent suspension of Pakistan’s first human milk bank initiative. Tailored to give vital
sustenance to our most vulnerable babies, the milk bank was halted even before it started.

It is critical to understand the importance of the proposed human milk bank, the type of babies
it intends to help, and the diligence and assurances made to ensure compliance with Islamic
principles.

Human milk banks play a critical role in caring for small or sick newborns worldwide who are
either born prematurely or are too ill to tolerate infant formula due to an underdeveloped or
compromised digestive system.

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Unlike human milk, formula milk does not contain the antibodies, growth factors, and bioactive
molecules that help protect the baby’s gut from inflammation and infection. In very small babies;
for example, those being managed in neonatal intensive care unit for prematurity; these factors
are essential to provide protection against harmful bacteria which may prevent absorption of
necessary nutrients and/ or damage the delicate intestines, resulting in an almost fatal
condition called necrotising enterocolitis (NEC). Being derived from cow’s milk, infant formula
contains very different types of fats and proteins, making them less absorbable and increasing
stress on the gut, leading to further damage. Formula milk is also more concentrated than
human milk, and its use in premature babies can result in leaky gut and absorption of excessive
water, which can again lead to damage. Also, formula lacks the necessary chemicals known as
human milk oligosaccharides, which form a biofilm in the gut that protects against infection.

Human milk banks play a critical role in caring for small or sick newborns.

For all the above reasons, human breast milk is the best option for feeding premature and
critically sick babies, especially those at risk for NEC.

When breast milk from the mother is not available, donor human milk from a milk bank is often
recommended as the next best alternative to provide these vulnerable babies with the nutrients
and protection they need.

For these infants, human milk is not just food, it is medicine.

The World Health Organisation strongly recommends exclusive breastfeeding in the first six
months of life — not always possible, especially when the mother delivers prematurely. Pakistan
has the highest rates of prematurity in the world. Providing an alternative source of protection
for these babies when their mother does not have enough breast milk is essential.

In the proposal by the Sindh government, a conservative strategy was to be adopted by focusing
on protecting the smallest and the most premature of babies, and which included assurances to
ensure Sharia compliance. The service would have been provided without any remuneration or
money involved. It was to ensure that only milk from a Muslim mother was given to a Muslim
baby and this milk would only be given to babies under 34 weeks of age, whose mothers did not
have enough milk to feed their babies.

The milk bank would have followed strict protocols to educate its users about milk kinship in
Islam, and maintain a record of the identity and lineage of both the donor and recipient.

In this way, they intended to address concerns about milk kinship and create safeguards. The
programme was developed with the involvement and oversight of religious scholars, ensuring
that all practices were in line with Islamic teachings.

According to a spokesperson for the milk bank effort, they had ensured that every requirement
provided was fulfilled before the issuance of the guidance (fatwa). However, the ulema who
provided the initial guidance reconsidered and withdrew their support “without discussion”, and
published a revised fatwa.

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Moving forward, we must engage in open and informed discussions about the benefits of
human milk banks and how they can be implemented within our cultural and religious standards.
Increasing public awareness, creating educational programmes, and consultations with
different religious leaders are needed to help dispel myths and rebuild trust. Paediatric and
religious societies must work together to find solutions that uphold our religious values while
advancing our healthcare system.

Let us focus on the health and well-being of our children and develop ways to implement this
vital programme in a manner that respects our religious beliefs. By doing so, we can ensure that
our babies receive the best possible start in life, and can survive and thrive for a healthier and
brighter future for Pakistan.

The writer is the chair of Paediatrics & Child Health at Aga Khan University.

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