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PRACTICING
TEXAS
POLITICS
2017–2018 EDITION
Lyle C. Brown Baylor University

Joyce A. Langenegger Blinn College
Sonia R. Garcıa St. Mary’s University
Robert E. Biles Sam Houston State University
Ryan Rynbrandt Collin College
Veronica Vega Reyna Austin Community College
Juan Carlos Huerta Texas A&M University—Corpus
Christi
Australia • Brazil • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States
Practicing Texas Politics, 2017–2018 Edition ª 2018, 2016, 2014, Cengage Learning
Lyle C. Brown, Joyce A. Langenegger,
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright
Sonia R. Garcıa, Robert E. Biles,
herein may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means,
Ryan Rynbrandt, Veronica Vega Reyna,
except as permitted by U.S. copyright law, without the prior written
Juan Carlos Huerta
permission of the copyright owner.
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BRIEF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: The Environment of Texas Politics 1
CHAPTER 2: Federalism and the Texas Constitution 41
CHAPTER 3: Local Governments 79
CHAPTER 4: Political Parties 124
CHAPTER 5: Campaigns and Elections 154
CHAPTER 6: The Media and Politics 191
CHAPTER 7: The Politics of Interest Groups 237
CHAPTER 8: The Legislative Branch 272
CHAPTER 9: The Executive Branch 314
CHAPTER 10: The Judicial Branch 361
CHAPTER 11: Finance and Fiscal Policy 392
CHAPTER 12: Public Policy and Administration 434
CHAPTER 13: The Criminal Justice System 475
iii
DETAILED CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: The Texas Constitution: Politics of

The Environment of Policymaking 55
Historical Developments 56
Texas Politics 1 Today: After More Than a Century of Usage 61
Everything Is Changing in Texas 2 Constitutional Amendments and Revision 66
Constitutional Revision 67
Texas Politics and Political Culture 3
More Revision Attempts 69
Government, Politics, and Public Policy in Texas 3
Piecemeal Revision 70
Types of Political Culture 4
Texas Political Culture 5 The Texas Constitution: A Summary 71
A Changing Culture? 7 The Bill of Rights 71
The Powers of Government and Separation of
The People 8
Powers 74
Texans Throughout History: From Conflict Toward
Suffrage 75
Cooperation 8
Local Governments 75
Texans Today 12
Other Articles 76
Religious Diversity 16
The Land and Population Distribution 17
Urbanization 17
Suburbanization and Gentrification 18
CHAPTER 3:
Rural Texas 19 Local Governments 79
The Regions of Texas 20
Local Politics in Context 81
The Economy 23
Local Governments and Federalism 81
The Texas Economy Through History 23
Grassroots Challenges 82
New Economic Directions 26
Municipal Governments 83
Meeting New Challenges 30
Legal Status of Municipalities 83
Immigration: Federal and State Problems 30
Forms of Municipal Government 85
Water 34
Education 34 Municipal Politics 90
Poverty and Social Problems 36 Rules Make a Difference 90
Socioeconomic and Demographic Changes 93
Municipal Services 95
CHAPTER 2: Federalism and Municipal Government Revenue 97
Generating Revenue for Economic
the Texas Constitution 41 Development 100
The American Federal Structure 42 Counties 101
Distribution of Constitutional Powers 43 Structure and Operation 102
Interstate Relations and State Immunities 46 County Finance 108
State Powers 48 County Government Reform 110
Federal-State Relations: An Evolving Process 52 Border Counties 110
iv
Special Districts 112 Primary, General, and Special Elections 182
Public School Districts 112 Primaries 184
Junior or Community College Districts 114 General and Special Elections 186
Noneducation Special Districts 115
Metropolitan Areas 117 CHAPTER 6: The Media
Councils of Governments 118
Municipal Annexation 118
and Politics 191
Where Do We Get Our Information? 192
Print Media: Newspapers and News Magazines 194
CHAPTER 4: Electronic Media: Radio and Television 196
Political Parties 124 Digital Media: The Internet and Social Media 199
The Media’s Roles in Politics 202
Role of Political Parties 125
Providing Information 202
Political Ideology 125 Maintaining Democracy 204
Conservatism 126 Setting the Public Agenda 210
Libertarianism 126 Shaping Our Views? 211
Liberalism 127 Campaigns and Citizen Participation 214
Electoral Trends 127 Campaigns and the Traditional Media 215
Third Parties 128 Digital Campaigning 216
Independents 130 Citizen Participation in the Digital Age 218
An Overview of Texas Political History 131 Bias? 218
1840s to 1870s: The Origin of the Party System 131 Media Bias and the News 219
1870s to 1970s: A One-Party Dominant System 132 What Research Finds 221
1970s to 1990s: An Emerging Two-Party System 133 Regulation 221
2000 to 2016: Republican Dominance 134 Regulation of Print and Broadcast Media 221
2016 and Beyond 139 Internet Regulation 222
Party Structure 140 State and Local Regulation 223
Temporary Party Organization 142 Latinos, African Americans, and Women in Texas
Selection of National Convention Delegates 146
Media 224
Permanent Party Organization 148
Change in the Media: More Participation, More
Sources, but Less News? 226
CHAPTER 5: Campaigns and Concentration of Ownership 226
For Good and for Bad: The Rise of the Internet and
Elections 154 Social Media 231
Political Campaigns 155 The Future? 231
Conducting Campaigns in the 21st Century 155
Campaign Reform 157
Campaign Finance 159 CHAPTER 7: The Politics
Racial and Ethnic Politics 162 of Interest Groups 237
Latinos 163
African Americans 165 Interest Groups in the Political Process 238
Women in Politics 166 What Is an Interest Group? 238
Voting 168 The Reasons for Interest Groups 239
Characteristics of Interest Groups 241
Obstacles to Voting 168
Democratization of the Ballot 171 Types of Interest Groups 244
Voter Turnout 172 Economic Groups 244
Administering Elections 176 Professional/Public Employee Groups 247
Social Groups 248 Succession 323
Public Interest Groups 252 Removal from Office 325
Texas Power Groups 252 Informal Powers of the Governor 325
Interest Group Activities 254 Executive Powers of the Governor 328
Lobbying 256 Appointive Power 328
Electioneering 260 Removal Power 329
Campaign Financing by Political Action Military Power 330
Committees 260 Law Enforcement Power 331
Bribery and Unethical Practices 263 Budgetary Power 331
Power and Regulation in Interest Executive Orders and Proclamations 332
Group Politics 265 Economic Development 333
Regulation of Interest Group Politics 265 Legislative Powers of the Governor 334
Interest Group Power and Public Policy 268 Message Power 334
Pinpointing Political Power 269 Bill Signing Power 334
Veto Power 335
CHAPTER 8: The Legislative Special Sessions Power 336
Judicial Powers of the Governor 337
Branch 272 Appointment and Removal of Judges and
Justices 337
Legislative Framework 275
Acts of Executive Clemency 338
Election and Terms of Office 275
Sessions 276 The Plural Executive 339
Districting 277 The Lieutenant Governor 340
The Attorney General 340
Legislators 283
The Comptroller of Public Accounts 342
Qualifications and Characteristics 283
The Commissioner of the General Land Office 343
Compensation 288
The Commissioner of Agriculture 344
Legislative Organization 290
The Secretary of State 346
Presiding Officers 290
The State Bureaucracy 346
Committee System 292
The Institutional Context 347
Legislative Caucus System 294
State Employees 348
Legislative Operations 296
Education 351
Powers and Immunities 297
Health and Human Services 353
Rules and Procedures 299
Employment 355
How a Bill Becomes a Law 300
Economic and Environmental Agencies 355
Influences Within the Legislative
Environment 307
Research Organizations 309
CHAPTER 10: The Judicial
The Media 310 Branch 361
State Law in Texas 362
CHAPTER 9: The Executive Sources of Law 363
Branch 314 Code Revision 363
Courts, Judges, Lawyers, and Juries 364
Gubernatorial Elections 317 Trial and Appellate Courts 364
Gubernatorial Politics: Money Matters 317 Selecting Judges and Justices 374
Gubernatorial Politics: Budgetary Influence 319 Disciplining and Removing Judges and
Overview of the Governorship 320 Justices 376
Compensation and Benefits 320 Lawyers 378
Staff 323 Juries 381
vi
Judicial Procedures in Civil Cases 383 Public Schools 442
Civil Trial Procedure 385 Colleges and Universities 448
Trial and Appeal of a Civil Case 386 Health and Human Services 453
Judicial Procedures in Criminal Cases 386 Human Services 456
Criminal Justice System 387 Health and Mental Health Services 457
Criminal Trial and Appeal 388 Employment 460
Economic and Environmental Policies 461
Economic Regulatory Policy 462
CHAPTER 11: Finance and Business Promotion 465
Fiscal Policy 392 Environmental Regulation 467
Immigration 471
Fiscal Policies 394
Taxing Policy 395
Budget Policy 397
CHAPTER 13: The Criminal
Spending Policy 399 Justice System 475
Revenue Sources 399
Elements of the Criminal Justice System 477
The Politics of Taxation 400
Criminal Justice Law 477
Revenue from Gambling 406
Criminal Justice Policy 478
Other Nontax Revenues 408
The Public Debt 411 The Death Penalty 481
Reinstitution of the Death Penalty 481
Budgeting and Fiscal Management 413
Reviewing the Death Penalty 483
Budgeting Procedure 413
Budget Expenditures 417 Correction and Rehabilitation 486
Budget Execution 418 The Texas Department of Criminal Justice 487
Purchasing 418 Local Government Jails 495
Facilities 418 Private Prisons and Jails 496
Accounting 418 Juvenile Justice 497
Auditing 419 State and Local Agencies 497
Future Demands 419 Procedures 499
Public Education 420 Problems and Reforms: Implications for Public
Public Higher Education 423 Policy 499
Public Assistance 429 Overcrowding and Mental Illness in Prison 500
Infrastructure Needs 430 Technology 501
Exoneration Issues 502
Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System 503
CHAPTER 12: Public Policy Misconduct by District Attorneys and
and Administration 434 Prosecutors 506
Making Public Policy in Texas 435 Glossary 509

Models of Policymaking 436 Endnotes 519
The Institutional Context 439 Index 547
Education 441
vii
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STATE LEARNING OUTCOMES
Practicing Texas Politics helps you meet the State Learning Outcomes
for GOVT 2306:
1. Explain the origin and development of the 5. Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest
Texas constitution. groups, and political parties in Texas.
2. Demonstrate an understanding of state and 6. Analyze the state and local election process.
local political systems and their relationship with
7. Describe the rights and responsibilities of citizens.
the federal government.
8. Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of
3. Describe separation of powers and checks and
Texas.
balances in both theory and practice in Texas.
4. Demonstrate knowledge of the legislative, execu-
tive, and judicial branches of Texas government.
Chapter in Practicing GOVT 2306 State Learning Outcomes (SLO) that are specifically
Texas Politics addressed in the chapter
1: The Environment SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
of Texas Politics With some attention to
SLO 1 Explain the origin and development of the Texas constitution.
SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
relationship with the federal government.
SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
practice in Texas.
SLO 4 Demonstrate knowledge of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches
of Texas government.
SLO 7 Describe the rights and responsibilities of citizens.
2: Federalism and the SLO 1 Explain the origin and development of the Texas constitution.
Texas Constitution SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
practice in Texas.
3: Local Governments SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
SLO 6 Analyze the state and local election process.
SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
4: Political Parties SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
ix
Chapter in Practicing GOVT 2306 State Learning Outcomes (SLO) that are specifically
Texas Politics addressed in the chapter
5: Campaigns and SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
Elections relationship with the federal government.
SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
6: The Media and SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
Politics SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
7: The Politics of SLO 5 Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
Interest Groups SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
8: The Legislative SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
Branch practice in Texas.
9: The Executive SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
Branch practice in Texas.
10: The Judicial Branch SLO 3 Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and
practice in Texas.
11: Finance and Fiscal SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
Policy relationship with the federal government.
practice in Texas.
12: Public Policy and SLO 8 Analyze issues, policies, and political culture of Texas.
Administration
13: The Criminal SLO 2 Demonstrate an understanding of state and local political systems and their
Justice System relationship with the federal government.
A LETTER TO INSTRUCTORS
Dear Texas Government Instructor:

Texas politics is a dynamic enterprise. As Texas moves from being a majority-minority state to
becoming a majority-Latino state, the changing demographics will alter election outcomes and
public policy decisions. An economy that fluctuates with the rise and fall of oil and gas prices
results in a surplus of funds in one legislative session and a scarcity in the next session. Reliance
on money from the federal government, especially for funding social-welfare programs, regularly
brings state officials into conflict with federal authorities and conditions placed on use of those
funds. Limited water resources and a decaying infrastructure require innovative government solu-
tions before these problems erode the state’s economic success and growth. Government officials
play an active role in negotiating and resolving policy issues in the context of an ever-changing
demographic, economic, and ideological environment. Students in our classrooms will be the ones
who select policymakers and policies to deal with a multiplicity of concerns that face the Lone
Star State in the 21st century. Understanding their government and appreciating its dynamism is
critical to our students’ future role as active, informed citizens.
• Practicing Texas Politics analyzes the practices and policies of the Lone Star State by giving
students a realistic introduction to how public policymaking is conducted in Texas. The state’s
individualistic and traditionalistic political culture, together with the role of Texas’s rapidly
changing demographics, are referenced throughout to aid students in placing policy decisions in
a historical and cultural context. Students are introduced to current policymakers, their deci-
sions, and the impact of the resulting policies. Roles of political parties, special interest groups,
voters, and the media in influencing public policy are also explored. Policymaking and process
are integrated within each chapter throughout the book with a special emphasis on public edu-
cation, higher education, social services, and infrastructure needs both from a budgetary per-
spective in Chapter 11, “Finance and Fiscal Policy,” and as policy issues in Chapter 12, “Public
Policy and Administration.”
Through learning outcomes, learning checks, and other pedagogical features, students are
given an organizational structure that helps them learn, understand, and remember the material.
New to This Edition

• The role of the emerging Latino majority in reshaping Texas politics is addressed in several
areas, including political party dominance, representation in all branches of state government,
the media, and public policy. To expand our understanding of these issues, we welcome
Dr. Juan Carlos Huerta of Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi to our team.
• A new feature, “Election 2016: The Impact on Texas,” analyzes the outcome and effect of
both the national and state 2016 elections on aspects of Texas politics.
xi
• A discussion of the state’s bureaucracy is included in Chapter 9, “The Executive Branch.”
• The rearrangement of Chapters 10 through 13 provides a more easily followed transition
from the branches of government through budget policy to public policy.
• Updates highlighting new laws enacted by the 84th regular session are included.
• The impact of a severely weakened oil and gas industry and its implications for the 85th
legislative session are discussed.
• All images are now numbered, which will enhance navigation in the electronic version of the
book.
MindTap
As an instructor, MindTap is here to simplify your workload, organize and immediately grade
your students’ assignments, and allow you to customize your course as you see fit. Through deep-
seated integration with your Learning Management System, grades are easily exported and ana-
lytics are pulled with just the click of a button. MindTap provides you with a platform for easily
adding current events videos and RSS feeds from national or local news sources. Looking to
include more currency in the course? Add in our KnowNow American Government Blog link for
weekly updated news coverage and pedagogy.
Our goal, first and foremost, is to help you engage your students in the dynamic process of
politics and develop them into active, informed participants in their democracy. We have
attempted to present a realistic and up-to-date picture of how Texas politics is practiced in all
branches and at both local and state levels of government. We welcome your feedback on any ma-
terial or feature in this book.
Sincerely,
The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team
xii
A LETTER TO STUDENTS
Dear Student:
Welcome to Texas government. Whether you’re a native-born Texan or a newly arrived Texan, you
can feel the energy of change all around you. You live in a state that no longer has a majority popu-
lation from any race or ethnic group and in a few short years will have a majority Latino popula-
tion. Despite the economic downturn that affected the rest of the world, you’re in a state that
created more new jobs than any other state for five consecutive years (2009–2013). Job growth
occurred in two economic sectors: energy and technology. Even with the plunge in oil and gas pri-
ces that began in 2014 and related job losses, the number of new Texans continued to increase. The
fastest-growing city in the nation in 2016 was Austin. Dallas ranked fourth in growth for that year.
This same state, however, has the most uninsured children in the nation, the highest dropout rate
in the country, and one of the greatest gaps in earnings between the wealthy and the poor in the
United States. A decaying transportation infrastructure and depleted water resources will require
multibillion-dollar solutions. And who will solve these problems? You, the future voters and tax-
payers of Texas, will have that responsibility. That’s why you need to understand your role and how
the system works so you can keep Texas the vibrant state we all want it to be. Helping you become
an effective participant in that system is why we wrote Practicing Texas Politics.
In this book, you’ll be introduced to today’s important policymakers and learn what we all
have a right to expect of them. You’ll meet students just like you, who have chosen to get involved
and make a difference at their colleges and universities, in their communities, and in this state.
You’ll learn about ways you can become involved through internships and other programs, as
well as by voting and through political campaigns. You’ll see how Texas compares to other states,
and you’ll be exposed to the diversity and uniqueness of the Lone Star State—home to the only
State Tweeter Laureate in the nation (Supreme Court Justice Don Willett), a host of musicians
from Los Lonely Boys to Chingo Bling to Willie Nelson, and four former U.S. presidents (Dwight
Eisenhower, Lyndon Johnson, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush). You’ll come to under-
stand what this state could be in the future and how you can shape the outcome.
• Updated “Students in Action” features in each chapter help you make a personal connection
to the content, highlighting how Texas students like you have participated in the community
or providing information on internships and other opportunities for interested students.
• “Point/Counterpoint” examines a key controversial issue in Texas politics from both sides of
the controversy and asks you to take a stand on each issue.
• “Learning Checks” provide a few factual questions at the end of major sections for you to use
in checking your knowledge. Answers are provided at the end of the chapter.
• “How Do We Compare?” boxes compare Texas with other states.
• A Marginal Glossary allows you to access terms as they are needed for easier understanding
of the text.
xiii
• End-of-chapter materials include a conclusion that wraps up the chapter and offers final
thoughts for you to consider, a chapter summary organized by learning outcome, Key Terms,
and Learning Check answers.
• Critical Thinking questions ask you to think about your political opinion and beliefs on a
variety of important issues in this state.
• Charts, graphs, and maps are used to give you a visual image for understanding concepts.
• Election 2016: The Impact on Texas provides insight into what the state and national elec-
tions mean for the Lone Star State.
• Social media icons mark explanations of the ways social media is influencing government,
affecting political campaigns, and transforming the media.
The Benefits of Using Mindtap as a Student

As a student, the benefits of using MindTap with this book are endless. With automatically
graded practice quizzes and activities, an easily navigated learning path, and an interactive eBook,
you will be able to test yourself in and outside of the classroom. Accessibility of current events
coupled with interactive media makes the content fun and engaging. On your computer, phone,
or tablet, MindTap is there when you need it, giving you easy access to flashcards, quizzes, read-
ings, and assignments.
You will guide Texas through the 21st century. It is our hope that when you understand how
to get involved in Texas politics, you will choose to do so. And that once you are involved, you
will use your vote and influence to create the kind of Texas in which you want to live. It is to you,
the students of Texas, that we dedicate this book.
Sincerely,
The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team
xiv
RESOURCES
Students
Access your Practicing Texas Politics resources by visiting www.cengagebrain.com/shop/isbn/
9781305952027.
If you purchased MindTap access with your book, enter your access code and click “Register.”
You can also purchase the book’s resources here separately through the “Resources” tab or access
the free content through the “Free Materials” tab.
Instructors
Access your Practicing Texas Politics resources via www.cengage.com/login.
Log in using your Cengage Learning single sign-on user name and password, or create a new in-
structor account by clicking on “New Faculty User” and following the instructions.
MindTap for Practicing Texas Politics

ISBN for Instant Access Code: 9781305952096
MindTap for Practicing Texas Politics is a highly personalized, fully online learning experience built
upon Cengage Learning content and correlating to a core set of learning outcomes. MindTap guides
students through the course curriculum via an innovative Learning Path Navigator where they will
complete reading assignments, challenge themselves with focus activities, and engage with interac-
tive quizzes. Through a variety of gradable activities, MindTap provides students with opportunities
to check themselves for where they need extra help, as well as allowing faculty to measure and
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allows instructors to add and remove content of their choosing with ease, keeping their course cur-
rent while tracking local and global events through RSS feeds. The product can be used fully online
with its interactive eBook for Practicing Texas Politics, 2017–2018 Edition, or in conjunction with
the printed text.
Instructor Companion Website for Practicing Texas

Politics—for instructors only
ISBN: 9781305952065
This Instructor Companion Website is an all-in-one multimedia online resource for class preparation,
presentation, and testing. Accessible through Cengage.com/login with your faculty account, you will
find the following available for download: book-specific Microsoft PowerPoint presentations, a
xv
Test Bank compatible with multiple learning management systems, an Instructor Manual, Microsoft
PowerPoint Image Slides, and a JPEG Image Library.
The Test Bank, offered in Blackboard, Moodle, Desire2Learn, Canvas, and Angel formats,
contains Learning Objective-specific multiple-choice, critical thinking short answer questions,
and essay questions for each chapter. Import the test bank into your LMS to edit and manage
questions and to create tests.
The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter-specific learning objectives, an outline, key terms with
definitions, and a chapter summary. Additionally, the Instructor’s Manual features a critical think-
ing question, lecture launching suggestion, and an in-class activity for each learning objective.
Microsoft PowerPoint presentations are ready-to-use, visual outlines of each chapter.
These presentations are easily customized for your lectures and offered along with chapter-spe-
cific Microsoft PowerPoint Image Slides and JPEG Image Libraries. Access the Instructor
Companion Website at www.cengage.com/login.
IAC Cognero for Practicing Texas Politics, 2017–2018

Edition—for instructors only
ISBN: 9781305952126
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a flexible, online system that allows you to
author, edit, and manage test bank content from multiple Cengage Learning solutions; create
multiple test versions in an instant; and deliver tests from your LMS, your classroom, or wherever
you want. The test bank for Practicing Texas Politics, 2017–2018 Edition contains Learning Objec-
tive-specific multiple-choice, critical-thinking short answer, and essay questions for each chapter.
Practicing Texas Politics on Twitter

https://twitter.com/PracTexPol
Follow the Practicing Texas Politics author team’s Twitter feed @PracTexPol for the latest news
and updates that impact politics in the Lone Star State. Twitter feed also regularly posts tips for
studying and thriving in college, and engaging in active and informed citizenship.
xvi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are indebted to many personal friends, government officials and their staffs, political activists, lawyers,
and journalists who have stimulated our thinking. Likewise, we owe much to librarians and archivists who
located hard-to-obtain facts and photos. We also appreciate the professional assistance rendered by the edi-
torial, production, and marketing staff of Cengage Learning. Without the benefit of their publishing experi-
ence, this textbook and its ancillaries would be of much less value to students and instructors.
Of course, expressions of appreciation are due to spouses, family members, and others important
to us who helped to produce this new edition of our book and have learned to cope with the irregular
working hours of authors struggling to meet deadlines. We are especially grateful to the many students
who assisted us in writing Practicing Texas Politics, especially those who willingly gave of their time
and expertise in the production of the Students in Action feature, as well as those who assisted us by
providing input to some of our early drafts. We give special thanks for the assistance and support of
Megan Bermea from the University of Texas at El Paso; Amanda Alvez of St. Edward’s University;
and, Estefani Muniz, Samantha Martinez, Rosa Castillo, Daniel Reyes, and especially Ted Wenske, all
of St. Mary’s University.
We would also like to thank Danielle Bachan, for authoring this edition’s Instructor’s Manual, and
author William Parent of Houston Community College, for authoring this edition’s Test Bank. Our
hope is that through the efforts of all, this book will help Texas students better understand the practice
of Texas politics and their role as participants.
Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through
reviews of this text:
New Reviewers Billy Hathorn
Margaret Richardson Laredo Community College
San Antonio College Amy S. Glenn
Kevin T. Holton Northeast Lakeview College
South Texas College Jim Startin
Olivia Wilson University of Texas at San Antonio
Angelina College Sandra Creech
Dr. Ashley D. Ross Temple College
Texas A&M University Galveston Campus Patrizio Amezcua
Prof. David E. Birch San Jacinto College—North
Lone Star College—Tomball Debra St. John
Collin College—Preston Ridge Campus
Previous Edition Reviewers
Evelyn Ballard
Mario Marcel Salas Houston Community College—Southeast College
Northwest Vista College
Aaron Knight
Brian R. Farmer Houston Community College—Northeast College
Amarillo College
xvii
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Lyle C. Brown, Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Baylor University, served as

departmental director of graduate studies and director of Baylor’s Foreign Service Program. His
international academic experience includes teaching at Mexico City College (now University of
the Americas) and postgraduate study at the Instituto Tecnologico de Monterrey in Mexico. He
received his M.A. from the University of Oklahoma and Ph.D. from the University of Texas at
Austin. Dr. Brown served as president of the Southwestern Council of Latin American Studies.
His writing experience includes coediting Religion in Latin American Life and Literature and
authoring numerous articles.
Joyce A. Langenegger teaches government at Blinn College and is the college’s Director of
Professional Development. She received M.A. and J.D. degrees from Baylor University and an M.A.
and Ph.D. from Fielding Graduate University. Dr. Langenegger has been named to “Who’s Who
Among America’s Teachers” and received a NISOD Award for Teaching Excellence, Teacher of the
Year for Blinn College-Bryan, and “Most Valuable Player” award from San Jacinto College for her
work as a professor and administrator at that institution. She is a frequent workshop presenter on
innovative teaching strategies. Before beginning her teaching career, she practiced law in Houston.
Sonia R. Garcıa is a professor of Political Science, Coordinator of the Women’s Studies

Program, and a Pre-law Advisor at St. Mary’s University in San Antonio. She has also served as
Chair and Graduate Director of the Political Science Department. Dr. Garcıa received her
Master’s from the University of Arizona and her Ph.D. from the University of California, Santa
Barbara. She has published articles on Latina politics and is a coauthor of Mexican Americans
and the Law: El Pueblo Unido Jamas Sera Vencido and lead author of Polıticas: Latina Public
Officials in Texas.
Robert E. Biles, Professor Emeritus and former chair of Political Science at Sam Houston State
University, has taught college students about Texas politics in Texas, Colombia, and Ecuador. He
received his M.A. and Ph.D. from The Johns Hopkins University—School of Advanced
International Studies. Dr. Biles is the author of numerous books and articles. His involvement in
politics includes serving as a school board member, county party chair, county election
supervisor, and staff member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He has advised
state agencies and held leadership positions in statewide lobbying groups and professional
organizations. Dr. Biles has received four Fulbright grants, as well as awards for his research,
teaching, and administrative service.
Ryan Rynbrandt is a Professor of Political Science and former Director of the Honors Institute
at Collin College in Plano, Texas, where he teaches courses in American and Texas Government.
Professor Rynbrandt works to increase student civic engagement. He is especially committed to
xviii
initiatives that bring the resources of higher education to bear in addressing problems in the
broader community. He was awarded his master’s degree from the University of Michigan
in Ann Arbor, where he received multiple teaching awards and served as President of the
Graduate Association of Political Scientists. He has been active in politics at the local, state, and
national levels.
Veronica Vega Reyna is Associate Professor of Government and Assistant Dean of Social
and Behavioral Sciences for Austin Community College. She has been faculty advisor to a
civil rights organization at ACC. Professor Reyna earned her M.A. in Political Science from
St. Mary’s University in San Antonio, where she taught as adjunct faculty. Her political involvement
has included interning for Congressman Ciro Rodriguez, working as a union organizer, and
volunteering in various Texas campaigns. She has also taught Texas politics at several colleges and
universities in San Antonio.
Juan Carlos Huerta is a Professor of Political Science and former director of the University
Core Curriculum Programs at Texas A&M University—Corpus Christi. He earned his M.A. and
Ph.D. in political science from the University of Houston. Dr. Huerta is active in promoting
teaching and learning in political science and has served as Chair of the Political Science
Education Organized Section of the American Political Science Association (APSA) and on the
program committee for the APSA Conference on Teaching and Learning. He is a former
president of the Southwestern Political Science Association. His research and writing examines
political representation, public opinion, political science education, and learning communities.
xix
CAREER OPPORTUNITIES: POLITICAL SCIENCE
Introduction
It is no secret that college graduates are facing one of the toughest job markets in the past 50
years. Despite this challenge, those with a college degree have done much better than those with-
out since the 2008 recession. One of the most important decisions a student has to make is the
choice of a major; many consider future job possibilities when making that call. A political science
degree is incredibly useful for a successful career in many different fields, from law to policy advo-
cate, pollster to humanitarian worker. Employer surveys reveal that the skills that most employers
value in successful employees—critical thinking, analytical reasoning, and clarity of verbal and
written communication—are precisely the tools that political science courses should develop. This
brief guide is intended to help spark ideas for what kinds of careers you might pursue with a po-
litical science degree and the types of activities you can engage in now to help you secure one of
those positions after graduation.
Careers in Political Science

Law and Criminal Justice
Do you find that your favorite parts of your political science classes are those that deal with
the Constitution, the legal system, and the courts? Then a career in law and criminal justice might
be right for you. Traditional jobs in the field range from attorney or judge to police or parole
officer. Since 9/11, there has also been tremendous growth in the area of homeland security,
which includes jobs in mission support, immigration, travel security, as well as prevention
and response.
Public Administration
The many offices of the federal and state governments combined represent one of the largest
employers in the United States. Flip to the chapter on the executive branch of this textbook and
consider that each state department and agency you see looks to political science majors for future
employees. At the federal level, a partial list of such agencies would include the Department of
Education, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Federal Trade Commission.
Texas offers similar opportunities including the Texas Education Agency and the Health and
Human Services Commission. There are also thousands of staffers who work for members of
Congress or the Congressional Budget Office, and at the state level for legislators and the Legisla-
tive Budget Board. Many of these staffers were political science majors in college. This does not
even begin to account for the multitude of similar jobs in local governments that you might con-
sider as well.
xx
Campaigns, Elections, and Polling
Are campaigns and elections the most exciting part of political science for you? Then you might
consider a career in the growing industry based around political campaigns. From volunteering
and interning to consulting, marketing and fundraising, there are many opportunities for those
who enjoy the competitive and high-stakes electoral arena. For those looking for careers that
combine political knowledge with statistical skills, there are careers in public opinion polling.
Pollsters work for independent national organizations, such as Gallup and YouGov, or as part of
news operations and campaigns. For those who are interested in survey methodology, there are
also a wide variety of nonpolitical career opportunities in marketing and survey design.
Interest Groups, International and Nongovernmental Organizations

Is there a cause that you are especially passionate about? If so, there is a good chance that there are
interest groups out there that are working hard to see some progress made on similar issues. Many
of the positions that one might find in for-profit companies also exist in their nonprofit interest
group and nongovernmental organization counterparts, including lobbying and high-level strategiz-
ing. Do not forget that there are also quite a few major international organizations, such as the
United Nations, the World Health Organization, and the International Monetary Fund, where a
degree in political science could be put to good use. While competition for those jobs tends to be
fierce, your interest and knowledge about politics and policy will give you an advantage.
Foreign Service
Does a career in diplomacy and foreign affairs, complete with the opportunity to live and work
abroad, sound exciting to you? Tens of thousands of people work for the U.S. State Department,
in Washington D.C. and in consulates and embassies around the world. They represent the diplo-
matic interests of the United States abroad. Entrance into the Foreign Service follows a very spe-
cific process, starting with the Foreign Service Officers Test—an exam given three times a year
that includes sections on American government, history, economics, and world affairs. Being a
political science major is a significant help in taking the FSOT.
Graduate School
While not a career, graduate school may be the appropriate next step for you after completing
your undergraduate degree. Following the academic route, being awarded a Ph.D. or Master’s
degree in political science could open additional doors to a career in academia, as well as many of
the professions mentioned earlier. If a career as a researcher in political science interests you, you
should speak with your advisors about continuing your education.
Preparing While Still on Campus

Internships
One of the most useful steps you can take while still on campus is to visit your college’s career
center in regards to an internship in your field of interest. Not only does it give you a chance to
experience life in the political science realm, it can lead to job opportunities down the road and
add experience to your resume.
xxi
Skills
In addition to your political science classes, there are a few skills that will prove useful as a com-
plement to your degree:
Writing: Like anything else, writing improves with practice. Writing is one of those skills that
is applicable regardless of where your career might take you. Virtually every occupation relies
on an ability to write cleanly, concisely, and persuasively.
Public Speaking: An oft-quoted 1977 survey showed that public speaking was the most com-
monly cited fear among respondents. And yet oral communication is a vital tool in the mod-
ern economy. You can practice this skill in a formal class setting or through extracurricular
activities that get you in front of a group.
Quantitative Analysis: As the Internet aids in the collection of massive amounts of informa-
tion, the nation is facing a drastic shortage of people with basic statistical skills to interpret
and use this data. A political science degree can go hand-in-hand with courses in introductory
statistics.
Foreign Language: One skill that often helps a student or future employee stand out in a
crowded job market is the ability to communicate in a language other than English. Solidify
or set the foundation for your verbal and written foreign language communication skills while
in school.
Student Leadership
One attribute that many employers look for is “leadership potential” which can be quite tricky to
indicate on a resume or cover letter. What can help is a demonstrated record of involvement in
clubs and organizations, preferably in a leadership role. While many people think immediately of
student government, most student clubs allow you the opportunity to demonstrate your leader-
ship skills.
Conclusion
Hopefully reading this section has sparked some ideas on potential future careers. As a next step,
visit your college’s career placement office, which is a great place to further explore what you have
read here. You might also visit your college’s alumni office to connect with graduates who are
working in your field of interest. Political science opens the door to a lot of exciting careers. Have
fun exploring the possibilities!
xxii
1 The Environment
of Texas Politics
Learning Objectives
1.1 Analyze how political culture

has shaped Texas’s politics,
government, and public policy.
1.2 Describe the relationship

between the social history
of Texas and the political
characteristics of the state’s
diverse population.
1.3 Discuss the political implications

of Texas’s size in both geography
and population, along with
the geographic distribution
of its residents.
1.4 Describe the industries that

formed the historic basis for
the Texas economy, the
diversification of the modern
Texas economy, and the
implications for Texas politics.
1.5 Identify five major policy

challenges Texas faces in the
Governor Abbott uses social media to attract business
to Texas 21st century.
Twitter
CRITICAL THINKING
How can the Texas government most effectively work to continue the
state’s success and address its challenges?
1
2 Chapter 1 The Environment of Texas Politics
I have said that Texas is a state of mind, but I think it is more than that.
It is a mystique closely approximating a religion. And this is true to the
extent that people either passionately love Texas or passionately hate it
and, as in other religions, few people dare to inspect it for fear of losing
their bearings in mystery or paradox. But I think there will be little quarrel
with my feeling that Texas is one thing. For all its enormous range of space,
climate, and physical appearance, and for all the internal squabbles, con-
tentions, and strivings, Texas has a tight cohesiveness perhaps stronger than
any other section of America. Rich, poor, Panhandle, Gulf, city, country,
Texas is the obsession, the proper study and the passionate possession of
all Texans.
—John Steinbeck, 1962
Everything Is Changing in Texas

They say everything is bigger in Texas. Even the stereotypes are big—big
trucks, big belt buckles, big hair—but if that’s all you know about the Lone
Star State, you don’t know today’s Texas. Perhaps the biggest things about
Texas are the changes it has seen and the diversity that has resulted. It’s the
land of Willie Nelson, for certain; but it’s also the land of Selena Gomez,
Beyoncé Knowles, Chingo Bling, Leon Bridges, Sarah Jaffe, The Mars Volta,
and Mitch Grassi. It’s still the land of cattle barons and oil tycoons; but it’s also
the land of high-tech pioneers, international traders, defense contractors, man-
ufacturers, and service providers. Texas’s stunning growth in recent decades
has brought massive transformation and breathtaking variety in its people,
economy, and politics.
If you live here, these transformations and the way our political system
handles them have a significant impact on your life. Better understanding your
home state and its political system will help you navigate these changes and
contribute to the development of a better government. If you don’t live here,
pay attention anyway; the Texas experience is a preview of the changes facing
the United States as a whole. The Lone Star State’s successes and failures in
negotiating these changes and balancing diverse interests will provide lessons
for the rest of the nation. And you’ll probably end up moving here anyway—
everyone else seems to be. Since 2005, Texas has welcomed nearly twice the
number of new arrivals as any other state.1 In the past few decades, tens of
millions have told their place of origin what David Crockett allegedly told the
people of his Kentucky district: ‘‘You may all go to hell, and I’ll go to Texas.’’
Because of the sheer size of Texas, what happens here also has an impact on
the direction of the United States as a whole.2 In 2015, the U.S. Census Bureau
ranked Texas second largest among the 50 states, with a population exceeding
27 million. That places the Lone Star State between California with its 39 million
residents and Florida with more than 20 million.
Follow Practicing Texas Substantial changes and diverse interests put democratic institutions of
Politics on Twitter government to the test. The increased population of the Lone Star State
@PracTexPol includes almost 20 million men and women of voting age (18 years or older).3
Chapter 1 The Environment of Texas Politics 3
Our analysis of the politics of Texas’s state and local governments will help
you understand political action and prepare you to be an active and informed
participant in the political life of the state and its counties, cities, and special
districts. As Texas Congresswoman Barbara Jordan once said, ‘‘The stakes are
too high for government to be a spectator sport.’’ It’s time to suit up and play.
To help you play effectively, we will introduce you to the playing field (govern-
ment, political culture, land, and economy of the state), the players (citizens,
activists, politicians, public employees, and opinion leaders), and the rules of
the game (constitution, laws, and political processes).
Texas Politics and Political Culture

LO 1.1 Analyze how political culture has shaped Texas’s politics,
government, and public policy.
There has never been full agreement in democratic societies about the proper
size and role of government. Views on that question vary widely and are held
deeply. Yet aside from a handful of anarchists, there is agreement that society
needs rules, or public policies, by which to live. Making, implementing, and
enforcing these policies is the job of government. The government of the
State of Texas is modeled on that of the United States, with the power to make
policy divided among legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Each branch
has its own powers, and each has some ability to limit or check the power of
the others. The state government also delegates some policymaking power to
local governments, including counties, cities, and special districts. As a result,
public policies take different forms.
Government, Politics, and Public Policy in Texas

Many policies are laws passed by the legislature, approved by the governor,
implemented by an executive department, and interpreted by the courts.
Others are constitutional amendments proposed by the legislature and ratified
by the voters of Texas. Some policies derive from rules promulgated by state
agencies and ordinances passed by local governments. What all of these efforts
share in common is that they are attempts to meet a public need or reach a government
public goal. Government tries to meet public needs by allocating resources. A public institution with
For example, state or local government may formulate, adopt, and implement authority to formulate,
a public policy, such as raising taxes to pay for more police protection or better adopt, implement, and
streets and highways. Government tries to meet public goals by using policy to enforce public policies
for a society.
encourage or discourage specific behaviors. The state can encourage some
behaviors using incentives—for example, establishing scholarships or student public policy
loan programs to encourage getting an education. It can discourage other con- What government does
to or for its citizens to
duct with punishments, such as imposing penitentiary time for selling drugs.
meet a public need or
In addition, the government can encourage or discourage behaviors through goal as determined by a
public relations and information campaigns, such as the famous ‘‘Don’t Mess legislative body or other
with Texas’’ campaign against littering. authorized officials.
In the political realm, you may think of public policy as the product
and government as the factory in which policy is made. If that’s the case, then
politics is the process that produces public policy. In fact, the government has
at times been compared to a sausage factory—even if you like the product it
produces, the process isn’t always very pleasant to watch. The politics of poli-
cymaking often involves conflict among government officials, political parties,
interest groups, media figures, citizens, noncitizen residents, and other groups
that seek to influence how policies in Texas are enacted and implemented.
Conflict over power and resources can encourage the worst behavior in people,
and opportunities for corruption and greed abound. Yet politics also requires
cooperation and can inspire noble and courageous action. In sum, politics is
the moving force by which government produces public policy, which in turn
determines whether and how we use the power of the state to address our
challenges and take advantage of our opportunities.
Types of Political Culture

We may not all agree on the proper role of government or what makes good
public policy. Yet when certain widely shared values, attitudes, traditions,
habits, and general behavioral patterns develop over time, they shape the poli-
tics and public policy of a particular region. We call this political culture.
According to political scientist Daniel Elazar (1934–1999), ‘‘Culture patterns
give each state its particular character and help determine the tone of its
fundamental relationship, as a state, to the nation.’’4 Based on the settlers in
the original colonies, Elazar identified three distinct cultures that exist in the
United States: moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalistic.
In the moralistic culture that originated in Puritan New England, citizens
view government as a public service. They expect government to improve con-
ditions for the people through economic regulation and to advance the public
good to create a just society. Citizens see it as their duty to become active in
governmental decision making through participation in politics and govern-
politics ment, and they hold the government accountable to their high expectations.
The process of The individualistic culture grew out of the focus on individual opportu-
policymaking that nity, especially in business, in the mid-Atlantic colonies. The business commu-
involves conflict and nity advanced the individualistic culture, often viewing government as an
cooperation between
political parties and
adversary that taxed and regulated them; therefore, they wanted to limit its size
other groups that seek and scope. Individualistic culture believes government activity, because it
to elect government restricts individual economic freedom, is mostly negative and should be limited.
officials or to influence Today, the individualistic culture is dominant in a majority of the midwestern
those officials when they and western states.
make public policy.
The traditionalistic culture grew out of the Old South and is rooted in
political culture feudal-like notions of society and government that developed in the context of
Widely shared attitudes, the slave states, where property and income were unequally dispersed. Govern-
habits, and general
mental policymaking fell to a few powerful families or influential social groups
behavior patterns that
develop over time and who designed policies to preserve their place of dominance in the social order.
affect the political life of The poor and minorities were often disenfranchised. In the traditionalistic cul-
a state or region. ture, government is a vehicle for maintaining the status quo and its hierarchy;
and this culture has often developed one-party systems, which tend to
strengthen those who are already powerful. Today, the traditionalistic culture
remains dominant throughout the South.
Texas Political Culture

Texas exudes pride in its own uniqueness. The state’s distinctive historical,
geographical, and cultural identity has created a political culture that influen-
ces the Lone Star State’s government, politics, and policy. As with all states,
this culture is a mix of moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalistic sub- progressive
cultures. Although elements of each subculture exist in Texas, individualists Favoring and working for
and traditionalists have historically dominated the state and controlled the progress in conditions
direction of the political system. facing the majority of
society or in government.
Texas Moralism The moralistic subculture in Texas has historically been the African American
domain of those who lack power, yet moralists have helped shape Texas A racial classification
applied to Americans of
through numerous movements to use government for the betterment of society. African ancestry. The
The Radical Republicans of the post–Civil War era sought to use government term is commonly
to end a white supremacist political system and achieve racial equality. Radical applied on the basis of
Republican Governor E. J. Davis’s aggressive use of state government power in skin color, omitting white
an effort to protect African American political participation made him many Americans whose
ancestors immigrated
enemies in the white power structure that regained control of the government
from Africa and including
when Reconstruction ended. Reaction to his administration resulted in the black Americans whose
decentralized, weak government established by the 1876 Texas Constitution, ancestors immigrated
which is still in operation today. from the Caribbean, Latin
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, progressive groups like the America, and Europe.
Farmers’ Alliance, the Populist Party, and the Socialist Party surged in popu- Latino
larity in Texas as they challenged government to control the damaging effects An ethnic classification
of rising corporate capitalism.5 Throughout the 1800s and into the early 1900s, of Americans of Latin
a powerful Temperance movement in Texas sought to use government to end American origin. When
applied to females, the
the sale and consumption of alcohol. From the earliest days of the civil rights term is Latina. We will
struggle, African Americans and Latinos in Texas engaged in organized use this term throughout
political activism to change the traditionalistic political structure of the state. the book in addition to
For most of its history, Texas has been a one-party-dominant state, one of the term ‘‘Hispanic,’’
the key identifiers of a traditionalistic political culture. Yet, within this tradi- which refers to
people who trace
tionalistic environment, challenges occurred, whether the dominant party was
their ancestry to Spain
Democratic or Republican. Individualists argued for policies that favored and other Spanish-
individual economic opportunity, and moralists sought greater government speaking countries.
involvement to improve the lives of middle- and low-income Americans. Anglo
As commonly used in
Texas Individualism Daniel Elazar asserted that the political culture of Texas, the term is not
Texas is strongly individualistic, in that those in positions of power have restricted to persons
tended to believe that government should maintain a stable society but inter- of Anglo-Saxon lineage
but includes those of
vene as little as possible in the lives of people.
European ancestry more
An important source of Texas’s individualism is the mostly English-speaking, generally. Traditionally,
Anglo settlers who came to Texas in search of individual economic opportunity, the term applies to all
either directly from the mid-Atlantic states or via the Midwest. In the early whites except Latinos.
19th century, a growing number of white colonists from the United States entered
Texas individually or because they were recruited by empresarios, such as Stephen
F. Austin. These settlers, without significant government backing or restraint,
established farms and communities and persevered through extreme hardships.6
The power of Texas individualists is reflected in the government structure
they helped create and continue to dominate. Compared with other heavily
populated states, Texas has a limited government with restricted powers:
a legislature that meets biennially, with low salaries that can be increased only
after approval by Texas voters; a governor who has limited budgetary, appoint-
ment, and removal powers; and an elected judiciary. Per capita government
spending for social services and public education is consistently among the
lowest in the nation. Power at the local level is dispersed across more than
5,000 governments—counties, cities, school districts, and other special dis-
tricts. The public perception of government and elected officials remains nega-
tive, although this viewpoint appears more directed to the federal government.
Polls in 2015 indicated that fewer than 25 percent of Texans had a favorable
view of the federal government, with 57 percent viewing it unfavorably, includ-
ing nearly a third of Texans viewing the federal government ‘‘very unfavorably.’’
State and local government, on the other hand, received favorable ratings from
approximately one-half of all Texans.7
Texas Traditionalism The dominance of traditionalistic culture in Texas

also can be traced to the early 19th century and the immigration of Southern
plantation owners. The plantation system thrived in East Texas, and cotton
was king. Before Texas joined the Confederacy, much of its wealth was con-
centrated in a few families. Although slave owners represented only a quarter
of the state’s population and one-third of its farmers, these slave owners held
60 to 70 percent of the wealth and controlled state politics.8 After the Civil
War (1861–1865), Jim Crow laws limited African Americans’ access to public
services. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, poll taxes and all-white
primaries further restricted voting rights.
Today, many Texans are the descendants of migrants from traditionalistic
states of the Old South, where conservatism, elitism (upper-class rule), and one-
party politics were entrenched. Although urbanization and industrialization,
together with an influx of people from other states and countries, are changing
Texas, the traditionalistic influence of the Old South lingers. Participation in
politics and voter turnout remain low. Turnout is less than 50 percent for presi-
dential elections and is consistently below 30 percent for gubernatorial elections.
Elazar noted that many Texans inherited Southern racist attitudes, which for a
century after the Civil War were reflected in state laws that discriminated against
Jim Crow laws African Americans and other minority groups. It was not until 2015 that South
Discriminatory laws Garland High School in North Texas removed the Confederate flag from the
that segregated African school’s crest and changed their fight song from the pro-Confederate ‘‘Dixie.’’
Americans and denied
Symbols of and monuments to Texas’s role in the Confederacy remain in public
them access to public
services for many places throughout the state and continue to cause controversy.
decades after the The traditionalistic influence of Mexico is also discernible among Texans of
Civil War. Mexican ancestry, who were affected by a political culture featuring the elitist
patrón (protective political boss) system that dominates certain areas of South
Texas. For more than four decades, however, the old political order of that region
has been challenged—and, in many instances, defeated—by new generations of
Mexican Americans.9 Compared with other areas of the state, however, voter
turnout remains much lower in counties along the Mexican border.
The individualistic culture can be seen in the state’s economic conserva-
tism and deference to the power of wealthy businessmen and corporations. patrón system
A type of boss rule that
Texas has a climate favorable to business owners. It remains one of the few
has dominated areas of
states without a personal or corporate income tax and has adopted right-to- South Texas and Mexico.
work laws, which hinder the formation and operation of labor unions. City
right-to-work laws
councils have drawn criticism for publicly financing corporate ventures or pro-
Laws that limit the power
viding businesses with property tax abatements. The City of Arlington drew of workers to bargain
attention for its use of local tax dollars and eminent domain to remove peo- collectively and form and
ple from their homes to make way for Jerry Jones’s new Dallas Cowboys (now operate labor unions,
AT&T) stadium. The traditionalistic-individualistic political culture of Texas is increasing the power of
reflected in the important role powerful individuals and families continue to employers relative to
their employees.
play in local and state politics and their influence on public policies.
eminent domain
The power of the
A Changing Culture? government to take
private property for
Since the mid-1970s Texas has experienced massive population influx from other public uses, so long
areas of the nation and from other countries, many with more heavily moralistic as just compensation
political cultures. This in-migration raises an important question: How long will is paid.
IMAGE 1.1 Texas State

Capitol Building
Courtesy of the Texas House
of Representatives
CRITICAL THINKING
In what ways is Texas’s political culture (moralism, individualism, and traditionalism) reflected in
politics, policies, and the people’s attitudes about, and expectations of, government today?
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
again and again. The sluices were opened at certain times, the
quantity furnished being accurately graduated according to the
requirements of the cultivator. Theft was punished with exemplary
severity. In some provinces those whose crops for the time did not
need irrigation might dispose of their diurnal supply to their
neighbors; in others this privilege was not conceded. No one could
be served out of his turn. The complexity of the system may be
inferred from the variety of distributing outlets dependent upon the
extent and character of the soil to be watered. There were two
hundred and twenty-four of these, all different, and each designated
by a separate name. Under the especial care of the imperial
authorities, a vigilant police patrolled the canals and guarded the
reservoirs of every district. All disputes and violations of law were
passed upon by a court—whose judges were chosen by the farmers
themselves—called The Tribunal of the Waters, which sat on
Thursdays at the door of the principal mosque. The place where its
sessions were held imparted to it a semi-religious character. To it the
complicated and expensive organization of modern judicature was
unknown, and, secure in the good sense and integrity of its
magistrates, it was equally free from royal interference, political
interest, judicial corruption, absurd technicalities, and legal
chicanery. Its proceedings were not embarrassed by vexatious
delays. No official was required to preserve order. No record was
kept of its deliberations. No costs were incurred. No advocate was
present to perplex by subtle arguments and frivolous distinctions the
plain interpretation of the law. Each party stated his own case. The
accused conducted his own defence. Judgment was rendered after a
brief consultation, and from it there was no appeal. The most exalted
rank, the greatest wealth, the most distinguished public service, did
not confer exemption from the jurisdiction of the court or affect the
impartiality of its decrees. The noble was summoned to its bar with
but little more ceremony than the slave. Infractions of the various
ordinances which protected the canals and their supply were
punished by fines. Where the offence was repeated, the culprit was
deprived of the right to enjoy the privileges upon which the existence
of his crop depended.
The wisdom of these regulations is demonstrated by their
longevity. Preserved by tradition, they have descended to our times
almost unchanged, and The Tribunal of the Waters still sits every
Thursday, the last day of the Mussulman week, at the door of the
Cathedral of Valencia, as it did before the portals of the Great
Mosque under the rule of the famous Ommeyade monarchs ten
centuries ago.
In the distribution of water the measurement was by volume, a
certain quantity being allotted to a stated area during a given period
of the day or night at intervals of ten to fifteen days. The sides of the
canals were provided with flood-gates, kept under lock and key, by
which the adjoining fields could be submerged at the proper time.
Drains carried the surplus back into the original channels, so that
there was the least possible loss.
The same care and economy were observed in fertilizing the soil,
which the requirements of a dense population never permitted to
rest. Unlike the policy adopted under the Roman and Gothic
dominations, there were few large estates. The land was divided into
small tracts, and for that reason was much more thoroughly tilled.
Manure and dust were collected from the highways. The contents of
sewers and vaults were preserved, desiccated, and, mingled with
less powerful substances, were used to supply the impairment
consequent upon incessant cultivation. Ashes, the burned and
pulverized seeds of fruits, the blood and bones of slaughtered
animals, all played an important part in the intelligent and systematic
treatment of the rich and productive valleys of the South, whose
surface, resting on an impenetrable subsoil of clay, required
continual renovation. The curious and minute investigations of the
skilled agriculturist had determined the best composts, the most
advantageous modes of applying them, the kind of vegetation to
which they were specially adapted.
Manures were deposited in stone reservoirs contrived to prevent
evaporation or leakage. Nothing was wasted; every substance
available for the fertilization of crops was carefully preserved, the
different varieties being separated and applied to such soils as
experience had taught were most productive under their use. No
natural obstacle was sufficiently formidable to check the enterprise
and industry of the Moorish cultivator. He tunnelled through
mountains. His aqueducts traversed deep ravines. He levelled with
infinite patience and labor the rocky slopes of the sierra. Where the
vast public works of Roman genius could be utilized, they were
repaired and extended. The vegetable products of the remotest
countries of the globe—the grains of Asia, the nuts and berries of
Europe, the luscious fruits of the African coast—were transported to
Andalusia.
Profound botanical knowledge, which went hand in hand with
Arab horticulture, wonderfully promoted these researches. The
Spanish Moslems were perfectly familiar with the circulation of the
sap, with the difference of sex in plants, with the process of artificial
fecundation. They invested them with the conditions of activity and
repose, of motion and sleep. They employed eight distinct methods
of grafting; and the injurious effects of the sun were obviated by the
use of a perforated vessel, from which the water fell drop by drop
upon the graft, which, without this precaution, would have been
withered by the heat. The Moorish gardeners devised numerous
expedients for the improvement of their products, not a few of which
modern ignorance has assigned to a more recent date. An example
of these was the removal from the tree of a portion of the fruit before
maturity to insure the superior size and excellence of that which
remained. They cultivated such dye-stuffs as madder and indigo,
products of India. They introduced on a diminished scale the hanging
gardens of Babylon. In floral ornamentation they had no superiors.
They contrived labyrinths, artificial grottoes, concealed fountains.
They traced texts and inscriptions by means of gorgeous blossoms
on a ground of living emerald. The intricate designs of tapestry were
imitated by an infinite variety of flowering plants, whose tints blended
in perfect harmony, like the colors of the material they were intended
to represent. They acquired such dexterity in the culture of roses
that, at all seasons of the year, they bloomed in profusion in every
garden. Like our modern florists, they endeavored to produce them
of unusual tints, and met with corresponding failures. They
understood how to extract opium from the poppy, but the process
they employed has not come down to us. They treated with success
the diseases of all the known species of the vegetable kingdom.
They were exceedingly skilful in the distillation and refining of
essences, and great plantations of flowers were cultivated for the
sake of the exquisite perfumes they afforded. Twenty-five different
kinds of these are mentioned, and they were so abundant and cheap
that they were scarcely accounted a luxury. In all the multifarious
duties of his occupation the Moorish horticulturist possessed expert
knowledge. He could preserve fruits for an indefinite period; banish
noxious insects; expel poisonous gases from wells and excavations.
He was versed in meteorology, and could foresee atmospheric
changes with an accuracy incomprehensible to those whose daily
pursuits did not require familiarity with the varying aspects of the
seasons and the annual recurrence of natural phenomena. In the
principal cities of the Peninsula were schools where practical
instruction in the various departments of husbandry was given.
As the Koran explicitly forbade the exportation of grain, the
surplus of the harvests was deposited in subterranean granaries
hewn in the rock. When a child attained his majority, one of these
magazines was presented to him, and such was the dryness of the
receptacles that wheat in perfect preservation was found in some of
them near Granada, where it had lain two centuries after the capture
of that city. The wisdom of this arrangement was apparent during the
famines which, despite the industry of the people, occasionally
afflicted the Peninsula. Reliance was sometimes placed upon less
palatable food, however, and near Pedroche, from time immemorial,
forests of giant oaks were carefully preserved for the sake of their
acorns, which furnished a coarse but nutritious diet when all other
resources failed.
The great work of Ibn-al-Awam, of Seville, a vast monument of
industry and erudition embracing every conceivable branch of the
subject, shows to what extraordinary perfection the science of
agriculture had been carried in the twelfth century by the Spanish
Mohammedans. It treats, in a comprehensive and exhaustive
manner, not only of the methods found by the experience of
centuries to be the best adapted to the sowing and harvesting of
grain, to the planting and cultivation of orchards, to the propagation
of edible and aromatic plants; but it also, with infinite minuteness of
detail, describes the breeding and care of every species of domestic
animals, their qualities, their relative excellence, their defects, their
habits, their diseases. It discourses at length upon the different
breeds of horses and upon the rearing of that useful animal so prized
by the Arab. It explains the details of artificial incubation, a process
borrowed from Egypt. It directs how to produce in geese the
abnormal hepatic conditions which induce the foie gras, that artificial
delicacy so dear to the epicure, and a thousand years ago, as to-
day, an invaluable adjunct to fashionable gluttony. It teaches different
methods of cooking and the preparation of various confections,
jellies, syrups, and sweetmeats of every description. The
manufacture of wine, so rigidly forbidden to the Moslem, and whose
immense consumption had already, in the time of the khalifate,
scandalized the pious, is detailed in all its stages in this remarkable
book. In it are given recipes for cordials of many kinds, cooling
beverages, and hydromel. It also prescribes the rules by which the
household of the farmer should be governed, and defines the
reciprocal duties of employer and employee. In every operation of
rural life and domestic economy, it enforces by repeated admonition
the necessity for cleanliness, system, and order.
From the treatise of Ibn-al-Awam we learn that much of his
information was derived from Sicilian sources, where agriculture and
its dependent occupations were fully as advanced as in the
Peninsula. In that rich island, saffron and numerous other herbs
were indigenous, and thence with many vegetables and fruits were
carried into Spain. The vineyards and the wines of Sicily, famous in
antiquity, maintained their reputation during the Moslem and Norman
dominations, but, during the contest of the Empire with the Papacy,
the culture of the grape declined and was practically extinct for more
than a century.
To Moorish enterprise Europe owes such fruits as the strawberry,
the lemon, the quince, the date, the fig, the mulberry, the banana,
the pomegranate; such nuts as the pistachio and the almond; such
cereals as rice, sesame, buckwheat; such vegetables as spinach
and asparagus; such spices as mace, nutmeg, and pepper; such
condiments as the caper and saffron. The coffee and the cotton
plant, which grew wild in Arabia; the sugar-cane, whose product
bears, almost unaltered, the name bestowed by those who were the
first to extract it, were also introduced by the Arabs. The olive
plantations in the vicinity of Seville alone, containing millions of trees,
indicate the estimation in which its culture was held, and the
enormous profits it must have yielded the owners. Grapes were so
abundant at Ubeda that there was no market for them; at Malaga,
Ibn-Batutah says, eight pounds sold for a dirhem. Al-Makkari refers
to the prodigious size of the melons of Cintra. The pears grown at
Daroca, unequalled in richness of flavor, weighed three pounds. The
apples of Santarem were thirty inches in circumference. Oranges
were of not inferior dimensions; and to-day in Southeastern Spain it
is not unusual to see them eight inches in diameter. It is impossible
at the present time to realize the extent and thoroughness of the
culture of the soil which obtained under the Moslem domination in
the Peninsula. The southern portion, in its exuberant fertility now the
admiration of the traveller, was under the Moors infinitely more
productive. La Mancha, the Castiles, and Estremadura, which offer
at present an unhappy picture of sterility and want, were as late as
the twelfth century covered with luxuriant harvests, interspersed with
groves and orchards, amidst which nestled countless villages, farm-
houses, towers, and hamlets.
These scenes of rural thrift and beauty were traversed by
thousands of canals and conduits diffusing on every side their
refreshing and fertilizing waters. The gardens were enclosed by
trellises made of reeds woven together and covered with trailing
roses and climbing vines, the mingled odors of whose blossoms
filled the air. Salamanca, now the centre of one of the most poverty-
stricken and deserted districts in Spain, was in the tenth century a
populous and flourishing provincial capital with a hundred and
twenty-five towns, many of them of considerable magnitude, subject
to its jurisdiction. Segovia, whose present condition is even more
deplorable, was during the khalifate the centre of the woollen
manufacture of the country, a source of great wealth to all who
embarked in it. Horticulture in Aragon, where every product of the
vegetable world not prohibited by the asperity of the climate grew in
profuse abundance, reached its climax in the exquisite scenery of
the valley of the Ebro, called the River of Fruits, from the
interminable orchards that lined its banks. The entire kingdom was
formerly dotted with forests, and in its deserts are to be discerned
the clay-beds of many a lake and water-course, whose moisture
once brought prosperity to a numerous Moorish population. The
capital, Saragossa, long the seat of an enlightened dynasty, was
celebrated far and near for the accomplishments of its princes, the
learning of its scholars, the skill of its artisans, the wealth of its Jews,
and the superb decorations of its mosques. No city of the khalifate
possessed a better class of inhabitants, greater wealth, or a higher
degree of civilization. Its walls were nearly two leagues in circuit. Its
gardens extended for a distance of eight miles in every direction. Its
atmosphere was perfumed by the flowers which covered its plain. A
territory of great extent containing many villages and castles
acknowledged the authority of the Beni-Hud, its rulers. The entire
region was a paradise, which foreigners compared to Chaldea on
account of its fertility, its numerous groves, and its profusion of
waters. In its climate wood did not decay or grain mildew, and
provisions might be kept for years without deterioration. The royal
palace, called the Abode of Pleasures, contained a magnificent hall
of state, whose marbles and arabesques were one of the wonders of
the Peninsula. Abulfeda refers to the Moorish capital of Aragon as,
“the Silver City surrounded by emeralds mingled with gold.” The
present dreary aspect of Toledo offers no suggestion of its former
grandeur under Arab rule when its population numbered two
hundred thousand, and from the towers of its citadel a succession of
farms and plantations could be discerned stretching away to the
verge of the horizon. It was in the tropical South, however, that the
inexhaustible resources of the Moorish agriculturist rioted in the
exhibition of their amazing power. The Mediterranean coast from
Gibraltar to Barcelona was an unbroken belt of verdure. For fifteen
miles below Seville the Guadalquivir was shaded by a succession of
orchards. Near that city the district of the Axarafe—which embraced
fifty square leagues and was thickly planted with olive- and fig-trees
—in the twelfth century contained a thousand thriving villages, two
hundred and twenty-five years after the dismemberment of the
Ommeyade empire. Here flourished in close proximity
representatives of the vegetable kingdom collected from the most
widely separated portions of the globe. Here were to be seen
hundreds of varieties of plants, some gathered on the slopes of the
Himalayas, others collected in the forests of Germany; others again
transplanted with infinite labor from Ethiopia and the sources of the
Nile. Here were propagated the orange and the pomegranate of
Syria; the palm of Egypt; the tamarind of Barbary; the fragrant
balsam of Arabia. Vast groves of mulberries indicated the importance
attached to the manufacture of silk.
In the manifold avocations either connected with or dependent
upon the pursuit of agriculture,—in the rearing of cattle and horses,
in the breeding of sheep, in the culture of bees,—the Moor of the
Peninsula attained to the highest degree of proficiency. The Arabian
horse lost none of his incomparable qualities in the climate of
Andalusia, and to his swiftness and endurance are to be attributed
many of the most signal victories which attended the progress of the
Moslem arms. The silky and abundant fleece of the merino sheep
owes its fineness as well as its name to the peculiar method by
which flocks were tended and propagated under the laws of the
Western Khalifate. Immense numbers were conducted twice each
year between the Pyrenean slopes and the plains of Estremadura,
by this means securing fresh and continual pasturage, and equally
avoiding the droughts of summer and the storms of winter. The
organization which controlled these migrations, protected by the
authority of the government, eventually acquired the importance and
the power of a political institution. It was designated the Mesta, and,
adopted by the Castilians, its privileges, become oppressive through
abuses long practised with impunity, were, until the middle of the last
century, when they were largely curtailed, one of the most intolerable
grievances endured by the Spanish peasantry.
The richness of the Peninsula in valuable minerals not only
facilitated the development of the arts, but aided materially in the
establishment of commerce with foreign nations. The silver mines of
Iberia were famous from all antiquity, and after centuries of neglect
under barbarian misrule their treasures were again made available
under the energetic administration of the Khalifs of Cordova. In the
neighborhood of Linares are still to be traced the square pits of the
Arab, side by side with the circular excavations of the Roman; and
their number, exceeding five hundred in this single locality, indicates
the magnitude of mining operations, a pursuit whose intelligent
prosecution and economical management contribute so much to the
material wealth of a community. From the sands of the Darro and the
Tagus were extracted considerable quantities of gold. In Spain, the
centre of the largest deposits of cinnabar in the ancient world, the
production of quicksilver was one of the most profitable
employments of Moorish industry. At Abâl, a day’s journey from the
capital, were mines where a thousand workmen were constantly
employed. The superior quality of the copper utensils, the unrivalled
temper of the steel blades, for which Andalusia especially was
renowned, attest not only the excellence of the respective ores from
which those metals were obtained, but the skill required for the
fabrication of the latter into objects of utility and beauty in the
workshops and armories of Almeria, Seville, Granada, and Toledo.
For leagues before approaching the great Andalusian cities the
traveller traversed by highways covered with arching foliage districts
so thickly settled as to resemble a succession of contiguous hamlets.
The air was sweet with the fragrance of flowers; the murmur of
waters was everywhere; along each stream was a row of
picturesque mills; on one side rose the towers and cupolas of some
palace rich with gilding and sparkling tiles; on the other a line of
cottages embowered in jasmine and roses. Nothing impressed him
more forcibly than the thrift which seemed to universally prevail.
Every foot of land susceptible of cultivation was carefully tilled. Every
drop of water was used. Great crowds filled the narrow streets. No
beggars plied their annoying trade on the thoroughfares or infested
the portals of the mosques. The teeming population of the country
was the best indication of the general prosperity. In the year 910,
there were more people in any one of the Hispano-Arab provinces
bordering on the Mediterranean than there were in all Great Britain
at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
Every indulgence and encouragement was afforded by the laws to
the Moorish cultivator. The independence so necessary to the
successful prosecution of agricultural pursuits, he enjoyed to the
utmost degree compatible with the maintenance of social order. For
the most part, he himself instituted the regulations of husbandry,
which were enforced by magistrates taken from his class and of his
own selection. His taxes were not oppressive. The productiveness of
the soil, the equability of the climate, never permitted his labors to go
unrewarded. In Valencia, where each week yielded a new crop to the
farmer, rest of the land, essential to the preservation of fertility
elsewhere, was unknown. In Murcia, the wonderful vegetation had
given to the country a name suggested by its resemblance to the
luxuriant Valley of the Nile. The annual yield of oil by the Axarafe at
Seville was two million one hundred and eighty-seven thousand five
hundred gallons; every day during the olive harvest a hundred and
twenty-five thousand gallons were brought into the city. All Africa,
Asia, and Europe were supplied with this useful article of food by the
plantations of Southern Spain. It was not without reason that the
olive-tree—the source of such wealth, the emblem of peace—should
have been regarded as blessed by both the Moslem and the Jew.
Roses were so abundant at Cordova that twenty-five pounds of the
leaves only brought two dirhems, and every one was at liberty to
pluck all the flowers he desired from the hedges that bordered the
highways or in private grounds, a privilege which was never abused.
In localities unfavorable to cultivation the deficiencies of the soil were
supplied by untiring industry. Walls of ponderous masonry supported
terraces where the very cliffs were made productive, and where only
a bush or a vine could be planted the narrow space was utilized. Not
only water, but loam and fertilizing materials were brought from great
distances.
The dimensions, the splendor, the opulence, of the principal cities
amazed the foreigner accustomed to the crowded quarters and
squalid wretchedness of the European capitals. All were surrounded
by suburbs, themselves of vast extent, stretching as far as the eye
could reach. The mountain slopes of Almeria and Malaga were
covered with vineyards; in the plains were thousands of acres of
sugar-cane; in the marshes, rice plantations. The gardens of Almeria
extended for a radius of twenty miles north, east, and west from the
harbor. The supreme importance of the agricultural interest as
affecting the general welfare of a community was never more
conclusively demonstrated than by the disastrous results consequent
upon the expulsion of the Jews and the Moriscoes. These results
have already been alluded to in these pages. The destructive policy
which blotted out a great civilization brought with it its own
punishment. Extensive regions, which under the Moslems produced
immense revenues, are at the present day barren and uninhabited.
The sole traces of former prosperity in districts now relinquished to
the bandit and the smuggler are disclosed by mounds designating
the sites of former villages. Where were once endless plantations of
valuable trees are now dreary wastes destitute of all vegetation,
incapable of supporting animal life, cursed with eternal drought and
hopeless sterility. The cities have lost by far the greater portion of
their inhabitants; the villages have dwindled to hamlets; the ancient
hamlets have disappeared. In the Peninsula, under the Arabs, there
were no uncultivated tracts except those covered by the forests; in
the middle of the last century in Estremadura—not including the
mountain regions which embraced one-third of the area of the
province—there were two hundred thousand acres abandoned; in La
Mancha forty-five thousand; in the district of Utrera thirty-one
thousand. The only localities where agriculture still flourishes are
those where Nature has distributed her choicest favors; where the
necessity for arduous labor does not tax the capacity of native
indolence; where the products of the earth grow in spontaneous
profusion; where the systems of irrigation and tillage introduced by
the Moors still prevail without substantial alteration, disclosing their
unrivalled adaptability to the purposes of rural industry.
The great productiveness of the soil and the proximity of the
Mediterranean naturally suggested the development of natural
resources and the extension of commerce in Moorish Spain. With
the ancient Arab, the predatory instinct alone took precedence of the
mercantile propensity. That propensity received a tremendous
impulse from the foundation of Islam. Encouraged by the precepts
and example of the Prophet, who, as the factor of Khadijah, had
visited the cities of Syria, the calling of the merchant soon came to
be regarded by every Moslem as a profession of honor as well as of
profit. The inhabitants of the Desert were, for the most part, divided
into two classes,—those who organized caravans and those who
plundered them. Centuries before the Hegira, a lucrative trade was
carried on between the districts of Mecca and Yemen and the rich
cities of India, Assyria, and Egypt. Little effort therefore was required
for the establishment of profitable commercial intercourse between
the seaports of the Spanish Peninsula and those which at frequent
intervals dotted the shores of the Mediterranean. Almost coincident
with the Conquest an extensive trade was inaugurated. The control
of the sea by the navy of the khalifs extended immeasurably the
facilities of mercantile intercommunication. The great markets of
Christendom maintained the closest relations with the opulent
houses of Almeria and Malaga; the wares of Constantinople, Venice,
and Genoa found ready purchasers in the bazaars of Cordova as
well as in those of the provincial capitals of Andalusia and Al-
Maghreb. But the dauntless spirit of the Moorish Moslem was not
limited to maritime trade; his factors were to be found in every
country accessible to the influences and the enterprise of civilization;
his caravans traversed with equal rapidity and perseverance the
forests of Europe, the deserts of Ethiopia, the illimitable plains of
Central Asia, the marshes and jungles of Hindustan. The mysterious
perils of unexplored seas, the fierce aspect and savage manners of
wild and barbarous tribes, the formidable obstacles presented by
trackless wastes and pestilential swamps, were all forgotten in the
thirst for gain and the excitement of adventure. The memory of the
expeditions periodically despatched by their ancestors from the cities
of Arabia, the sight of the enormous profits accumulated by the
Jews, at once their instructors, their allies, and their competitors,
stimulated the ambition of the Spanish Arabs, already predisposed to
mercantile occupations, and whose extraordinary energy seemed to
promise success in every undertaking. Mussulman legislation, so
eminently favorable to the requirements of internal and foreign
commerce, offered aid to the followers of the Prophet in a more
effective manner than had ever been suggested by the founders of
other religions. The duties imposed by the pilgrimage to Mecca and
Medina were intimately connected with the conditions of traffic. Long
before Mohammed, the altar and the bazaar had been placed in a
position of mutual dependence by the sagacious and thrifty traders
of Yemen. The idolatrous shrine of Mecca looked for its support to
the pilgrims who, allured partly by superstition, partly by avarice, at
regular intervals swarmed within the walls of the Holy City. The
Koran enjoins under all circumstances the strict observance of
contracts and the practice of honesty, and menaces with the justice
of heaven such as violate the principles of equitable dealing in
business transactions. In addition to the general principles of
Mohammedan law which promoted the intercourse of nations, the
Ommeyade khalifs of Spain exempted from taxation many products
of manufacture and objects of luxury,—among them weapons,
armor, and jewelry,—aware that the increased wealth which must
result from this privilege would enure to the benefit of the people far
more in the end than the transitory advantage resulting from the
imposition of taxes or duties.
The sea, as well as the land, was made tributary to the enterprise
of the Saracens. Amber was thrown up in considerable quantities
around Lisbon. The pearl fishery was an important occupation of the
natives of Valencia and Alicante. In the neighborhood of Almeria
quantities of exquisite onyx and agates were found. Rock salt was
abundant,—a great hill of it stood near Saragossa. The mountains of
Alhama were composed of gypsum, which afforded the finest quality
of plaster. Deposits of lapis-lazuli existed at Lorca. At Macael were
inexhaustible beds of white marble that rivalled in lustre and beauty
the product of the Grecian quarries of Pentelicus. The mountains of
Andalusia abounded with jasper. Carthagena yielded amethysts.
Rubies were mined near Malaga.
Inland traffic was assisted by means of fairs,—those popular
mercantile expedients which foster trade and at the same time
develop the social instincts of humanity,—institutions especially
acceptable to semi-barbarous nations and long familiar to the people
of Arabia. Ease of communication, the most potent of civilizing
influences, promoted this national interchange of both commodities
and ideas. The disposition of merchandise, profitable as it was, while
the ostensible motive, was by no means the most important object of
these popular assemblies. Familiarity with distant communities, the
conversation of strangers, the varying panorama of novel and
interesting scenes, the excitement and bustle attendant upon the
congregation of vast multitudes, are wonderful stimulants to the
intellectual faculties. The literary contests for poetical supremacy
which were said to have formed a distinctive feature of the mighty
concourse of Okhad were revived in the fairs of Andalusia. While the
latter were designed for provincial benefit, they, in fact, partook
largely of a cosmopolitan character. Their fame attracted commercial
speculators from the most distant countries. Articles of great rarity
and value were exposed for sale in their booths. The transactions
concluded within their limits were not inferior in importance to those
which had created the commercial prosperity of Malaga and Almeria.
The circumstances incident to their institution and surroundings
offered representations of tropical life strange to the eyes of
Christendom. The endless lines of plodding camels, loaded with
precious stuffs; the splendidly caparisoned horses; the sumptuous
litters enclosing the beauties of the harem; the sullen and ferocious
eunuchs; the retinues of the nobles glittering with steel and gold; the
swarming crowds in the white robes of the Oriental; the enchanting
landscape, with its groves of palm, orange, and pomegranate, its
rippling waters, its fragrant exotics; the narrow streets covered with
awnings to exclude the sun; the gay pavilions; the strange costumes
of luxurious Asia and barbaric Africa; the mingled accents of a score
of idioms, manifested on highway, thoroughfare, and plain the
foreign influence which, apparently established forever, had
obliterated the Roman and Gothic traditions of the Peninsula. No
such spectacle could be elsewhere exhibited unless in countries
where Eastern customs had held sway from time immemorial. The
effect of these periodical assemblies upon the commercial, literary,
and social life of Mohammedan Spain was of the highest importance.
Great as was its internal traffic, it was necessarily to its foreign
mercantile connections that the Moorish empire looked for its most
profitable returns. Its geographical position was unusually favorable
for the prosecution of maritime enterprise. The Mediterranean gave
its traders ready access to all the most civilized countries of the
world. But a few hours’ sail separated them from the ports of
Northern Africa, where were amassed the rich commodities of that
vast continent. The Bay of Biscay afforded a passage for their
vessels to the harbors of France and Britain. According to Edrisi,
they explored Madeira, the Canaries, and the Azores four hundred
years before those islands were occupied by Europeans. Through
the passes of the Pyrenees they could reach the markets of Northern
Europe. Thus brought in contact with remote nations which had no
other means of communication, the European Moors enjoyed
peculiar commercial advantages which they were not slow to
improve. The carrying trade of the Peninsula was largely in the
hands of the Jews. The latter had been a lucrative source of revenue
to the Goths, as they were subsequently to the persecuting
Spaniards. They were the bankers, the importers, the carriers of the
empire. They imparted a large share of their energy and enterprise
to the Moslems, already envious of their success and their opulence.
In the ninth century an extraordinary impetus was communicated to
the intercourse with the Orient; in the tenth the merchants of Spain
and Sicily practically engrossed the commerce of the Mediterranean.
Every provision was made for both security and profit. Armed galleys
patrolled the coasts and convoyed the fleets of merchantmen as they
traversed the seas. The inland mercantile transactions of the
Spanish Moslems were probably not inferior in importance to their
maritime ventures. The discovery of innumerable coins and pieces of
jewelry on the coast of Scandinavia and along the rivers of Germany
and Poland indicates, more certainly than any historical record could
do, the former presence of the adventurous traders of the Peninsula.
The khalifs had consular agents in India, China, and Persia. They
sent magnificent gifts to Oriental potentates. They negotiated treaties
with the barbarian princes of Central Africa. Tribal hostility was
forgotten in the mutual advantages arising from traffic with the
Mussulman cities of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, and with the
settlements of the Indian archipelago. Policy as well as interest
confirmed the friendship early established between the Moslem
sovereigns of Spain and the Greek emperors of Constantinople.
They exchanged presents, despatched special embassies, received
the representatives of imperial dignity and hostile faith with every
demonstration of honor and respect. The exclusive commercial
privileges enjoyed by the merchants of the two empires gave them a
vast superiority over all competitors. Colonies of foreign Christians
who occupied quarters by themselves and were governed by their
own laws were established in all the seaports and in many of the
inland cities. The number of these in Granada at the time of the
Conquest was twenty-five thousand, the majority of whom were
Italians. The traders of the Bosphorus were frequently seen at the
fairs of Castile; the great houses of Almeria and Barcelona
maintained agencies in the Byzantine capital which controlled the
rich commerce of the Euxine and the Baltic.
In the great markets of the East and West the choicest articles of
luxury passed through the hands of the shrewd and enterprising
dealers of Mohammedan Spain. From the borders of the Arctic Circle
came the precious furs of the lynx, the fox, and the ermine, the least
valuable of which was worth a hundred dinars; from Norway and
Siberia stores of fossil ivory; from Arabia balsams and aromatics;
from Germany honey and wax; from the countries of the Baltic
mastic, storax, and amber; from China tea and porcelain; from
Ethiopia gold-dust and asbestos; from Persia perfumes; from India
spices and sandalwood; from Sweden and Finland female slaves
with faultless complexions and flaxen tresses, whose ordinary price
in the bazaars of Cairo and Cordova was a thousand pieces of gold.
The Jews and the monks of France, adepts in an execrable
occupation, provided the harems with white eunuchs. Timbuctoo and
the districts of the Niger contributed blacks of gigantic proportions
and ferocious aspect, to be enrolled in the body-guard of the khalifs.
The hawks, so generally used in the sport of the Middle Ages, were
for the most part bred or furnished by the Moslem merchants. They
also imported from Africa wild animals, such as lions, giraffes, and
leopards, for zoological collections and for sale in distant countries.
A lion in the markets of China was valued at thirty thousand rolls of
silk. The camel, easily domesticated in Andalusia, always
commanded a high price as a beast of burden. The principal
emporiums of mediæval commerce and international exchange,
where were collected the most valuable products of a hundred
kingdoms, all of which paid tribute to Moorish enterprise and wealth,
were Constantinople, Alexandria, Malaga, and Palermo.
The great centres of manufacturing and mercantile activity were
situated on the Mediterranean. Of these, Almeria was the most
important. From the extreme East, from the Nubian deserts, from the
coast of Guinea, from distant Britain, from the frozen regions of the
North, traders crowded her streets and markets. In her harbor were
to be encountered the ships of every maritime nation. Her eight
hundred silk factories, employing more than eight thousand looms,
sent forth gold and silver tissues, carpets, curtains, robes,—whose
delicate texture and exquisite designs excelled the finest products of
the Orient. The iron and copper utensils made by her artisans
enjoyed an extensive reputation for durability and finish. The influx of
strangers who contributed to her wealth and shared her hospitality
may be conjectured from the fact that nine hundred and seventy
caravansaries within her walls were registered to pay the excise on
wine.
At Malaga, another great seaport, were situated the largest
potteries in Andalusia, where was manufactured the porcelain whose
surface of enamelled gold, silver, and copper was due to a process
known only to the Arabs of Spain. The clay found in the vicinity was
peculiarly adapted to the purposes of the potter, and had centuries
before assumed the symmetrical forms of classic elegance under the
dexterous hands of the Roman. The efforts of antiquity had,
however, been surpassed by the Moors, who in time brought this
industry to a perfection heretofore unknown. In other towns, such as
Valencia, Murcia, Murviedro, and Calatayud, it was also pursued with
great success. The resources of modern ingenuity have been taxed
in vain to discover the secret which could give to a porcelain vase
the peculiar finish which, while preserving unchanged the colors of
the metals, increased far more than any burnishing could effect the
lustre of its brilliant surface. In no city in the world, excepting those of
China, was the fabrication of porcelain pursued with such skill and
profit as at Malaga. Its exportation was one of the most lucrative
sources of wealth enjoyed by the kingdom of Granada. With the
people, this industrial pursuit was not merely a vulgar trade carried
on for mercenary motives, but an occupation which permitted and
encouraged the development of the highest scientific and artistic
instincts of humanity. The vases of graceful form and exquisite
decoration which came from the Malagan potteries were eagerly
sought after by the opulent and luxurious of every land. The
perfection of this branch of the ceramic art with the secret of the
metallic enamel disappeared with the final conquest of the city. This
fact is not in itself remarkable, for the advent of the Spanish
domination was signalized by the destruction of many forms of useful
industry; but it is absolutely unprecedented that a manufacture of
such magnitude, whose extent and perfection were established by
so many indisputable proofs, should not have left intact to posterity a
single specimen of its excellence. There is not positively known to be
a genuine piece of the famous metallic pottery of Malaga in
existence. Some fragments have been found in that city, whose
glassy surface displayed the brilliant lustre which excited the wonder
of contemporaneous nations; but no European museum or private
collection, it is almost certain, now possesses an article which
exhibits this marked peculiarity, or whose origin, with any degree of
probability, can be assigned to the greatest centre of the ceramic art
in the mediæval world.
Not for the fabrication of silks and pottery alone was Malaga
famous. Her glass and paper, her utensils of iron and copper, the
complex and elegant labors of her cabinet-makers and joiners, also
enjoyed a wide and deserved celebrity.
The use of metals as a means of ornamentation was also
frequently applied to leather. This was for the most part made at
Cordova, whose products were conceded to be of superior quality,
and commanded the highest price in every market. Some of the
tanning vats, huge vessels of terra-cotta, in which this material was
prepared, are still to be seen in Spain. The leathern hangings
produced in the capital were justly ranked among the most important
of its numerous manufactures. By some ingenious process the skins
were rendered as soft and pliable as the finest cloth, and were then
decorated in accordance with the canons of Arabic taste, which,
without offending the eye with glaring contrasts, could blend in
harmony the richest tints and the sheen of the brightest metals. The
gold and silver were applied with stamps; the colors were laid on
with the brush; and the gorgeous designs produced an almost
magical effect when viewed amidst the varied magnificence of a
Moorish palace. This art, like that of the metallic glaze of porcelain,
also appears to be irretrievably lost. The torn and faded fragments of
ornamented leather which have descended to us prove not only the
durability and excellence of the material, but indicate a skill beside
which the efforts of the most accomplished modern bookbinders
seem clumsy in comparison. It was often impressed with colored
figures in relief, which added greatly to its beauty, imparting to it the
appearance of brocade. The finer grades were perfumed with amber.
The artisans of Cordova also excelled in the carving and engraving
of vessels of silver and gold.
The manufacture of silk at Seville gave employment to a hundred
and sixty thousand weavers, a number of whom were employed in
the fabrication of the stuff called tiraz, whose use was a royal
prerogative. Xativa was long the seat of the first paper factory in
Europe,—that substance whose invention has contributed so greatly
to the dissemination of knowledge and the progress of civilization.
For ages known to the Chinese, the Arabs substituted linen, and
finally cotton, for the silk which had been employed in the Celestial
empire. Its introduction by the Spanish Moors into Europe is
indisputable, a manuscript of cotton paper dating from the eleventh
century having been discovered in the library of the Escorial.
Although used at Mecca in 710, it was practically unknown in Europe
until the fifteenth century, and was not manufactured in London
before 1690. The extraordinary impulse imparted to letters by the
khalifs, the countless volumes contained in the imperial libraries, the
transcriptions of rare manuscripts, and the constant publication of
new works for whose composition, if possessed of merit, incredible
premiums were paid, must have caused an immense consumption of
paper. A profession held in such honor, and whose productions were
rewarded with such munificence, naturally attracted to its ranks the
noble and the learned of every Moslem nation; and especially was
this the case in the Peninsula, where the highest literary advantages
were enjoyed even by families of humble rank; and where education
among all classes was not only a religious duty, but a stigma
attached to its neglect. In consequence of this, literary pursuits
became not only a fashion but a pleasure; a correct taste was
formed; popular emulation was aroused; the manufacture of books
was multiplied; and the palaces of the rich, irrespective of their
nationality, were filled with collections which would have provoked
the astonishment of a learned “clerk” of France or Britain, whose
superiority over his parishioners consisted in his ability to write an
illegible scrawl and to intone the service—whose meaning he often
did not comprehend, and the application of whose teachings was a
matter of conjecture—in a barbarous jargon of monkish Latin. Care
for the preservation, and facilities for the purchase, of these literary
treasures kept pace with their original production. Binding in leather
was perfectly understood, and the elaborately decorated cases in
which the volumes were often enclosed were deposited upon
shelves of aromatic and precious woods, such as cedar, aloe, ebony,
and sandal.
The change from the roll of the ancients to the square form of
books now used dates from the middle of the fifth century. The art
had already reached a high degree of perfection before the
establishment of Islamism. Its best efforts were originally, as might
be conjectured, confined to works on sacred subjects. Bindings
enriched with ivory, gems, cameos, medallions, and clasps of the
precious metals were adorned with the utmost skill of the goldsmith
and the lapidary. The Arabs, and especially those of Spain,—the
seat of the greatest culture of the race,—excelled in this art, as in all
others to which they diligently applied their talents and their industry.
The superiority of their materials, the beauty of their designs, the
brilliancy of their colors, and the profusion of their ornamentation
were proverbial. The value of their covers caused the disappearance
and mutilation of great numbers of works, now either entirely lost or
existing only in a fragmentary condition. At the sack of Cordova, the
Berbers used the leather of priceless volumes for sandals. The
Castilian invader stripped others of their gold and jewels and
contemptuously cast the manuscripts away. The magnificence of
those sacrificed to the malignant energy of Ximenes in the
destruction of Moslem learning at Granada only intensified the
prejudice existing against Arabic literature in the mind of every
ignorant and infuriated bigot of the time.

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Lyle C. Brown Baylor University

Australia • Brazil • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States

CHAPTER 1: The Environment of Texas Politics 1

CHAPTER 2: Federalism and the Texas Constitution 41

CHAPTER 3: Local Governments 79

CHAPTER 4: Political Parties 124

CHAPTER 5: Campaigns and Elections 154

CHAPTER 6: The Media and Politics 191

CHAPTER 7: The Politics of Interest Groups 237

CHAPTER 8: The Legislative Branch 272

CHAPTER 9: The Executive Branch 314

CHAPTER 10: The Judicial Branch 361

CHAPTER 11: Finance and Fiscal Policy 392

CHAPTER 12: Public Policy and Administration 434

CHAPTER 13: The Criminal Justice System 475

CHAPTER 1: The Texas Constitution: Politics of

Making Public Policy in Texas 435 Glossary 509

Engage with your course content, enjoy the ﬂexibility of

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Dear Texas Government Instructor:

New to This Edition

The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team

The Beneﬁts of Using Mindtap as a Student

The Practicing Texas Politics Author Team

MindTap for Practicing Texas Politics

Instructor Companion Website for Practicing Texas

IAC Cognero for Practicing Texas Politics, 2017–2018

Practicing Texas Politics on Twitter

Lyle C. Brown, Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Baylor University, served as

Sonia R. Garcıa is a professor of Political Science, Coordinator of the Women’s Studies

Careers in Political Science

Interest Groups, International and Nongovernmental Organizations

Preparing While Still on Campus

1.1 Analyze how political culture

1.2 Describe the relationship

1.3 Discuss the political implications

1.4 Describe the industries that

1.5 Identify ﬁve major policy

Everything Is Changing in Texas

Texas Politics and Political Culture

Government, Politics, and Public Policy in Texas

Types of Political Culture

Texas Political Culture

Texas Traditionalism The dominance of traditionalistic culture in Texas

IMAGE 1.1 Texas State

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