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 THIRD EDITION

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Judith Wittner 'I

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 Contents vii

CHAPTER 7 FAMILIES 223

Marriage 225
Marriage as a Legal Contract and the Challenge of Gay Rights Activists 225
History of Marriage in the United States 227
Marriage Promotion in the United States 230
Love and Marriage 233
Widowhood 233
Parenting and Caregiving 234
Motherhood Mystique 23 5
Work and Family in Latino and African American Families 236
Working Mothers and the Mommy Wars 238
Welfare Mothers 239
Temporary Aid to Needy Families 240
Parenting by Fathers 242
Men Balancing Work and Family 243
The Fatherhood Responsibility Movement 245
Biology and Parenting 246
Another Kind of Family Caregiving: Elder Care 247
Gendered Styles of Care Work 249
Grandparents and Care Work 250
Balancing Work and Family 251
International Comparisons of Family Support Programs 253
Divorce 255
The Gendered Economics of Divorce 256
Challenges of Divorce for Men 258
Variation in Divorce Laws in Different Nations 259
South African Divorce Laws 259
Repudiation in Muslim Nations 259
Making Comparisons 260
Gender Matters 261

CHAPTER 8 VIOLENCE 270

The Gendered Continuum of Violence 271

Some Statistics on Violence 272
Street Harassment: A Geography of Fear 275
Men's Personal Safety and Gendered Violence 280
Rape and Domestic Violence 281
Recent Decline in Rape Statistics 283
viii Contents

Accounting for Rape: Evolutionary Theory, Individual Psychology,

and Inequality 283
Evolutionary Theory 283
Individual Psychology 284
Power Inequality 287
Ending Rape 288
The Discovery of Domestic Violence 292
Studies of Domestic Violence 293
From Universality to Intersectionality 294
Beyond Criminal Justice: Marginalized Battered Women at the Center 296
State Violence Against Men 299
The Prison-Industrial Complex 299
Sexual Violence in Men's Prisons 301
Gendered Violence in Conflict Zones 302
Guatemala: A Case Study 304
What Is to Be Done? CEDAW, the International Criminal Court,
and Security Council Resolution 1325 309
Gender Matters 313

CHAPTER 9 GENDER- AND RACE-BASED ILLNESS: DISEASES Of THE DIVISION OF LABOR 319

Health and Illness as Social Issues 320

Nation and Life Expectancy 320
Gender and Life Expectancy 324
Sex, Gender, and Health: The Gendered Division of Labor 326
The Health Risks and Benefits of Women's Employment in the Global North 327
Poor Women's Health Risks on the Job in the Global South 328
Sexual and Reproductive Health 331
Toxins and Reproductive Risk 334
Gendered Illness: Believing Is Seeing 336
Hysteria 336
Frigidity 337
Eating Disorders 337
Men's Body Crises 338
Masculinity as a Health Risk 339
Masculinity and Heart Disease 342
Stratification and Inequality in the Health Care System 343
Care Work: The Paid or Unpaid, but Often Invisible, Foundation of Health Care 346
Women's Health Movements 350
Abortion in the United States 354
 Contents ix

Beyond Roe v. Wade: The Struggle Continues 355

Women of Color and Sterilization Abuse 356
The Racism and Classism of Sterilization 357
Globalizing Sterilization 358
Gender and the Global AIDS Pandemic 359
Behavioral and Educational Approaches 360
Structural Violence and the Women's Epidemic 360
Reflections on Gender and Health: Fighting Back
Around the World 362
Gender Matters 363
CHAPTER 10 POLITICS, PRISON, AND THE MILITARY 371
Politics and the State 372
Electoral Politics 373
Voting Rights 373
The Gender Gap in Voting 375
Women Elected Officials 376
What Difference Does It Make? 379
Why So Few Women? 381
Gender and Campaigns 384
Three Models for Reform 384
Meritocratic Remedies 384
Affirmative Action Remedies 385
Radical Remedies 386
Political Institutions: The Courts and Prisons 387
Young People in the Criminal Justice System 389
The War on Drugs 390
Why Are Men So Much More Likely to Be in Prison? 392
Political Institutions: The Military 394
Women in Combat 395
Women and Men in the Military Today 396
Gender Harassment in the Military 396
Why the Hostility Against Women in the Military? 397
Masculinity and Heterosexuality in the Military 398
Why Are Differences in the Treatment ofWomen in the Military Important? 398
Be Careful What You Wish For 399
Women and Peace 399
What Is Political? 402
Gender Matters 403
x Contents

CHAPTER 11 POPULAR CULTURE AND MEDIA 411

Mass Media and Gender 412

Gender on Television 413
Reality TV and Gender 415
LGBT on TV 416
Missing Women in the Television Industry 418
Symbolic Annihilation 419
Gender in Advertising 419
Advertising Masculinity 419
Men and Beer 420
Advertising Gender in Three Nations 420
Gender in U.S. Advertising 420
Gender in Turkish Advertising 422
Gender in Japanese Advertising 423
Gender in Film 424
Children's Movies 426
Sexualization of Girls and Women in Media 427
Gender and the Internet 429
Media Theory 431
Resisting Media 432
Music Videos 433
Gender Matters 436

CHAPTER 12 SPORTS 442

Sports and Masculinity 444

History of Sports and Manliness 446
Gay Athletes 447
Initiation Rites and Football 448
Dangers of Masculinity 449
Time for a Change? 450
Mexican Baseball Players Challenge Hegemonic Masculinity in Sports 450
Sportswomen 451
Title IX 454
International Efforts to Bring Women into Sports 456
Barriers to Bringing Women into Sports 457
Women Athletes, Homophobia, and Heterosexism 457
 Contents xi

Venus and Mars Play Sports 459

Assimilation or Reform 459
Gender Matters 460

CHAPTER 13 RELIGION 464

Religion as an Institution 465

Importance of Religion Across the Globe 465
By the Numbers 466
Religion and Gender: Contested Terrain 467
Abrahamic Religions 467
Catholicism 469
Islam 469
The Practice of Hijab 470
Women and the Hijab in the United States 471
Perspectives on Islam in the United Kingdom 473
Buddhism 475
Religion and Gender: Fundamentalism 476
Muslim Fundamentalism 477
Christian Fundamentalism 478
Fundamentalist Views of Masculinity 480
Fundamentalist Fathers 481
Evangelical Feminists 482
Hindu Fundamentalism 483
Women in the Pulpit 484
The Da Vinci Code and Ancient Religious Views of Women 486
Religion as a Free Space in Oppressive Cultures 488
Religion as a Base of Resistance 488
Women Activists in Sri Lanka 488
Religion in the American Civil Rights Movement 489
Challenging Religions from Within 490
What Difference Would More Gender-Equal Religions Make? 492
Feminist Theoretical Models 493
Classical Sociological Theory on Religion 494
Gender Matters 495
xii Contents

CHAPTER 14 GLOBALIZING, ORGANIZING, AND MAKING THE WORLD A BETTER PLACE 500

The Development Paradigm 50 5

Beyond the Rural: Export Processing Zones 510
Two More Global Economies 511
Feminist Political Ecology: Beyond Production 513
A Provisioning Economy 513
Local Knowledge 514
How Will We Change the World? 517

Glossary 521
Index 537
 GENDER IN EVERYDAY LIFE

BOX 1-1: GENDER GAP AROUND THE GLOBE 5

BOX 1-2: WAVES OF AFRICAN FEMINISM 14

BOX 2-1: CASTER SEMENYA AIN'T 8 FEET TALL 23

BOX 2-2: NO CHOICE AT ALL 40

BOX 2-3: ORGANISATION INTERSEX INTERNATIONAL (011) OFFICIAL POSITIONS 46

BOX 2-4: FROM THE INTERNATIONAL BILL OF GENDER RIGHTS, ADOPTED JUNE 17, 1995,
HOUSTON,TEXAS,USA 52

BOX 3-1: TRAYVON MARTIN AND THE THOMAS THEOREM 60

BOX 3-2: TRANSGENDERED COMMUNITY REMEMBERS DEATH THAT SPARKED A MOVEMENT 62

BOX 3-3: THE SECRETARY'S DESK 77

BOX 3-4: TOM, BETSY, AND THE TELEPHONE: AN ORGANIZATIONAL STORY 81

BOX 3-5: IMAGINING A DIFFERENT FUTURE 89

BOX 4-1: DECLARATION ON SEXUAL RIGHTS 104

BOX 4-2: SALLY HEMINGS AND THOMAS JEFFERSON 105

•••
Xlll
xiv Contents

BOX 4-3: VIOLENCE AGAINST GAY MEN: THE CASE OF MATTHEW SHEPARD 115

BOX 4-4: EXAMPLES OF HETEROSEXISM 117

BOX 4-5: EXAMPLES OF HETEROSEXUAL PRIVILEGE 118

BOX 5-1: MARS MISSION 154

BOX 6-1: MARKING GENDER IN THE WORKPLACE 189

BOX 6-2: BRINGING A DISCRIMINATION CASE AGAINST AN EMPLOYER 190

BOX 6-3: SEXUAL HARASSMENT AS DISCRIMINATION 191

BOX 6-4: WOMEN AGRICULTURAL WORKERS, HUNGER, AND GENDER 204

BOX 6-5: MR. MOYO GOES TO THE DOCTOR 209

BOX 7-1: CYBER/MAIL-ORDER BRIDES 228

BOX 7-2: PROMOTING MARRIAGE IN JAPAN AND KOREA 231

BOX 7-3: LESBIAN MOTHERS 237

BOX 7-4: THE MOTHERHOOD MYSTIQUE IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS 240

BOX 8-1: PATRIARCHY'S BRUTAL BACKLASH: ACID ATTACKS 277

BOX 8-2: CAREFUL! WOMEN ANSWER BACK 279

BOX 8-3: COVERAGE OF ''SCHOOL SHOOTINGS'' AVOIDS THE CENTRAL ISSUE 285

BOX 8-4: MEN CAN STOP RAPE CELEBRATES 10 MILESTONES DURING 10 YEARS OF
PREVENTION 288

BOX 8-5: CRITICAL RESISTANCE/INCITE! JOINT STATEMENT: GENDER VIOLENCE AND THE PRISON
INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX (2001) 297
 Contents xv

BOX 8-6: THE JUAREZ PROJECT: NAFTA AND THE FEMICIDES 303

BOX 8-7: SPEECH BY MICHELLE BACHELET ON ''GENDER-MOTIVATED KILLINGS OF WOMEN,

INCLUDING FEMICIDE'' 305

BOX 8-8: UNSCR 1325: BRINGING WOMEN TO THE TABLE 311

BOX 9-1: A DIFFERENT MODEL-MEDICAL CARE IN CUBA 322

BOX 9-2: WILL SWEATSHOP ACTIVISTS' BIG VICTORY OVER NIKE TRIGGER BROADER
INDUSTRY REFORMS? 329

BOX 9-3: WATER PRIVATIZATION 332

BOX 9-4: BOLLYWOOD DRIVES THE USE OF STEROIDS AMONG BOYS OF INDIAN DESCENT IN
SOUTH AFRICA 341

BOX 9-5: CARING ACROSS GENERATIONS 348

BOX 9-6: ''OUR BODIES, OURSELVES'': GOING, GOING, GONE GLOBAL 351

BOX 9-7: STATEMENT OF THE ABORTION COUNSELING SERVICE OF THE CHICAGO WOMEN'S
LIBERATION UNION, 1971 355

BOX 9-8: SOLIDARITY FOR AFRICAN WOMEN'S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS 364

BOX 10-1: NEARLY A BILLION VILLAGERS 380

BOX 10-2: MINOR CRIMES, MAJOR SENTENCES: THE CASE OF SERENA NUNN 391

BOX 11-1: SUMMARY OF RECENT RESEARCH ON GENDER IMAGES IN TELEVISION ADVERTISING

IN THE UNITED STATES 421

BOX 11-2: TWENTY TOP-GROSSING FILMS WORLDWIDE BY 2012, IN MILLIONS

OF DOLLARS 425

BOX 11-3: GOFFMAN AND THE GAZE 429

xvi Contents

BOX 11-4: NORTH, SOUTH, HEGEMONY, AND RESISTANCE 433

BOX 12-1: THE NFL AND CTE 443

BOX 12-2: BENEFITS OF SPORTS FOR WOMEN 452

BOX 12-3: TH ROWING LIKE A GIRL 453

BOX 12-4: WHAT DOES YOUR SCHOOL NEED TO DO TO PROVIDE EQUITY ACCORDING TO THE
TITLE IX GUIDELINES? 455

BOX 13-1: CHRISTIAN SUNDAY SCHOOL CURRICULA 468

BOX 13-2: MUSLIM WOMEN VOICE THEIR OPINIONS OF GENDER AND ISLAM 472

BOX 14-1: THE GLOBAL LAND GRAB 506

BOX 14-2: AFRICAN FARMERS AND ENVIRONMENTALISTS SPEAK OUT AGAINST A NEW GREEN
REVOLUTION IN AFRICA 514
 PREFACE

The first edition of this book was a work of faith-faith that we could grasp the massive the-
oretical and empirical work of feminist scholars in one brief volume. This third edition is our
continued effort to tap into the global discussions on gender and to introduce our readers to
an even broader array of empirical research and theory-building that increasingly makes
feminist scholarship so vital today.
Much of the popular discourse on gender consists of sound bites about feminism and
women, platitudes about gendered work and violence, and ideologies about sex and gender.
Widely circulated in the popular media and among students are such notions as ''feminism is
sexist," ''feminism is no longer necessary," and ''the differences between men and women are
an inevitable feature of our biology," alongside assertions that ''I'm not a feminist, but ..." and
''this generation has pretty much eliminated gender inequality." We hope that introducing
students to feminist scholarship will produce a better understanding of these issues.
This book is our attempt to bring together the multiple strands of gender and associated
research from local and everyday manifestations of masculinities and femininities to the gen-
dered global force s that lie beneath today's political and social crises. To do so, each chapter
builds on five principles.
First, we weave together theory and empirical data rather than segregate them into sepa-
rate chapters. The book gathers together much of the scholarship-mainly sociological, but
also interdisciplinary-that has accumulated in many substantive areas. For example, readers
will learn about research on violence, families, media, sports, politics, sexuality, religion,
education, health, and bodies. Theories that have grown up alongside this research and help
to interpret its meanings are woven into each chapter, so that students are able to see how
theory emerges from and helps to explain empirical studies.
Second, we connect personal experience with sociological conceptualizations. We offer
both social constructionist and social structural approaches that explain the production of
inequality in face-to-face interaction within constraining organizational and institutional
structures. We ask how the gendered features of our everyday lives are given life, shape, and
meaning by the larger organizations and institutions that contain them and how we, in turn,
act back on these structures, shaping new forms of gendered relationships, challenging gen-
dered worlds, and perhaps even eliminating gendered differences.
Third, this is a book about gender and gendered relationships, and not only about
women. Men's lives are shaped by gender relations as much as the lives of women. In addi-
tion, we call our readers' attention to the ways that the categories of ''men'' and ''women'' are
constructs that conceal other sexualities and genders. Our task is to uncover and attempt to

••
XVII
xviii Preface

understand how the binary of man and woman are constructed and how it might be elimin-
ated in the ways we think, interact with and treat one another, and the ways we construct and
maintain our social institutions.
Fourth, this book takes seriously the understanding that there are important differences
among women and among men. The ''intersectionality'' that differentially locates individu-
als and groups in what black feminist theorist Patricia Hill Collins (2000) called a ''matrix of
domination'' is a core feature of each chapter. There is no way to understand gender inequal-
ity as a phenomenon that can be separated from the multiple cross-cutting inequalities of
class, race, sexuality, and nation. Gendered identities are accomplishments, not fixed states
of being, and they include dynamic relationships of privilege and subordination. Some men
may be privileged as men, but many are subordinated along racial ethnic, national, sexual,
and class lines. At the same time, women have varied relationships with one another and with
men along these same lines. In each chapter, we explore these advantages and disadvantages,
as well as actors' complicity with and resistance to them.
Fifth, this book takes the world as its starting point. Our goal is to help readers gain a
sense of the similarities and differences in gender across the globe. We hope to encourage
students to see the many ways gender is experienced as well as the many ways in which
gender injustice is being challenged around the world.

CHANGES TO THE THIRD EDITION

• Updated all of the data, especially statistics, and streamlined the presentation of
information to make it more readable.
• Separated the Media and Sports chapter into two chapters.
• Incorporated clarification and further explanation of topics suggested by the
hundreds of students who have used this book in courses taught by the authors.
• Added critical thinking questions and key terms at the end of each chapter and a
glossary defining the key terms at the end of the book.
• Added content on: the cult of the virgin, the intersection of gender and sexuality
in media, the Bechdel Test for films, gender in reality TV, mothers and youth
sports, theoretical models of assimilation and reform to sports, benefits of sports
for women, women in combat, fair sentencing, sexual assault in the military,
gender politics in rural China, child brides, lesbian parents, and images of mother-
hood in recent political campaigns.

PLAN OF THE BOOK

Chapter 1 provides a brief overview of the assumptions we make and the tools we use to pro-
ceed with our exploration of gender. Chapter 2 begins with the question of biology. Agree or
disagree: no matter how much gender relations have changed and are changing, biological
sex-the underlying differences between human males and females-are important natural
facts. If you agree with this statement, chapter 2 will try to convince you that you are mis-
taken. Even at the most basic level of genes and hormones, not everyone fits into one of the
 •
Preface XIX

two standard and supposedly exclusive sex categories of male and female. Historically, the
conventional idea of ''opposite'' sexes turns out to be a relatively recent invention, and cross-
culturally, different societies employ different and sometimes more numerous sex categories.
The chapter concludes with a section on a gender-bending movements of intersexual and
transgendered people, movements which underscore the political nature of so-called biologi-
cal categories. The chapter makes the case that biological sex is a continuum, not a dichotomy
between male and female, and suggests that by relinquishing our faith that male and female
bodies are naturally and forever different in consequential ways, we make space for the ''play-
ful exploration'' of the many possibilities of embodiment (Fausto-Sterling 2000).
If biology is not the basis of gender difference, racial variation, or alternative sexualities,
then what is? Chapter 3 reviews three answers to that question. Regarding gender, one answer
is that we learn appropriate ways of being gendered from our parents, teachers, and friends. We
see examples of gendered behavior on television and in books. From our first days, we are
schooled in gender roles, and most of us are good students. A second answer to the question of
how gender differences arise draws on the idea that by interacting with one another we actively
produce the worlds in which we live. Instead of ''being'' a gender, we '' do'' gender in social
encounters. A third answer points to the ways organizations and institutions build gender and
other inequalities into the ways they function. As you read this chapter, test these theories
against your own experiences and observations of the ways you have become gendered, raced,
sexualized, and turned into a member of your class. Have you ever resisted some of these iden-
tities? How, and in what contexts?
Chapter 4 explores sexuality through intersecting dimensions of gender, race ethnicity,
class, and nation. Normatively, men and women are expected to be heterosexual, to be sexu-
ally attracted to and engage in sexual activity only with each other. In fact, actual sex prac-
tices offer much more complicated and interesting examples of the ways racial ethnic and
gender identities enter into and produce sexuality and sexual identity. Feminist and antiracist
studies of sexuality have exposed the very political character of constructions of sexuality.
The chapter moves from discussing the construction of conventional sexualities by means of
sexual scripts and gendered double standards to describing the global sexual politics of sex
tourism and sex trafficking, and exploring the queer movement's resistances and challenges
to normative sexualities mounted by queers and others demanding sexual human rights.
What does water have to do with education? In chapter 5, you'll read about how lack of
access to water and sanitation in poor countries directly affects girls' ability to enter and remain
in school. In the global North, girls' education has become similar to that of boys in terms of
attendance, graduation, and choice of studies, and in some ways girls have surpassed boys.
Globally, however, the story is quite different. In the poorest countries of Haiti, Colombia,
Malawi, Madagascar, Surinam, Tanzania, and Lesotho, boys are less likely than girls to go to
school, but in these countries school is a luxury many children cannot afford, and many boys
as well as girls do not go to school. Worldwide, two-thirds of children not attending schools are
girls, and 60 percent of illiterate young people are girls. Illiteracy, low education, and poverty
mean higher mortality rates, decreased income, hunger, and even death. The intersections of
gender, race ethnicity, and nation can be deadly.
You've been students now for at least fourteen or fifteen years, and perhaps longer. Can
you recall the ways that you and your teachers relied on gender in your classrooms? Most
studies show that for many years, teachers often consciously and unconsciously built on the
xx Preface

dichotomy between boys and girls for purposes of teaching and to exercise control over their
students. Did you make separate girls' and boys' lines at lunchtime? Did girls and boys play
separate games in the schoolyard during recess? Did boys and girls compete at spelling and
geography in class? Did the teacher listen more attentively to boys' answers or give more time
in class to unruly boys than to well-behaved girls? These were common practices in American
classrooms of the past and perhaps in some classrooms today. Chapter 5 shows that assuming
differences between boys and girls in the classroom becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, an-
other piece of the puzzle that helps to explain how gender differences are created. Racial/
ethnic differences also matter in classrooms, and the crosscutting dimensions of race ethnic-
ity and gender construct hierarchies of educational success. This chapter makes clear that
gendering in education is not a simple story. Gendering creates problems for boys, too, exem-
plified by the greater proportion of boys who are diagnosed and treated for hyperactivity.
Racism and poverty contribute to the diminished educations that many children receive.
Overall, chapter 5 shows how gender, class position, and race ethnicity intertwine to play
central roles from kindergarten through higher education, and that we all pay a price for these
inequalities.
Chapter 6 turns the lenses of gender, race ethnicity, class, and nation on local and global
economies and on the gendered and raced character of work. For example, the relationship
between paid and unpaid work is also a relationship between men and women in the gen-
dered division of labor. Much of domestic labor-cleaning, cooking, shopping, and caring for
children and other dependents-was for a long time, and to a certain extent still is, invisible.
The only work that was visible and therefore appeared to be ''real'' was that done by men, for
pay, outside families. Was domestic work invisible because it was the work of women? Was it
invisible because it was done inside the home? Was it invisible because it was not paid? Or,
were all three factors interrelated?
The gender perspective has contributed many useful concepts to the study of working
lives, concepts that you will learn about in chapter 6. The glass ceiling is a term for the invis-
ible obstacles facing women who try to make it up the ladders that professional men have
been climbing for generations. The glass escalator signifies the seemingly effortless ways men
rise to top positions in women's professions such as elementary-school teaching or nursing.
Emotional labor refers to some of the invisible tasks required of workers-being nice and
absorbing abuse from customers in the service economy; being tough and instilling fear in
bill collecting and policing. The former is work more likely to be required in jobs assigned to
women; the latter, in jobs assigned to men. The pay gap and the feminization of poverty de-
scribe the consequences of gender, class, and racial inequalities in the labor force; to remedy
such disparities, activists promoted the policy of comparable worth. In recent decades, the
global economy has come into view as a reality directly connecting the fates of workers
around the world. Despite the better situation of some women in the global North, women
around the world have less status, power, and wealth than men. The implementation of free-
trade agreements has meant the loss of jobs in the United States to countries in which labor
is vastly cheaper. It has also meant that workers in those nations with cheap labor are toiling
for wages that aren't sufficient to support themselves or their families. Moreover, it has meant
the impoverishment of millions of third-world farmers, who cannot compete with subsidized
American goods from corporate farms that undersell their products and drive local growers
out of business.
 •
Preface XXI

The family has been a loaded political issue in the United States for the past forty years, as
conservatives hold its so-called decline responsible for the ills of contemporary life. In chapter 7,
you will have a chance to draw your own conclusions about family life today. Does marriage
prevent poverty, as those who promote marriage among the poor believe? Will allowing same-
sex marriage undermine marriage as an institution, or give it new life? Promoting marriage for
the poor and prohibiting it for gay men and lesbians dispensed with love as the basis of mar-
riage. The gay/lesbian community fought back, and the right to marry whomever you love has
been their increasingly successful rallying cry. Not so for poor families. A similar contradiction
separates middle class and poor mothers. Middle-class women have been and still are exhorted
to be good mothers by staying home with their children, even as mothers on welfare are re-
quired to enter the labor force.
Chapter 7 demonstrates that the massive entry of women into the labor force is produc-
ing significant conflicts between the needs of families and the requirements of jobs. Among
other things, these conflicts have produced a child-care crisis in the United States. Mothering
and caregiving are examples of invisible and unpaid labor, absolutely vital to the well-being of
families and absolutely necessary to sustain the labor force. Comparative data from other in-
dustrial countries shows that the United States provides the least family and parental support
for child care and gender equity.
Chapter 8 shows that gender is a central feature of the continuum of violence that
stretches from our most intimate lives to the ongoing global tragedies of militarism and war.
Street harassment, rape, domestic violence, gendered violence in prisons, militarist masculin-
ity, wartime rape, the enslavement of women by militias, sex trafficking, and growing civilian
casualties in wartime of women, children, and elderly-what do you think can explain such
relentless and pervasive gendered violence? And a related question: are these different kinds of
violence related in any way? Some observers have attempted to naturalize violence as evolu-
tionarily or psychologically necessary. Some feminists have evoked biology as an explanation
for violence by characterizing it as men's violence against women. Feminist antiracist research
has broadened and complicated this simplistic naturalized picture of gendered violence.
Some women-poor, working class, of color-are at greater risk of sexual and gendered vio-
lence than others. Likewise, inequalities of race ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality shape
men's relationship to violence, both as victims and as perpetrators. These new understandings
of the ways gendered violence enters into the lives of individuals, communities, and nation
states suggest innovative remedies and courses of action, which we explore in the chapter.
Chapter 9 recounts the many ways that illness and health are gendered around the globe.
Everything you have learned up to this chapter helps to structure the distribution of health
and illness: the sexual division of paid and unpaid labor, race ethnicity, the political econo-
mies and ruling orders of the nations in which people live, membership in particular sexual
communities, and so forth. After reading this material, you will understand why health is a
collective good requiring collective action to secure it for all people. This chapter also de-
scribes feminist and antiracist social movements around reproductive rights that have grown
from local actions into transnational movements linking reproductive and general health to
a wide range of rights: housing, education, employment, freedom from violence, and health
services, with the goal of prioritizing human interests over those of market forces.
Is changing the gender of officeholders sufficient to make positive political change? Ac-
cording to the studies reported in chapter 10, the evidence is mixed. The question of women's
xxii Preface

impact on politics remains open, because men dominate all channels of contemporary politics
around the world: electoral politics, the news media, and the metaphors of political discourse,
war, and sports. Despite the prevalent belief of Americans that they are leaders in and teachers
of democracy and equal participation, the participation of U.S. women in legislative and execu-
tive positions is close to that of women in Chad or Morocco. It is Rwanda, Andorra, Cuba,
Sweden, Seychelles, and Senegal that have the largest proportion of women in government
leadership. Politics is not just about elections and offices. There is a gender politics of women in
prisons, girls in gangs, and women in combat. Some suggest that politics is even broader, includ-
ing all activities in which people engage to link public and private concerns and to develop
power that brings about change in their everyday lives. Given the broader definition, think
about the ways your activities and those of your friends and family could be seen as political.
You are the media generation. Your daily lives are saturated with media. Try this test:
keep a diary of all the media-connected contacts you have from the time you wake up in the
morning until the time you go to bed. Note when and how long you listen to the radio or
watch television. Don't forget to list the advertisements you encounter, including those that
come to you in the mail, on bulletin boards at school and work, on billboards along the roads
you travel, and on the Internet. Remember to include the papers and books you look at today.
The thousands of images and messages we receive in these ways exhort us overtly or subtly to
view, experience, and act on the world in certain ways.
Chapter 11 explores the gendering of these messages. Women are still missing as sub-
jects of media stories and behind the scenes as reporters and writers. Stereotypes of women
and men abound. The ads show some differences in different countries. Women outnumber
men in Japanese and Turkish ads, although men are, unsurprisingly, the primary characters
in automobile, financial services, and food and drink advertisements. One consistent image
is that women are nearly always young. Middle-aged and older women have been ''annihi-
lated'' globally in such ads. In the United States, the images are of powerful white men, white
women as sex objects, aggressive black men, and inconsequential black women. Men and
women who are Latino, Asian American, and First Nations people are nearly nonexistent in
the ads. Similar stereotypes and absences can be found in movies, magazines, video games,
song lyrics, and televised sports.
Chapter 12 covers the topic of sports. For women, athletics have been a place of exclu-
sion, expressing the idea that femininity does not include athletic ability and experience.
Learning to be athletes and learning to be masculine are closely related. Critics of organized
sports cite violence, disrespect for human bodies, and excessive competitiveness that damages
athletes. Athleticism for women is different. One student of women in sports claims that
women's athletics create new images and new ways of being women that challenge men's
dominance (Messner 1992). Ironically, sports are a way men prove they are masculine, but
participation in sports often forces women to prove they are feminine. Studying gender and
sports forces comparisons between the highly organized and competitive fan-supported sports
that have become big business today and participation sports, comprised of more loosely de-
fined and organized activities, the former the sport of spectacle, the latter its democratic and
participatory alternative.
In chapter 13, we focus on gender and religion, one of the most loaded topics of debate
today, as the rise of religious fundamentalism has put the roles of women in the spotlight.
Although fundamentalist religions restrict women, it might surprise you to learn that more
 •••
Preface XXIII

women than men are fundamentalists. Women's support of these religions makes sense when
we realize that religious communities, regardless of doctrine, can be places where women
find collective support and the social space for expression-arenas of freedom in otherwise
restrictive societies. Not all forms of spirituality and religious organization constrain women.
Women often resist the constraints imposed on them religiously. For example, some Catholic
women are calling for an end to the ban on women priests. Also, religion has played impor-
tant positive roles in movements for social justice. The black church in the American South,
with its high level of women members, played a pivotal role in the civil rights movement, for
example. The peace and antiwar movements of the past century attracted many religious
activists who were women. Finally, ancient and indigenous societies created forms of worship
that were egalitarian and that revered women's bodies for their life-giving abilities. In this
chapter, we ask if these partnership forms of worship could provide the models of more
humane and socially constructive forms of religion.
Chapterl4 returns to some of the questions we have posed throughout the book, by devel-
oping our thoughts on the future of gender and gender studies. What can we conclude about
the gender gap, and what intellectual and political tools will we need to not only understand
but change our gendered world?
Our world is filled with injustice, inequality, and pain. It is also filled with the hope and
promise that grows from the many who contribute to resisting injustices, promoting equality,
and creating a world of that promotes our potentials and our pleasures. We dedicate this book
to furthering those ends.

REFERENCES
Collins, Patricia Hill. 2000. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment. 2nd edition. New York: Routledge.
Fausto-Sterling, Anne. 2000. Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality. New
York: Basic Books.
Messner, Michael.1992. Power at Play: Sports and the Problem of Masculinity. Boston: Beacon Press.
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