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Slangs in Political Discourse: A Sociolinguistic Perspective

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Aliyu Yakubu Yusuf Anas Musa Ismail

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Dutse Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (DUJOHSS), Volume 2 Number 1, 2017

Slangs in Political Discourse: A Sociolinguistic Perspective

Aliyu Yakubu Yusuf

Department of English and Literary Studies, Bayero University, Kano
aliyuyy@gmail.com ayyusuf.eng@buk.edu.ng

Anas Musa Isma’il

Department of English and Linguistics, Federal University Dutse

manasmusa@gmail.com

ABSTRACT

Slang has been identified by sociolinguists as one of the ways through which
languages develop new vocabularies or alternatively the existing vocabularies in
a language acquire new meanings. This paper investigates the use of Hausa
slang among politicians in Kano and its environs. Twenty three (23) slang
expressions commonly heard on radio political programmes—Kowanne gauta
(Every garden-egg) and Ido ba mudu ba (An eye is not a measuring bowl) of
Freedom Radio Kano and Express Radio Kano respectively---were sampled and
analysed. The result shows that unlike in many languages in the world, Hausa
slang terms used by politicians do not involve any secretive or vulgar language.
Instead, they are drawn from everyday Hausa words and expressions. This
makes the slangs easily understood and used by people in situation unrelated to
politics. The findings also corroborate the assertions that the use of language in
politics involves, among other things, praising oneself and his political beliefs,
as well as lambasting political opponents and their political beliefs. Finally, the
paper hypothesizes that some of the political slang which nowadays falls into
disuse may make reappearance during the next election.

Key Words: Slang Politics Hausa Language

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Introduction

One of the most important ways through which all languages develop and acquire
new vocabularies is through the creation of slangs. As sociolinguistic term, slangs are
usages which are characterized by their informality and originality. In other words, slang
can be seen as a kind of jargon that is “characterized by a high degree of informality,
familiarity and vocabulary richness” (Burdova 2009:8). Slang is not a common, everyday
usage of language, but a special way of showing closeness, intimacy and solidarity
among members of a particular speech community. Spolsky (1998:35) defines slang as “a
kind of jargon marked by its rejection of formal rules, its comparative freshness and its
common ephemerality, and its marked use to claim solidarity”. Following the same line
of argument, Eble (1996:12-13) also considers novelty and ephemerality as the principal
characteristics of slang. According to Oha et al (2010:106), slangs are traditionally
considered as vulgar, offensive or profane forms of language with a strong color of
irreverence and yet vitality in a society. This suggests that, though people are likely to
develop condescension towards slang, it is still very important to the growth of a
language. Additionally, when one compares slangs and the general vocabulary in a
language, the former seem to exist for a shorter time, because they are either replaced by
another term or they provide a synonym for a word already existing in slang, (Burdova
2009:11). Coleman (2004) notes that slang is often short-lived and usually belongs to a
specific age or social clique and is used like a fashion to define in-groups and out-groups.

Slangs are often associated with group membership and is taken to be some
specialized kind of ‘inmate’ or in-group speech (Spolsky 1998:35). They are generally
used by group of people who share something in common, as such, they are sometimes
used intentionally to obtain some degree of secrecy. According to Leech and Svartvik
(1981), slang is mostly “restricted to the members of a particular social group”. Again,
Oha et al (2010:105) describe slang as “a secret language of a cult”. Indeed, this explains
the reason why many social groups are (in)famous for their use of slang. In many

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languages, there is slang for armed forces, labor unions, politicians, radio broadcasters,
lawyers, teenagers and so on. Therefore, slangs can be defined and identified by their
functions, (Yul-Ifode 2001). One of the interesting features of slang is that it can appear
and disappear, depending on the current fashion style. The meaning of slang words or
phrases can also extend from their original domain of usage to another.

The Language of Politics

Politics is simply described as an art of governance (Chilton 1998). Thus, politics can be
regarded as a way through which all the affairs of people in a particular geographical
spectra are governed. In a way, politics can also be regarded as one of the ways via which
leaders govern or control the activities of their followers. In politics, like in any other
human affairs, language is used as an instrument to interact or transact in various situations
conventionally recognized as political environments, (Rozina and Karapetjana 2009). It is
this fact that makes Adedimeji (2005:6) assert that “politics and language meet at the
threshold of power”. Thus, language is a powerful weapon and politics is itself concerned
with the use of power (see Bolinger, 1980; Fairclough, 1989). According to Atkinson
(1984), one of the distinctive features of political rhetoric is through what is called
linguistic manipulation. Politicians are known to employ various acts of linguistic
manipulation to control others. Through systematic manipulation of language, they
persuade the electorate to take political decisions. Rozina and Karapetjana (2009:113) also
observe that:

Linguistic manipulation can be considered also as an influential

instrument of political rhetoric because political discourse is primarily
focused on persuading people to take specified political actions or to
make crucial political decisions. To convince the potential electorate in
present time societies, politics basically dominates in the mass media,
which leads to creating new forms of linguistic manipulation, e. g.
modified forms of press conferences and press statements, updated
texts in slogans, application of catch phrases, phrasal allusions, the
connotative meanings of words, a combination of language and visual
imagery. To put it differently, language plays a significant ideological

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role because it is an instrument by means of which the manipulative

intents of politicians become apparent.

The above claim suggests that people in general, and politicians in particular,
manipulate language by twisting it to serve their own purpose. In the context of this
study, one can argue that, during election seasons, politicians tend to feature not only
in radio programmes, but also in many jingles, aimed at promoting their candidacy to
the electorates via the use of slangs. This, as Asya (2013) argues, is done to “change
the listener’s behavior, his mental set, intentions, perceptions, evaluations, etc” so that
he/she acts in favor of a particular party and its candidates. All this is achieved through
the use of language often in a manipulative way.

Moreover, in Nigeria’s political setting, the language of politics is used, in addition

to the above, to criticize, disparage or ridicule political opponents. Many programs in the
radio are meant for partisan politicians to discuss their political views, opinions and
ideologies, as enshrined in the constitution of the country. However, some of these
programs metamorphosed into forums for criticizing and even insulting or ridiculing
political rivals. Adebayo (2005:5-6) contends that one of the main aims of using language
in Nigerian polity is “not only to gain the desired values and goals, but also to neutralize,
injure or eliminate a political rival”.

Again, the language of politics in Nigeria largely constitutes what Adedimeji (2005)
calls the defense of the indefensible. The kind of people mostly heard on the radio
discussing politics use language as a medium to protect their political opinions and/or
godfathers. Indeed, people engage in politics to define and elevate their position in society,
as they struggle for scarce resources and as they try to convince others to accept their
points of view. In other words, the language of politics oscillates between deception and
persuasion (Jones and Wareing, 1999). Abati (2001:43) states that “there is a gradual
movement from the sublime to the ridiculous in the use of language in Nigerian politics”.
The usage of language in politics is characterized by rhetoric, grandiloquence or bombast,
cloudy vagueness or linguistic exuberance, innuendos, exaggeration, lies, scathing remarks

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and verbal violence. This explains why the language of politics in Nigeria has at times
engendered conflicts rather than solutions (Adedimeji, 2005).

Theoretical Framework

The framework within which this study is conducted is the theory of slang promulgated by
Eble (1996) and expanded by Green (2002). As said earlier, slangs constitute use of words
and phrases by a particular social strata. As such, some slang expressions are decipherable
only by members of social group that uses the slang. In contrast, some slang expressions
can be readily understandable by all language users regardless of membership of any social
group. One of the most important features of slangs is that they are susceptible to change
overtime. Eble (1996:11) asserts

Slang is an ever-changing set of colloquial words and phrases that

speakers use to establish or reinforce social identity or cohesiveness
within a group or with a trend or fashion in society at large. The
existence of vocabulary of this sort within a language is possibly as old
as language itself, for slang seems to be part of any language used in
ordinary interaction by a community large enough and diverse enough
to have identifiable subgroups.

This suggests that slang expressions are rarely everlasting. That is, the expressions
regarded as slang may appear and disappear within a short period of time. That is why
Green (2002) argues that attempting to give account of slang expressions in any work
presents interesting challenges. According to her, “the most formidable problem is that
slang changes rapidly, so it is virtually impossible to give an accurate account of current
slang items” (p. 27). This problem arises due to the fact that slang items have the
propensity to suddenly become obsolete. As such, lexical terms that satisfy the
characteristics of being called slang may easily lose currency and become out-of-date. It is
on the basis of the above propositions that the use of slangs in Hausa political discourse is
explored.

Method of Investigation

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This paper is about slang expressions in Hausa political discourse. As such, most
of the data used for the study was collected from some political programs aired on local
radio stations in Kano, particularly the program called Kowanne Gauta (Every garden-
egg) and Ido ba mudu ba (An eye is not a measuring bowl) of Freedom Radio Kano and
Express Radio Kano respectively. Most of the voices heard in these programs are either
those of political office holders, or of their ardent, partisan supporters. In other words,
the data drawn for the study were generated from the politicians who express their
political views on political matters on the aforementioned political programs. This
includes politicians who hold political office (whether elected or appointed) and their
supporters of the parties. For the purpose of analysis, the study used purposive sampling
technique and identified and gathered twenty three (23) Hausa slang terms and phrases
that are commonly used in the political arena and heard on the radio or in other political
gatherings. The identified slangs were sampled from the aforesaid radio programmes
within the span of two weeks. It is important to note that most of the slangs found and
analyzed in this paper have their origin in Kano, being the most populous Hausa
speaking state in Nigeria. But the spatial scope of their use may be found in Jigawa and
some parts of Katsina. Finally, the study used accidental sampling and selected 20
regular listeners of these radio programmes in Kano to serve as respondents to interview
questions on the meanings of the identified slangs.

Data Analysis

Below are the identified Hausa slang items as used by politicians and their
supporters. It should be noted that the meanings for each slang given below are
determined from the interview conducted with the 20 respondents who are native
speakers of Hausa and are keen listeners of the two selected programmes.

1. A daidaita sahu: This term was popularized during the administration of Malam

Ibrahim Shekarau as the governor of Kano state (2003-2011). He established A

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Daidaita Sahu, a societal re-orientation board, which was tasked with enlightening
people about moral uprightness. Since then, the slang is used loosely to mean
being in conformity with the rules and regulations. Nowadays, the term is used in
reference to tricycle introduced by the same governor and used for commercial
transport in Kano.
2. Azumi: This also became popular from 1999 with the return of democracy. It is

used in reference to a time when someone’s rival political party is in power. .

Therefore, the followers of the opposition party are said to be doing Azumi, that is
fasting.
3. Tsari: This slang is used when someone mischievously benefits from the

‘dividends’ of politics, especially if the benefits are meant to be shared among

followers of a particular political party or candidate.
4. Dillin-Dillin: This came into use in the Hausa language when the current governor

of Kano state, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, first used it during his swearing-in
ceremony. The governor basically used the slang to denote that the way in which
his predecessor(s) worked to develop the state. He too would do the same. Since
then, the governor has come to be defined and/or ridiculed by others by the slang.
5. Hannun jarirai: This slang is used derogatorily to describe a politician who is

perceived to be stingy.
6. Jan layi: The electorate mostly uses this slang when there is a perceived betrayal

on the part of a political officeholder. They, therefore, use it as a warning to the

politician that he stands a chance to be toppled during the next election.
7. Kaci baka ciba, baka ciba kaci: This simply means the act of rigging election. It is

used solely by the supporters of a ruling party to mean that whether or not they are
elected, they will rig and win the election.
8. Kasuwar bukata: This term is normally used to refer to the act of politicking. It is

used to mean that politicking is nothing but the act of exchanging favours between
the electorate and the political office holder(s).

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9. Kayan aiki: The term stands for money or a variety of goods political aspirants
give to the electorate as a token prior to election in order to get their support.
10. Kitso da kwarkwata: This is used in a situation where the party followers discuss
something very confidential unknowingly in the presence of an informant of a
rival party.
11. Kusufin siyasa: This slang is used to describe a famous politician whose
popularity appears to be waning. It can literally be translated as political eclipse.
12. Kwankwasiyya/Kwankwasawa: Kwankwasiyya is a political movement named
after the former governor of Kano, Engr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso. It is aimed to
promote his political ideals. His supporters are thus called Kwankwasawa or
followers of Kwankwasiyya.
13. Lauje cikin nadi: This is used in reference to a situation in which political
activities are carried out, while some party members are left in the dark.
14. Mai malafa: This phrase is used all over northern Nigeria to refer to the ex-
president of the country, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, in reference to the type of
cap (bowler hat) he normally wears.
15. Masu baki da kunu: This slang expression became popular when it was first used
by the reigning governor of Kano state, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, to describe
his political detractors. The slang is now used to describe one’s critics.
16. Masu riga da sitati: This is used by the less powerful followers of a political party
to refer to the powerful followers who exercise greater influence and benefit more
from the party, even though they contribute very little to the party’s success.
17. Romon dimukradiyya: This phrase is used to refer to the various benefits derived
by the people, as a result of democratic rule, especially in terms of physical
infrastructure like roads, hospitals, schools, water supply, etc.
18. Tazarce/Ta maimaita: This means to continue. The slang was first used during the
late military dictator, General Sani Abacha, and was popularized by the fans of
former president Mr. Olusegun Obasanjo, when he planned for his unsuccessful

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third term bid. The phrase has since been used by politicians vying for their
second terms in office. Ta maimaita is a variant of Tazarce used mostly by
supporters of Kano state ex-governor Malam Ibrahim Shekarau.
19. Wake da shinkafa: This literally means “beans and rice”. The phrase became
famous on the eve of the 2015 general election. It is used by the electorate that
supports and intends to vote for candidates from more than one political party for
different posts.
20. Wuju-wuju: This was introduced into political arena by Kano state ex-governor,
Engr. Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, to describe the potential hardship his political
rivals would face. Ever since, the phrase is used by many to denote any form of
hardship.
21. Yan baka/sojojin baka: This is used to refer to the diehard supporters of
politicians, who feature regularly in radio stations, especially in some popular
political programs, to depend their bosses. Politicians often use them as their
attack-dogs. Some of them prefer to call themselves ‘yan gwagwarmaya, the
activists.
22. ‘Yan malafa: This slang is used in northern Nigeria in reference to the followers of
People Democratic Party (PDP), whose ousted president is known for wearing
malafa bowler hat.
23. Zaman kan Katanga: This literally means “sitting on the fence”. This is done by
those who do not pledge total allegiance to any of the political parties.

Discussion

From the above identified slang expressions, it is clear that, although the phrases
used as slangs in the study area involve neologisms, the individual words used to create the
phrases are drawn from the normal, everyday Hausa words. Therefore, it is very easy for
Hausa people from all spheres of life to decipher the meanings of the slang. Because of this
fact, the slang words used in this study seem to contrast the assertions of many scholars

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Dutse Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (DUJOHSS), Volume 2 Number 1, 2017

regarding what constitute slang. As stated earlier, some scholars see slang as some
secretive, vulgar language restricted to a specific group of people (see Burdova, 2009, Oha,
2010 and Spolsky, 1998) but the identified slangs appear to defy this convention. In
everyday conversation, one can find people extending the usage of any of these political
slangs beyond political discourse, because they do not consider them offensive or vulgar.
Further, this corroborates Yul-Ifode’s (2001) assertion that the use of slang can be
extended from one domain to another.

It is also important to note that most of these slangs are more widely used on the eve
of elections. This is the time when most of politicians are desperate to “advertise”
themselves to prospective buyers. Apart from the usual political programmes aired on
radio, politicians routinely pay to feature on radio to let the electorates know more about
their manifestoes. As such, with the 2015 Nigeria’s general election behind us, a bulk of
these political slangs are becoming somewhat outdated. This goes in line with the idea that
slang is short-lived (see Coleman, 2004, Green, 2002 and Eble, 1996). However, one of its
common features is that it may disappear and reappear based on current fashion style (Yul-
Ifode, 2001). Thus, it would be no surprise if some slang expressions gradually falling into
disuse resurface during the 2019 general elections.

Finally, it has been discussed that politicians employ language to not only praise or
exalt themselves and their political parties, but also to criticize or disparage their opponents
and, by extension, the rival parties (see Adebayo, 2005). In the study area, local politicians
routinely use slang for this purpose (see slangs nos. 4, 5, 11, 15 and 16). It has become a
daily occurrence in political programs on radio to hear politicians using slang to ridicule
rival politicians. It is also possible to find slang which constitutes translated expression
adopted from one language to another. A common example among the selected slangs is
no. 22, which is a direct translation of the English idiom sitting on the fence.

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Conclusion

In conclusion, this paper has discussed the use of political slang in Hausa, especially in
Kano, the most densely populated Hausa-speaking state in Nigeria. The identified slang
expressions were popularized after the return of democratic rule in 1999, coupled with the
later establishment of many FM radio stations that introduce programs for political
discussions. It was discovered that, although the identified slang expressions are largely
used by politicians in radio programs and in political rallies, most of them have now
acquired expanded usage beyond the political sphere. This could be attributed to the fact
that the coined political slang by politicians is concocted from everyday Hausa words.
This makes it easy for the slang to make incursion into other apolitical discourses.
Furthermore, the paper has found out that common to slang expressions in all languages,
political slang used in Hausa has the tendency to disappear when elections are over, only to
reappear on the eve of the next election. In addition, it has been examined by this study that
political slang is used for dual purposes: to promote one’s political opinion or party and to
lambast or detract political rivals and their ideologies.

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