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Contents
Tables, Figures, and Boxes
Acknowledgments
Preface
About the Authors
Part I: Media Purpose and Structure
1 Media Power and Government Control
Political Importance of Mass Media
Functions of Mass Media
Who Should Control News Making?
Models of News Making
Summary
2 Ownership, Regulation, and Guidance of Media
Control and Ownership: Public and Semipublic
Patterns of Private Ownership
The Costs and Benefits of Big Business Control
The Regulation/Deregulation Debate
Pressures by Media Associations and Advertisers
Citizen Lobby Control
Summary
3 Press Freedom and the Law
Censorship in the Twenty-First Century
The Public and Freedom of the Press
Policy Limits on the Press
Access to the Media
Public Access to Information
Transparency, Secrecy, and National Security
Individual Rights versus the Public’s Right to Know
Summary
4 Media and Politics in the Changing Media Landscape
The Expansion of Choice
Media Polarization and Selective Exposure
Changing News Habits and Political Journalism
Political Campaigns and Campaigning
Digital Democracy?
Engagement, Citizenship, and Civic Life
Summary
Part II: Who and What Makes the News?

8
 5 News-Making and News-Reporting Routines
Profile Sketch of U.S. Journalists
Gatekeeping
Effects of Gatekeeping
Reporting Extraordinary Events
Covering Pseudo-Crises
Summary
6 The Media as Policy Makers
The Ethics of Melding Political Activism with Journalism
Manipulative Journalism in Perspective
Muckraking Models
Fact-Checking
Journalists as Political Actors
Agenda Building
Documentaries and Docudramas
Methods: Fair and Foul
Summary
7 The Struggle for Control: News from the Presidency
The Adversarial Relationship
The Media and the Executive Branch
Summary
8 Media Coverage of Congress and the Courts
The Media and Congress
Writing Stories about Congress
The Media and the Courts
News about Crime and the Justice System
Summary
9 State and Local News
Covering State and Local Affairs
The Content of Subnational News
Decline of Mainstream State Venues and the New Venues
Summary
10 Foreign Affairs Coverage
The Foreign News Niche
Making Foreign News
Wars in the Modern Age
Summary
Part III: Media Effects
11 Media Influence on Attitudes and Behavior
Differential Effects of News
The Role of Media in Political Socialization

9
 Patterns in Socialization
Choosing Media Stories
How People Learn
Learning Effects: Knowledge and Attitudes
Learning Effects: Behavior
Summary
12 Elections in the Digital Era
The Consequences of Media-Dominated Politics
Media Content
What People Learn from Campaign Coverage
Summary
13 Incivility, Negativity, and Bias in the Media
Bias in the News
Affective Biases
Information Biases
Ideological and Partisan Biases
Causes of Bias
Effects of Bias
Summary
Part IV: Current Trends and Future Directions
14 Current Trends and Future Directions
Appraising News Making
The Impact of Digital Technologies
Regulation as a Barrier to Development
The Shape of the Future
Summary
Index

10
Tables, Figures, and Boxes

Tables
1-1 Election Night News Consumption Patterns, 2012 and 2016 5
1-2 Media Roles under Different Regime Types 16
2-1 NPR Broadcasting Reach by Affiliate Type, 2014–2015 30
2-2 Public Broadcasting Revenue by Source, 2015 32
2-3 Top 50 International Media Corporations, 2015 36
3-1 Freedom of the Press, 2016 58
3-2 U.S. National Security Leak Cases 80
7-1 Evening News about the Three Branches of Government on NBC:
September 2015–August 2016 227
7-2 Changing News Story Emphasis 228
8-1 Percentage of Members of the 111th Congress Registered with
Twitter, by Chamber and Party 263
9-1 Local Newspaper Coverage of Selected State Legislative
Elections, 2012 295
9-2 Police versus Newspaper Crime Reports, Chicago 298
10-1 One Day of CNN World News Headlines, December 29, 2016
309
10-2 U.S. Audience Web Traffic on News Sites from Around the
World, November 2016 312
10-3 Modest Declines in Foreign News Bureaus for CNN, Fox News,
and MSNBC, 2010–2015 321
10-4 Examples of Event Countries’ Coverage, by Distance to and
Affinity with the United States, 1998–2013 322
10-5 Soviet News Story Topics in the U.S. Press, 1945–1991 326
11-1 U.S. Adult Daily Media Use, 2014–2016 349
11-2 Percentage of People Following News Topics by Age Group,
2014 353
11-3 Ideology of Cable and Broadcast News Audiences 358
11-4 Television News Characteristics 369
12-1 Voters’ Main Sources of Campaign News, 2000–2016 398
12-2 Tone of Coverage by Topic and Candidate 411
12-3 Tone of Candidates’ Campaign Coverage by Source 415
13-1 Frequency of Hedging Language Tactics Used for False Claims
439

11
13-2 News Professionals’ View of No. 1 Reason People Distrust the
Media More Now 446
14-1 Websites Cited as Top Destinations for News 470

12
Figures
2-1 Change in Average U.S. Daily Newspaper Circulation, 2003–
2015 40
2-2 Annual Total Advertising Spending (in U.S. Dollars, Billions) 45
3-1 Total Number of Reported Media-Involved Incidents Worldwide,
2000–2016 60
3-2 Public Knowledge of the First Amendment, 1997–2015 61
3-3 Public Agreement with the First Amendment, 1999–2015 62
3-4 Worldwide Percentage of Households with Computers, 2005–
2016 70
3-5 Worldwide Percentage of Households with Internet Access,
2005–2016 71
3-6 Worldwide Percentage of People Using the Internet, 2005–2016
72
4-1 Changes in U.S. News Platform Use, U.S. Adults, 2013–2016
107
4-2 Strategy Coverage and Predicted Page Views for 2016 Primary
News 113
4-3 Regularly Used News Platforms by Age, 2016 114
4-4 Exposure to Cross-Ideology News and Opinion on Facebook 115
4-5 Attentiveness to Political Candidates’ Posting on Social Media
117
4-6 Opinion Leaders’ Social Network Size and Political Activity 118
4-7 Percentage of Adults Using Mobile Devices for News, 2013
versus 2016 119
4-8 Average Minutes Visitors Spent on News Sites, Access via
Desktop, Mobile Browsers, and Mobile Apps 121
4-9 News Site Audience Reach for Desktop, Mobile Browsers, and
Apps 122
4-10 Total Usage Minutes Spent by Visitors on Selected News
Websites, March 2016 123
5-1 Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Newsrooms 154
5-2 Women in Newsrooms, by Role 155
5-3 Percentage of Non-White Editorial Staffers at BuzzFeed and Mic
versus Traditional Media 156
5-4 How Ideological Extremism Influences Congressional Members’
Cable and Network News Coverage 160
5-5 World Newspaper Coverage of Climate Change or Global

13
Warming, 2004–2016 163
5-6 2016 Coverage of Major Topics by Selected Media Outlets 166
6-1 Sampling of 2016 Fact Checks from PolitiFact 199
6-2 Average Number of New York Times Immigration Stories with
Economic Frame, 1980–2011 203
6-3 Framing Categories for Deepwater Horizon Disaster 204
6-4 Framing Categories for Hurricane Katrina 205
6-5 Opinion Differences between Public and Scientists 210
6-6 Public Views of Scientific Consensus 211
7-1 Tone of Trump’s Coverage, by News Outlet 234
7-2 White House Briefing Room Seating Chart 245
8-1 Congress Members’ Speaking Opportunities on Cable and
Network News Outlets 259
9-1 U.S. Local Newspaper Deaths, 2000–2014 283
9-2 Local Newspaper Coverage of Selected State Legislative
Elections, 2012 294
9-3 President Obama and State Governors as Newsmakers 294
10-1 Percentage of News Hole Devoted to Network News Stories
with a Foreign Dateline, 2012–2015 307
10-2 Number of Libya Newspaper Articles, by Regime Type 323
11-1 Recall of Information by Classic versus Contemporary Webpage
Layout for News Sites 346
11-2 Ideological Audience Composition for Cable News, 2014 357
12-1 Twitter Messages from the Final Week of the 2016 Campaign,
by Candidate and Message Type 388
12-2 Assessments of Campaign News Topics Covered 404
12-3 Campaign News Topics as a Percentage of Campaign News
Hole 410
12-4 Voters’ Evaluations of Election News 413
12-5 Voters’ Main Source for Election News by Candidate Supported
418
13-1 Probability of Negativity in Campaign News Stories by Volume
of Attack Ads in the Media Market 433
13-2 Probability of Information Substance in News Stories by Degree
of Partisan Slant 441
13-3 Americans’ Trust in Mass Media 448

14
Boxes
1-1 Media Is a Plural Noun 6
2-1 The Return of Independent Media Owners? 41
2-2 Audiences under the Microscope 45
3-1 What Makes the Press Free? 57
5-1 Crisis Coverage Dilemmas in Mumbai 181
6-1 An Investigative Journalist Apologizes 195
7-1 Quizzing the President 249
8-1 The CSI Effect 274
10-1 Filtering Revolution: Reporting Bias in International Coverage
of the Libyan Civil War 323
10-2 News from the Global Village 330
11-1 From Individual Learning to Informed Public Opinion: Is the
Whole Greater Than Its Parts? 350
12-1 Political Humor in Campaigns 398
14-1 Norms of Rape Reporting in India 461

15
For additional digital resources, please log on to:
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Password-protected Instructor Resources include the following:

A Microsoft® Word test bank, is available containing multiple

choice, true/false, and essay questions for each chapter. The test
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Editable, chapter-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint® slides offer
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16
Acknowledgments

In my second opportunity to work on a revision of this text, I was

reminded of Doris Graber’s enormous contributions to the field, including
her years of work on the many editions of this book, which has
significantly shaped our understanding of mass media and politics. I am
honored to contribute. It is a thrilling and daunting opportunity to work on
something so long associated with such a giant in the field of political
communication. Charisse Kiino and Jennifer Jerit also deserve my heartfelt
gratitude for their roles in bringing me onto Mass Media and American
Politics and for the confidence they have expressed in my ability to add to
the project in a positive way. Several other friends, colleagues, students,
and mentors deserve mention for encouragement or listening regarding this
book: Vin Arceneaux, Kevin Barge, Amber Boydstun, Brooksie Chastant,
Bill Clark, Josh Darr, Belinda Davis, Tasha Dubriwny, David Fortunato,
Kirby Goidel, Matt Hitt, Martin Johnson, Joanna Jolly, Deb Kellstedt, Paul
Kellstedt, Regina Lawrence, Christine Lipsmeyer, Jennifer Lueck, Kristan
Poirot, Josh Potter, Kathleen Searles, Paru Shah, Stuart Soroka, Rick
Street, Stacy Ulbig, Cara Wallis, Guy Whitten, Chris Wlezien, and Anna
Wolfe. Finally, I must thank my most important cadre of supporters, my
family. My mom, Suzanne Jones, and my in-laws, Gene and Cindy Pipes,
are always a source of encouragement and support. I could not accomplish
most of what I intend without their help and support. I remain especially
grateful to my husband Toby and our wonderful daughter Pace for being
patient with me when stretched too thin and for keeping me laughing all
the time.

—Johanna Dunaway

I am delighted to pass the baton to such a well-qualified and talented

young scholar as Johanna Dunaway. I hope she feels as much joy as I have
every time a new edition is published and makes its way into the
classroom. As always, I am grateful to my family for cheering me on.
Memories of my husband’s loving support during all prior editions
continue to inspire me; he was and is a source of strength in all I do.

—Doris A. Graber

17
Preface

The expansion of media choice continues to create challenges for

established media institutions. Questions remain about the manner and
extent to which changes in the contemporary media landscape foster or
inhibit healthy democratic function and political life. What are the
implications for citizens as newsroom budgets are slashed in response to
increasing competition and declining revenues? How does the increased
choice of content and platforms influence media selections of the average
citizen? How will news-gathering organizations respond to changes in
audience behaviors? These questions are still unanswered, and our
understanding of what these changes mean for mass media and politics is
still limited.

Established media are surviving in familiar formats or in hybrid shapes,

such as digital versions of traditional offerings, organizational Twitter
feeds, and applications for mobile devices. However, legacy media are
hampered by radically reduced resources, and their control over news
content is sharply diminished. Most “new media” upstarts are not living up
to initial expectations that they would fill some of the information gaps left
from closing news outlets and lower newsroom investment. Truly
“digitally native” outfits attract very little traffic and still largely rely on
legacy media professionals for deciding what becomes news and then to
gather and report it. When digital media do engage in the gathering and
dissemination of news, their credibility is variable. Much discussion on the
Web is interactive, and news is often presented in an opinion and news
mix. Social media sites now regularly serve as news transmission channels
for a vast proportion of the public, affording the opportunity for ordinary
citizens and media elites to engage in genuine conversations. The
democratic value of two-way communications between media elites and
audiences is not yet clear, but social media are increasingly becoming a
staple of the processes of news gathering and disseminating. A popular
take on the expansion of choice and platforms in the current media
environment is positive and based on the idea that a more diverse and
accessible media playing field is more democratic. Existing evidence
raises questions about the effectiveness of this interactivity and the
promise of a digital democracy.

Other concerns threaten the promise of new technology as well. Expanded

18
media choice, stiffening competition for news organizations, and the rapid
development of niche news media raise concerns about whether media
technology will foster political polarization, increase partisan acrimony,
and stifle democratic deliberation. Are news organizations more negative
and sensational in the effort to retain audiences? Have we abandoned
nonpartisan media? Do audiences still find nonpartisan news appealing?
Perhaps most importantly, has the expansion of choice introduced so many
options that citizens always find something available that is more
appealing than the news?

The most urgent problem still looming over media development is

uncertainty about the means to pay for news creation and distribution.
Clearly, advertising can no longer be the financial mainstay of established
media, nor can it sustain the many new channels mushrooming on the
Internet. What should take its place? What will take its place? There are
continuing discussions about new models for news, but no sure answers
about the viability of any of these. It also remains unclear what choices
various publics will make to assemble their individual news packages from
the overabundance of available news sources on digital and social media.
Nor is it clear what the implications of these consumer decisions are for
political learning and behavior. The explosion of mobile devices as a
means by which people access the news raises questions about attention to
and learning from mobile news and how journalists should present the
news on mobile formats. In this era of advancing technology, who will
gather and disseminate the majority of political news? Who will learn from
and pay attention to the news? How will news be consumed in the coming
years?

To make sense of what is currently happening, one must understand the

characteristics of the U.S. mass media system as well as the political,
economic, and technological forces that are propelling the current
transformations. The tenth edition of Mass Media and American Politics
serves as a guide and interpreter, featuring an expanded chapter on
changes to the modern media landscape and the implications of those
changes for the business of media and for democratic life.

This new edition also includes important updates and examples from the
2016 presidential election campaign and the evolving influence of social
media in political campaigns. Social networking platforms allow for
interactivity between political elites and ordinary voters, but to what extent
do campaigns engage in truly interactive digital dialogues? What we are

19
learning is that campaigns engage in only “controlled interaction.” They
seek to engage potential supporters, but only in ways that advance the
strategic aims of the campaign, such as by enlisting supporters’ help in
sharing messages and fundraising appeals with their personal social
networks. In addition, these platforms are increasingly and adeptly being
used by political elites as direct communication channels with potential
voters, which allows the circumventing of traditional media as political
mouthpieces.

The tenth edition draws on the rich array of current political

communication studies, including some of our own research on changes in
the news environment and citizens’ understanding of politics. The book’s
perspective is multidisciplinary and objective, offering a variety of
viewpoints about controversial issues. Readers can form their own
opinions and evaluations from this evidence and from other studies of the
news media reported in the ample, up-to-date citations. The text is written
simply and clearly to serve the needs of novices in this area of knowledge
without sacrificing the scholarly depth, documentation, and precision that
more advanced readers require.

This new edition of Mass Media and American Politics, like prior editions,
takes a broad approach to mass-mediated political communication. It
covers the impact of media on all spheres and phases of political life, at all
levels of government, in normal times and times of crisis. It does not limit
itself to studying the relationships between media and politics during
elections, which have been the prime focus of past news media studies.

The tenth edition is divided into four sections. Part I focuses on media
purpose and structure. Chapters 1 and 2 set the stage with descriptions of
the mass media as institutions within the U.S. political system. The
chapters explain how governmental structures and functions affect
journalists and media institutions and how the media, in turn, influence
politicians and the work of all branches of government. The discussion
highlights the consequences of the proliferation of news outlets and the
continuing debate about appropriate regulatory policies. Chapter 3
completes the analysis of the legal, political, and economic framework in
which U.S. media operate. The discussion focuses on the legal rights of
citizens, public officials, and journalists to gather and publish information
and to seek protection from damaging publicity and how those rights are
being affected by changing digital communication technologies. Chapter 4
describes changes to the media landscape and explores their implications

20
for mass media and politics in the United States.

Part II of this edition examines the people, institutions, and events that
shape the news. Chapter 5 examines the routines of news making and
reporting and deals with the many factors that affect the daily selection of
news topics and the creation of stories about people and events. The
chapter highlights reporters’ backgrounds and orientations and details how
they go about their work and the major challenges they face. It also
appraises the quality of current news compared to that of the past. Chapter
5 also includes a section describing how news patterns change during
crises such as natural disasters and wars. It clarifies the important role of
news media in dealing with the difficulties facing people and their
governments when normal life is disrupted. Chapter 6 deals with the
ethical problems and political consequences of political activism by
journalists. We define the barriers journalists face when they investigate
corruption and other misbehaviors by public officials, business tycoons, or
religious leaders. In chapters 7 and 8 we examine the interplay between the
media and political institutions such as the presidency (chapter 7). In these
chapters we pay particular attention to technological developments that are
transforming digital media into a political tool that can empower citizens
and embolden political elites. The media’s coverage of Congress and the
judicial system is set forth in chapter 8. The discussion covers news about
Congress and the courts at the national level and about the criminal justice
system. Chapter 9 examines how news media cover politics and
governance at state and local levels. The chapter describes and explains the
inadequacies of news about subnational political issues.

Chapter 10 details the dwindling impact of American news media on

global politics and even on the conduct of American foreign policy. We
compare several theories about how the American press selects events
abroad for coverage. The chapter also illustrates the difficult trade-offs
when First Amendment freedoms must be balanced against national
security concerns.

Part III examines media effects. In chapter 11 we explore the wealth of

new information that political communication scholars have accumulated
to understand political learning and opinion formation. We also discuss the
role of news in fostering prosocial and asocial behaviors, along with
conflicting theories about the circumstances that increase or decrease
media influence on political action. In chapter 12, we explore how modern
elections are influenced by mass media and the various reasons campaigns

21
are covered by the news media in unique ways. We also examine what
people learn from campaign news coverage. Chapter 13 tackles media
effects associated with some of the potentially harmful trends in media
depictions of politics—incivility, negativity, and bias. This chapter is
timely as more citizens and scholars are paying intense attention to these
trends.

Mass Media and American Politics concludes with a final section on

current trends and future directions. Chapter 14 contains an extensive
discussion of developments and policy trends in the current era. We pay
particular attention to the manner in which characteristics of the new
media environment, such as interactivity, on-demand content, multiple
platforms, and changing funding models, are shaping news content, news
consumption, and regulatory challenges.

The changes in this new edition reflect the political events and the
continuing technological development events that have transpired since
publication of the previous edition. We have also introduced many new
mass media studies and much-appreciated suggestions from colleagues and
students who have adopted the book for their classes. In particular, we
would like to thank those reviewers who took a look at the current edition
and provided helpful feedback: Lucy Dalglish, University of Maryland;
Donald Fowler, University of South Carolina; Tyler Johnson, University
of Oklahoma; Jason Martin, DePaul University; John J. Pitney, Jr.,
Claremont McKenna College; and Emily Wanless, Augustana College. We
are indebted to our research assistants and colleagues, especially Brooksie
Chastant, Mingxiao Sui, and Gemme Campbell, who provided feedback
and located useful data and created new datasets, tables, and figures as
needed; their help was invaluable. Kirby Goidel, Kathleen Searles, and
Jason Turcotte provided helpful feedback on this addition. We are grateful
to Joanna Jolly, Dan Kennedy, and Jeremy Padgett for contributing some
of their original work for this edition. This edition also benefits from
numerous important insights from Jennifer Stromer-Galley and Daniel
Kreiss, who were kind enough to deliver research talks at the A&M Aggie
Agora Conference. Insights from each of their cutting-edge research
projects were enormously useful for revisions to chapters 4 and 12. We are
grateful to Jennifer Mercieca, director of Aggie Agora, who made their
visit possible. The editorial team at CQ Press and its freelance staff
provided valuable assistance that greatly eased the many chores that are
part of writing books.

22
About the Authors

Doris A. Graber
is professor emeritus of political science and communication at the
University of Illinois at Chicago. She has written and edited
numerous articles and books on the news media, public opinion, and
information processing. They include Media Power in Politics, Sixth
Edition (2010), The Power of Communication: Managing Information
in Public Organizations (2003), the prize-winning book Processing
Politics: Learning from Television in the Internet Age (2001), and On
Media and Making Sense of Politics (2012), a comparative study of
learning about politics from entertainment broadcasts.
Johanna Dunaway
is associate professor of communication at Texas A&M University
and a recent Joan Shorenstein Fellow at Harvard’s Shorenstein Center
on Media, Politics, and Public Policy. She has written extensively on
the relationship between the structural and contextual features of
media outlets and election news content. Within this research
program, she has examined news coverage of political campaigns,
immigration, and events such as the 2010 oil spill in the Gulf of
Mexico. Her current research examines the impact of the changing
media environment across individuals, communities, and the news
industry. In addition to these primary research agendas, she has
published in numerous other areas, including public opinion, political
behavior, and political advertising. Her work appears in journals such
as the Journal of Politics, Public Opinion Quarterly, Journal of
Communication, Political Communication, Political Research
Quarterly, Political Behavior, Journalism Studies, and Social Science
Quarterly.

23
Part I Media Purpose and Structure

24
1 Media Power and Government Control

Donald Trump’s upset victory in the 2016 presidential election highlights

both the power and failures of mass media in American politics. Trump
dominated coverage from the earliest days of the primary season through
Election Day, earning more air time than all other Republican contenders
—time worth millions in paid ad dollars. He captured press attention at
levels normally reserved for candidates leading in the polls, and media
fascination is widely blamed/credited for Trump’s eventual primary win.
Even with very little money raised and no political base, Trump effectively
worked the media as a free platform for his message and a chance to build
a following. According to Thomas E. Patterson, “Trump is arguably the
first bona fide media-created presidential nominee. Although he
subsequently tapped a political nerve, journalists fueled his launch.” Even
as the Trump phenomenon illustrates the importance of the press in
presidential primaries, it highlights the limitations of our press system.
Press fascination with Trump reflects the market-driven nature of the U.S.
press, which prioritizes news values over political values. Coverage of
politics is determined by what is timely, novel, and sensational—focusing
on the aspects of politics that capture and hold the attention of mass
audiences.1

Early primary coverage of Trump perfectly reflects journalists’ news

values. They intuited that his outspoken and unconventional style would
draw primary season audiences of unprecedented proportions, and they
were not wrong. The primaries were a ratings boom for the cable news
networks. In September 2016 CNN reported its best ratings quarter in eight
years,2 and it charged forty times its normal rate for advertising spots
during the Republican Primary debates. The wealth was spread across
cable news networks—the average cost of ad spots during the ten primary
debates between August and January was exponentially higher than the
historical average of a CNN prime-time ad spot.3

General election coverage of both candidates was decidedly negative, but

Trump leveraged the press’s penchant for novelty and sensationalism to
command three times the coverage earned by former Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton—much of which was comprised of excerpts from speeches
delivered in his own words. Meanwhile, over the course of the entire
campaign, negative coverage of Hillary Clinton nearly doubled her

25
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