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Contents | vii
Conclusion 79
Tracing the Global Storylines 80
Key Terms 81
Study Questions 81
Chapter 3
NOMADS, CHARIOTS, TERRITORIAL
STATES, AND MICROSOCIETIES,
2000–1200 bce 82
Nomadic Movement, Climate Change, and the Emergence
of Territorial States 84
Climate Change and Migrations 84
The Emergence of Territorial States 88
viii | Contents
Conclusion 117
Tracing the Global Storylines 118
Key Terms 119
Study Questions 119
Chapter 4
FIRST EMPIRES AND COMMON
CULTURES IN AFRO-EURASIA,
1250–325 bce 120
Pressures Leading to Upheaval and the Rise of Early Empires 122
Climate Change and Migrations 122
New Technologies 122
Administrative Innovations 123
Contents | ix
Conclusion 154
Tracing the Global Storylines 156
Key Terms 157
Study Questions 157
x | Contents
Chapter 5
WORLDS TURNED INSIDE OUT,
1000–350 bce 158
Alternative Pathways and Ideas 162
Conclusion 194
Tracing the Global Storylines 196
Key Terms 197
Study Questions 197
Contents | xi
Chapter 6
SHRINKING THE AFRO-EURASIAN
WORLD, 350 bce –250 ce 198
Hellenism and the Silk Road: Political Expansion
and Cultural Diffusion 200
Chapter 7
HAN DYNASTY CHINA
AND IMPERIAL ROME,
300 bce –300 ce 236
Han China and Imperial Rome: How Globalizing Empires
Were Built 238
Empire and Cultural Identity 238
Patterns of Imperial Expansion 239
Conclusion 273
Tracing the Global Storylines 274
Key Terms 275
Study Questions 275
Contents | xiii
Chapter 8
THE RISE OF UNIVERSAL
RELIGIONS, 300–600 ce 276
Universal Religions and Common Cultures 278
Conclusion 313
Tracing the Global Storylines 314
Key Terms 315
Study Questions 315
xiv
ANALYZING GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS
xv
PRIMARY SOURCES
Chapter 4 Chapter 8
The Banquet Stele of Assurnasirpal II 131 Eusebius: In Praise of “One Unity and Concord” 285
Beisitun Inscription 135 The Earliest Known Christian Hymn with Musical Score 288
War in Homer’s Iliad 141 A Letter from a Sogdian Merchant Chief 295
Becoming a Brahman Priest 148 The Laws of Manu: Castes and Occupations 301
Zhou Succession Story 151 The Art of Religious Fervor in China: The Pagoda 304
Instructions to a Young Man in West Africa 307
Chapter 5
Warring Ideas: Confucianism versus Daoism—On the
Foundations of Government 166
Warring Ideas: The Buddha versus the Brahmans—On the
Origin of the King 174
xvi
MAPS
xvii
PREFACE
xviii
Preface | xix
that has advanced the teaching of this field, could only commercial or cultural contact with peoples all over the
have grown out of the highly collaborative effort of a team globe before Columbus’s voyage to the Americas and later
of scholars and teachers rather than the more typical expeditions of the sixteenth century. But the peoples living
single- or two-author efforts. Indeed, the idea to build each in the Afro-Eurasian landmass, probably the single most
chapter around stories of world history significance and important building block for our study, were deeply influ-
the execution of this model grew out of our monthly team enced by one another, as were the more scattered peoples
meetings and our joint writing efforts during the develop- living in the Americas and in Africa below the Sahara. Prod-
ment stage. As a team-driven text, Worlds Together, Worlds ucts, ideas, and persons traveled widely across the large
Apart also has the advantage of area experts to make sure land units of Eurasia, Africa, and the Americas. Indeed,
the material is presented accurately, which is always a chal- Afro-Eurasia was not divided or thought of as divided into
lenge for the single- or two-author texts, especially in world separate landmasses until recent times. It is in this sense
history. Finally, our book reads with a single voice, due to that our world history is global.
the extraordinary efforts of our general editor and leader, The second principle informing this work is the impor-
Robert Tignor, who with every edition makes the final tance of chronology in framing world history. Rather
major sweep through the text to make sure that the voice, than telling the story of world history by analyzing sep-
style, and level of detail are consistent throughout. Building arate geographical areas, we have elected to frame the
on these distinctive strengths, we have worked hard and chapters around significant world history themes and peri-
thoughtfully to make the Fifth Edition of Worlds Together, ods that transcended regional and cultural boundaries—
Worlds Apart the best edition so far. While there are many moments or periods of meaningful change in the way
exciting additions to the main text and support package, we that human beings organized their lives. Some of these
have made every effort to remain true to our original vision. changes were dramatic and affected many people. Envi-
ronments changed; the earth became drier and warmer;
humans learned to domesticate plants and animals; tech-
OUR GUIDING PRINCIPLES nological innovations in warfare, political organization,
Five principles inform this book, guiding its framework and and commercial activities occurred; diseases crossed
the organization of its individual chapters. The first is that political and cultural borders, as did dramatic changes in
world history is global history. There are many fine histo- the world’s climate; and new religious and cultural beliefs
ries of the individual regions of the world, which we have spread far and wide. These changes swept across large
endeavored to make good use of. But unlike the authors of landmasses, paying scant heed to preexisting cultural and
many other so-called world histories, we have chosen not to geographical unity. They affected peoples living in widely
deal with the great regions and cultures of the world as sepa- dispersed societies, and they often led to radically varied
rate units, reserving individual chapters to East Asia, South cultural responses in different regions of the world. In
Asia, Southwest Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Americas. other cases, changes occurred in only one locality while
Our goal is to place each of these regions in its largest geo- other places retained their traditions or took alternative
graphical context. Accordingly, we have written chapters routes. Chronology helps us understand the ways in which
that are truly global in that most major regions of the world the world has, and has not, shared a common history.
are discussed in each one. We achieved these globally The third principle is historical and geographical
integrated chapters by building each around a significant balance. Ours is not a history focused on the rise of the
world history story or theme. There are a number of won- west. We seek to pay attention to the global histories of all
derful examples throughout the book: the peopling of the peoples and not to privilege those developments that led
earth (Chapter 1), the building of the Silk Road (Chapter 6), directly into European history as if the rest of the history of
the rise of universal religions (Chapters 8 and 9), the Black the world was but a prelude to the rise of the West. We deal
Death (Chapter 11), the Little Ice Age and its far-reaching with peoples living outside Europe on their own terms and
impact on political systems globally as well as the effects try to see world history from their perspective. Even more
of New World silver on the economies of the world (Chap- significantly, while we describe societies that obviously
ter 13), alternative visions to nineteenth-century capitalism influenced Europe’s historical development, we do so in a
(Chapter 15), the rise of nation-states and empires (Chap- context very different from that which western historians
ter 16), and so on. It would be misleading, of course, to say have stressed. Rather than simply viewing these cultures
that the context is the world, because none of these regions, in terms of their role in western development, we seek to
even the most highly developed commercially, enjoyed understand them in their own right and to illuminate the
xx | Preface
ways they influenced other parts of the world. From our describing peoples and communities that remained apart.
perspective, it is historically inaccurate to annex Mesopo- The fifth and final principle is that world history is a
tamia and Egypt to the West because these territories lay narrative of big themes and high-level comparisons.
well outside Europe and had a large influence on Africa, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart is not a book of record.
South Asia, and East Asia as well as on Europe. Indeed, Indeed, in a work that tells the story of humankind from
our presentation of Europe in the period leading up to and the beginnings of history to the present, the notion that no
including the founding of the Roman Empire is different event or individual worthy of attention would be excluded
from many of the standard treatments. The Europeans we is the height of folly. We have sought to offer clear themes
describe are rather rough, wild-living, warring peoples and interpretations in order to synthesize the vast body
living on the fringes of the settled parts of the world and of data that often overwhelms histories of the world. Our
looked down on by more politically stable communities. aspiration is to identify the main historical forces that have
They hardly seem to be made of the stuff that will cata- moved history, to highlight those monumental innovations
pult Europeans to world leadership a millennium later— that have changed the way humans lived, and to describe
indeed, they were very different people from those who, the creation and evolution of those bedrock institutions,
as the result of myriad intervening and contingent events, many of which, of course, endure. In this regard, self-con-
founded the nineteenth- and twentieth-century empires scious cross-cultural comparisons of developments, insti-
whose ruins are still all around us. tutions, and even founding figures receive attention to
Our fourth principle is an emphasis on connections make students aware that some common institutions, such
and what we call disconnections across societal and cul- as slavery, did not have the same features in every soci-
tural boundaries. World history is not the history of sep- ety. But conversely, the seemingly diverse terms that were
arate regions of the world at different periods of time. It is used, say, to describe learned and religious men in differ-
the history of the connections among peoples living often ent parts of the world—monks in Europe, ulama in Islam,
at great distances from one another, and it is also the his- Brahmans in India, and scholar-gentries in China—often
tory of the resistance of peoples living within and outside meant much the same thing in very different settings. We
societies to connections that threatened to put them in sub- have constructed Worlds Together, Worlds Apart around
ordinate positions or to rob them of their independence. big ideas, stories, and themes rather than filling the book
A stress on connections inevitably foregrounds those with names and dates that encourage students only to
elements within societies that promoted long-distance memorize rather than understand world history concepts.
ties. Merchants are important, as are military men and
political potentates seeking to expand their polities. So
are scholars and religious leaders, particularly those who
OUR MAJOR THEMES
believed that they had universalistic messages with which The primary organizing framework of Worlds Together,
to convert others to their visions. Perhaps most important Worlds Apart—one that runs through the chapters and con-
of all in premodern world history, certainly the most under- nects the different parts of the narrative—is the theme of
studied, are the nomadic pastoral peoples, who were often interconnection and divergence. While describing move-
the agents for the transmission of products, peoples, and ments that facilitated global connectedness, this book also
ideas across long and harsh distances. They exploded onto shows how different regions developed their own ways of
the scene of settled societies at critical junctures, erasing handling or resisting connections and change. Throughout
old cultural and geographical barriers and producing new history, different regions and different population groups
unities, as the Arabs did in the seventh century ce and the often stood apart from the rest of the world until touched
Mongols did in the thirteenth century. Worlds Together, by traders or explorers or missionaries or soldiers. Some of
Worlds Apart is not intended to convey the message that these regions welcomed global connections; others sought
the history of the world is a story of increasing integration. to change the nature of their connections with the outside
What for one ruling group brought benefits in the form of world; and yet others resisted efforts to bring them into the
increased workforces, material prosperity, and political larger world. All, however, were somehow affected by their
stability often meant enslavement, political subordination, experience of connection. Thus, the history of the world is
and loss of territory for other groups. The historian’s task, not simply one of increasing globalization, in which all soci-
then, is not only to represent the different experiences of eties eventually join a common path to the present. Rather,
increased connectedness, describing worlds that came it is a history of the ways in which, as people became linked,
together, but also to be attentive to the opposite trends, their experience of these global connections diverged.
Preface | xxi
Besides the central theme of interconnection and diver- spread of the Black Death across Afro-Eurasia. It is divided
gence, other themes also stand out in Worlds Together, into eleven chapters, each of which marks a distinct histor-
Worlds Apart. First, the book discusses how the recurring ical period. Hence, each chapter has an overarching theme
efforts of people to cross religious, political, and cultural or small set of themes that holds otherwise highly diverse
borders brought the world together. Merchants and edu- material together.
cated men and women traded goods and ideas. Whole com- Chapter 1, “Becoming Human,” presents biological
munities, in addition to select groups, moved to safer or and cultural perspectives on the way that early hominins
more promising environments. The transregional cross- became truly human. This chapter incorporates much new
ings of ideas, goods, and peoples produced transforma- research, largely the result of new techniques and meth-
tions and conflicts—a second important theme. Finally, the ods employed by climatologists, biologists specializing
movement of ideas, peoples, products, climates, and germs in DNA analysis, linguists, and paleoanthropologists in
over long distances upset the balance of power across the the tradition of Mary and Louis Leakey. These scientists
world and within individual societies. Such movements have transformed our understanding of the evolution of
changed the relationship of different population groups human beings. So much of this work is now being incor-
with other peoples and areas of the world and led over porated into the history profession and history courses
time to dramatic shifts in the ascendancy of regions. that it has acquired its own name, big history. We believe
Changes in power arrangements within and between that this chapter is important in establishing the global
regions explain which parts of the world and regional context of world history. We believe, too, that our chapter
groups benefited from integration and which resisted it. is unique in its focus on how hominins became humans—
These three themes (exchange and migration, conflict and how early hominins became bipedal and how they devel-
resistance, and alterations in the balance of power) weave oped complex cognitive processes such as language and
themselves through every chapter of this work. While we artistic abilities. We have incorporated a new understand-
highlight major themes throughout, we tell the stories of ing of evolution, which now appears to have taken place
the people caught in these currents of exchange, conflict, not in a steady and gradual way as was once thought, but
and changing power relations, paying particular atten- in punctuated bursts, often in response to major climate
tion to the role that gender and the environment play in and environmental challenges. In addition, our findings
shaping the evolution of societies. The history of the world about the evolution of hominins from Austrolopithecus to
is not a single, sweeping narrative. On the contrary, the Homo sapiens are based on more precise information than
last 5,000 years have produced multiple histories, moving was available in earlier editions. Research indicates that
along many paths and trajectories. Sometimes these histo- Homo sapiens originated in Africa, probably no more than
ries merge, intertwining themselves in substantial ways. 200,000 years ago. These early men and women walked
Sometimes they disentangle themselves and simply stand out of the African landmass sometime between 100,000
apart. Much of the time, however, they are simultaneously and 50,000 years ago, gradually populating all regions of
together and apart. In place of a single narrative, the usual the world. What is significant in this story is that the dif-
one being the rise of the west, this book maps the many ferent population groups around the world, the so-called
forks in the road that confronted the world’s societies at races of humankind, have only recently broken off from
different times and the surprising turns and unintended one another. Also in this chapter, we emphasize the role
consequences that marked the choices that peoples and of climate in human evolution; indeed, the first group of
societies made, including the unanticipated and dramatic Homo sapiens nearly went extinct because of severe freez-
rise of the west in the nineteenth century. Formulated in ing temperatures, produced by an eruption of vast quan-
this way, world history is the unfolding of many possible tities of lava into the atmosphere. This critical phase in
histories, and readers of this book should come away with human evolution was followed almost immediately by a
a reinforced sense of the unpredictability of the past, the strong warming trend that occurred 10,000 years ago and
instability of the present, and the uncertainty of the future. that has remained with us ever since, despite some signifi-
cant drops in global temperatures. This warming trend led
humans to domesticate plants and animals and to found
OVERVIEW OF VOLUME ONE the first village settlements, beginning in Southwest Asia.
Volume One of Worlds Together, Worlds Apart deals with Chapter 2, “Rivers, Cities, and First States, 3500–
the period from the beginnings of human history through 2000 bce,” covers the period during which five of the great
the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century and the river basins experienced extraordinary breakthroughs
xxii | Preface
in human activity. On the floodplains of the Tigris and The Zhou state in China offered yet a third way of politi-
Euphrates in Mesopotamia, the Nile in Egypt, the Indus cal unity, basing its rule on the doctrine of the mandate of
Valley in modern-day northern India and Pakistan, and heaven, which legitimated its rulers’ succession as long as
the Yellow and Yangzi Rivers in China, men and women they were able to maintain stability and order. Vedic soci-
mastered annual floods and became expert in seeding and ety in South Asia offers a dramatically different model in
cultivating foodstuffs. In these areas, populations became which religion and culture rather than centralizing mon-
dense. River-basin cultures had much in common. They archies were the main unifying forces. Religion moves to
had highly developed hierarchical political, social, and the forefront of the narrative in other ways in this chapter.
cultural systems, priestly and bureaucratic classes, and The birth of monotheism occurred in the Zoroastrian and
organized religious and cultural systems. But they also Hebrew faiths and the beginnings of Buddhism. All three
differed greatly, and these differences were passed from religions endure today.
generation to generation. The development of these major The last millennium before the Common Era witnessed
complex societies certainly is a turning point in world his- some of the most monumental developments in human
tory. We include in this chapter an expanded discussion on history. In the six and a half centuries discussed in Chap-
the rise of city-states and provide a greater emphasis on the ter 5, “Worlds Turned Inside Out, 1000–350 bce,” teach-
political aspects leading to the emergence of city-states. ers and thinkers, rather than kings, priests, and warriors,
Extensive climatic and technological changes serve as came to the fore. Men like Confucius, the Buddha, Plato,
major turning points for Chapter 3, “Nomads, Chariots, and Aristotle, to name only the best known of this brilliant
Territorial States, and Microsocieties, 2000–1200 bce .” group, offered new insights into the natural world and
Drought, environmental degradation, and political instabil- provided new guidelines for how to govern justly and live
ity brought the first river-basin societies to a crashing end ethically. Drawing on the work of sociologist Karl Jaspars,
around 2000 bce . When aridity forced tribal and nomadic we call this era the Axial Age, during which Greek, Chi-
peoples living on the fringes of the settled populations to nese, and South Asian thinkers elaborated political, reli-
move closer to settled areas, they brought with them an gious, and philosophical ideas that informed the societies
insurmountable military advantage. They had become in which they lived and that have been central to the lives
adept at yoking horses to war chariots and hence were in of these societies ever since. In this era, small-scale soci-
a position to subjugate and later intermarry with the peo- eties, benefiting from more intimate relationships, took
ples in the settled polities in the river basins. Around 2000 the place of the first great empires, now in decline. These
bce , these peoples established new territorial kingdoms in highly individualistic cultures developed new strategies
Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Indus Valley, and China, which for political organization, even experimenting with a dem-
gave way a millennium later (1000 bce) to even larger and ocratic polity. In Africa, the Bantu peoples spread across
more militarily and politically powerful states. The section sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sudanic peoples of Meroe
on China features a major rewriting and reorganization of created a society that blended Egyptian and sub-Saharan
the Shang territorial states in East Asia with a new section influences. These were all dynamic hybrid societies build-
on Shang writing. In the Americas, the Mediterranean, ing on existing knowledge. Equally dramatic transfor-
sub-Saharan Africa, and the Pacific worlds, microsocieties mations occurred in the Americas, where the Olmec and
arose as an alternative form of a political system in which Chavin peoples were creating hierarchical societies of the
peoples lived in much smaller-scale societies that show- like never before seen in their part of the world.
cased their own unique and compelling features. Chapter 6, “Shrinking the Afro-Eurasian World,
Chapter 4, “First Empires and Common Cultures in 350 bce–250 ce,” describes three major forces that simul-
Afro-Eurasia, 1250–325 bce,” describes the different ways taneously integrated large segments of the Afro-Eurasian
in which larger-scale societies grew and became unified. landmass culturally and economically. First, Alexander
In the case of the world’s first empires, the neo-Assyrian and his armies changed the political and cultural land-
and Persian, political power was the main unifying ele- scape of North Africa and Southwest and South Asia.
ment. Both states established different models that future Culturally, Alexander spread Hellenism through North
empires would emulate. The Assyrians used brute force Africa and Southwest and central Asia, making it the first
to intimidate and subjugate different groups within their cultural system to achieve a transregional scope. Second,
societies and neighboring states. The Persians followed it was in the post-Alexander world that long-distance trade
a pattern that relied less on coercion and more on tribu- was intensified and stabilized. For the first time, a trading
tary relationships, while reveling in cultural diversity. network, known as the Silk Road, stretching from Palmyra
Preface | xxiii
in the west to central Asia in the east, came into being. state sponsorship via the Roman and Byzantine Empires
This chapter incorporates new research on the origins of and by providing spiritual comfort and hope during the
the Silk Road and its Afro-Eurasian political, commercial, chaotic years of Rome’s decline. Buddhism grew through
and cultural importance. Despite the fact that the Silk imperial sponsorship and significant changes to its fun-
Road was actually made up of many different roads and damental beliefs, when adherents to the faith deified Bud-
was not always accessible, and despite the fact that trade dha and created notions of an afterlife. In Africa, a wide
took place mainly over short distances, its reputation was range of significant developments and myriad cultural
well known to merchants, military adventurers, travel- practices existed; yet large common cultures also arose.
ers, religious leaders, and political elites. Buddhism was The Bantu peoples spread throughout the southern half of
the first religion to seize on the Silk Road’s more formal the landmass, spoke closely related languages, and devel-
existence as its followers moved quickly with the support oped similar political institutions based on the prestige
of the Mauryan Empire to spread their ideas into central of individuals of high achievement. In the Americas, the
Asia. Finally, we witness the growth of a “silk road of the Olmecs established their own form of the city-state, while
seas” as new technologies and bigger ships allowed for a the Maya owed their success to a decentralized common
dramatic expansion in maritime trade from South Asia all culture built around a strong religious belief system and a
the way to Egypt and East Africa. series of spiritual centers.
Chapter 7, “Han Dynasty China and Imperial In Chapter 9, “New Empires and Common Cultures,
Rome, 300 bce–300 ce,” builds on our comparison of the 600–1000 ce,” we see another world religion, Islam,
Neo-Assyrian and Persian Empires in Chapter 4 by com- explode with world-changing consequences in a rela-
paring in great detail the Han dynasty and Roman Empire, tively remote corner of the Arabian Peninsula. The rise of
the two political, economic, and cultural powerhouses that Islam provides a contrast to the way universalizing reli-
dominated much of the Afro-Eurasian landmass from gions and political empires interacted. Islam and empire
200 bce to 200 ce . Both the Han dynasty and the Roman arose in a fashion quite different from Christianity and the
Empire ruled effectively in their own way, providing an Roman Empire. Christianity took over an already exist-
instructive comparative case study. Both left their imprint ing empire—the Roman—after suffering persecution at its
on Afro-Eurasia; rulers for centuries afterward tried to hands for several centuries. In contrast, Islam created an
revive these glorious imperial systems and use them as empire almost at the moment of its emergence. There is
models of greatness. Only the Chinese were successful in much new scholarship on early Islam, the life of Muham-
restoring imperial rule and did so for more than two mil- mad, and the creation of the Quran, based mainly on the
lennia. European efforts to re-create the Roman Empire, at writings of non-Muslim observers and scholars. Although
least in western Europe, failed. This chapter also discusses these texts are often critical of Muhammad and early Islam,
the effect of state sponsorship on religion, as Christian- they must be used (albeit very carefully) because of the
ity came into existence in the context of the late Roman dearth of information on the beginnings of Islam found in
Empire and Buddhism was introduced to China during the the few Muslim and Arabic sources that remain to us. We
decline of the Han. have added this important perspective to our discussion
Out of the crumbling Roman Empire new political sys- of the birth of Islam. By the time the Abbasid Empire came
tems and a new religion emerged, the major topic of Chap- into being in the middle of the eighth century, Islamic
ter 8, “The Rise of Universal Religions, 300–600 ce .” The armies, political leaders, and clerics exercised power over
Byzantine Empire, claiming to be the successor state to the much of the Afro-Eurasian landmass from southern Spain,
Roman Empire, embraced Christianity as its state religion. across North Africa, all the way to central Asia. The Tang
The Tang rulers patronized Buddhism to such a degree that Empire in China, however, served as a counterweight to
Confucian statesmen feared it had become the state reli- Islam’s power both politically and intellectually. Confu-
gion. This chapter has new information on the Sogdians, a cianism enjoyed a spectacular recovery in this period.
pastoral peoples who inhabited central Asia and were vital With the Tang rulers, Confucianism slowed the spread
in spreading Buddhism and supporting Silk Road trade. of Buddhism and further reinforced China’s development
Both Buddhism and Christianity enjoyed spectacular suc- along different, more secular pathways. Japan and Korea
cess in the politically fragmented post-Han era in China also enter world history at this time as tributary states to
and in the feudal world of western Europe. These dynamic Tang China and as hybrid cultures that mixed Chinese
religions represent a decisive transformation in world his- customs and practices with their own. The Christian world
tory. Christianity enjoyed its eventual successes through split in this period between the western Latin church and
xxiv | Preface
the eastern Byzantine church. Both branches of Christian- New dynasties emerged all across Afro-Eurasia. The Ming
ity played a role in unifying societies, especially in west- replaced the Mongol Yuan dynasty in China. A small band
ern Europe, which lacked strong political rule at a time of Muslim warriors in Anatolia became sophisticated mil-
when all of Europe experienced a profound and disabling itary tacticians and administrators and created an empire
drop in temperature. that would last as the Ottoman Empire until the end of
In the three centuries from 1000 to 1300 (Chapter 10, World War I. New Muslim dynasts also took over South
“Becoming ‘The World,’ 1000–1300 ce ”), Afro-Eurasia Asia (the Mughals) and the Iranian plateau (Safavids). Nor
experienced an unprecedented rise in prosperity and pop- was Europe left behind, for here, too, new dynamic rulers
ulation that even spread into West and East Africa. Just as came to the thrones in England, France, Spain, and Por-
importantly, the world in this period divided into regional tugal, ready to project their power overseas. Volume One
zones that are recognizable today. And trade grew rapidly. concludes on the eve of the Columbian Exchange, the
A view of the major trading cities of this time demon- moment when “old” worlds discovered “new” ones and a
strates how commerce transformed cultures. Sub-Saharan vast series of global interconnections and divergences
Africa also underwent intense regional integration via commenced.
the spread of the Mande-speaking peoples and the Mali
Empire. The Americas witnessed their first empire in the
form of the Chimu peoples in the Andes. This chapter ends
OVERVIEW OF VOLUME TWO
with the Mongol conquests of the twelfth and thirteenth The organizational structure for Volume Two reaffirms
centuries, which brought massive destruction. The Mongol the commitment to write a decentered, global history
Empire, however, once in place, promoted long-distance of the world. Christopher Columbus is not the starting
commerce, scholarly exchange, and travel on an unprece- point, as he is in so many modern world histories. Rather,
dented scale. The Mongols brought Eurasia, North Africa, we begin in the eleventh and twelfth centuries with two
and many parts of sub-Saharan Africa into a new connect- major developments in world history: the Mongols and the
edness. The Mongol story also underscores the import- Black Death. The first, set forth in Chapter 10, “Becoming
ant role that nomads played throughout the history of the ‘The World,’ 1000–1300 ce,” describes a world that was
early world. Just as much of Europe had suffered through divided for the first time into regions that are recognizable
a drop in temperature in the ninth and tenth centuries, as today. This world experienced rapid population growth,
described in Chapter 9, now a radical fall in temperature as is shown by a simple look at the major trading cities
in combination with drought troubled the eastern Mediter- from Asia in the east to the Mediterranean in the west. Yet
reanean and the Islamic world. Here the result was a steep nomadic peoples remained a force, as revealed in the Mon-
decline in standards of living, leading to riots and political gol invasions of Afro-Eurasia.
fragmentation. Even so, Islamic science flourished, and Chapter 11, “Crises and Recovery in Afro-Eurasia,
China became the most urbanized part of the world. 1300–1500,” describes how the Mongol warriors, through
The Black Death brought Afro-Eurasia’s prosperity and their conquests and the integration of the Afro-Eurasian
population growth to a catastrophic end, as discussed in world, unwittingly spread the bubonic plague, which
Chapter 11, “Crises and Recovery in Afro-Eurasia, 1300– brought death and depopulation to much of Afro-Eurasia.
1500.” The death and destruction of the fourteenth cen- Both these stories set the stage for the modern world and
tury saw traditional institutions give way, forcing peoples are clear-cut turning points in world history. The primary
to rebuild their cultures. The political systems that came agents of world connection described in this chapter were
into being at this time and the intense religious experi- dynasts, soldiers, clerics, merchants, and adventurers who
mentation that took place effected a sharp break with the rebuilt the societies that disease and political collapse had
past. The bubonic plague wiped out as much as two-thirds destroyed.
of the population in many of the densely settled locations The Mongols joined the two hemispheres, as we
of Afro-Eurasia. Societies once brought to their knees by describe in Chapter 12, “Contact, Commerce, and Colo-
the Mongols’ depredations now suffered grievously from nization, 1450–1600,” bringing the peoples and products
biological pathogens. In the face of one of humanity’s of the Western Hemisphere into contact and conflict with
grimmest periods, peoples and societies demonstrated Eurasia and Africa. It is the collision between the Eastern
tremendous resilience as they looked for new ways to and Western Hemispheres that sets in motion modern
rebuild their communities, some turning inward and oth- world history and marks a distinct divide or turning point
ers seeking inspiration, conquests, and riches elsewhere. between the premodern and the modern. Here, too, disease
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custom, however, of printing English books at Antwerp revived at the
very beginning of the sixteenth century, for Adrian van Berghen
printed an edition of Holt’s Lac Puerorum, and John of Doesborch
issued a whole series of English popular books, some of them
remarkably curious.
Among the stationers who came to England from abroad the most
important was certainly Frederick Egmont. He was probably a
Frenchman, but his printing was mainly done in Venice, and he
seems to have been the agent of the Venetian printer Johannes
Hertzog de Landoia. From this Venetian press came a large number
of service books for English use, editions of the Breviary and Missal.
The Sarum Horae on the other hand is only represented by one
edition, issued about 1494, of which only a few leaves are known.
Egmont during his earliest years as a stationer was connected with
no press except that of Hertzog, and we do not know of any books
by this printer produced for any other English stationer, so that as
regards liturgical books for English use known to us only from
fragments we are justified, I think, in attributing to Egmont as
stationer such as we can determine from their type to have been
printed by Hertzog.
The first book in which his name occurs is an edition of the Breviary
according to the use of York, of which the only known copy is in the
Bodleian, having been originally in the great liturgical collection of
Richard Gough. It is a small thick octavo of 462 leaves, and was
issued in May, 1493. Two if not three editions of the Sarum Breviary
in octavo were printed about this same time, but we know of their
existence only from fragments discovered in bindings. Fragments of
one edition are in a binding in the library of St John’s College,
Cambridge, of another in a binding at Lambeth, while some leaves of
probably a third edition are in the library of Corpus Christi College,
Oxford.
In 1494 Egmont had commissioned Hertzog to print for him two
editions of the Sarum Missal, one in folio, the other in octavo. The
folio edition is of great rarity, but there is a beautiful though slightly
imperfect copy in the Sandars collection in the University Library.
The title-page is wanting and also the leaf containing the engraving
of the Crucifixion which should precede the Canon of the Mass. In
the imprint we are told that the book was finished on the 1st of
September, 1494, by John Hertzog de Landoia for Fredericus de
Egmont and Gerardus Barrevelt. This Gerardus Barrevelt was clearly
a partner of Egmont’s as their initials occur together in the device on
the title-page. This device is remarkable for the delicacy of its
execution. It consists of a circle divided by a perpendicular line
produced beyond the top of the circle, the projection being crossed
by two bars. In the left-hand half of the circle are the initials and mark
of Egmont, in the right those of Barrevelt. The whole is enclosed in a
square frame, and the background contains sprays of leaves. It so
resembles in style and appearance the mark used by the printer
John Hertzog that we may be pretty certain it was cut under his
supervision at Venice.
The octavo Missal of 1494, a much commoner book than the last,
was issued in December. On the last leaf is Hertzog’s mark and the
words, “Fredericus egmont me fieri fecit.” There is no mention of
Barrevelt, and the double device does not occur in the book, which
makes it appear as though this edition was printed for Egmont alone.
Both these editions of the Missal contain exquisitely designed
woodcut initials, the most graceful to be found in any early book.
In the Bodleian there is a copy of the “Pars estivalis” of the Sarum
Breviary printed at Venice in 1495, which contains again the device
of Egmont and Barrevelt, though the imprint mentions Egmont’s
name only. After 1495 we hear nothing more of Egmont until 1499,
when he seems to have got rid of his former partner Barrevelt and
joined with a man named Peter post pascha, and these two
commissioned Pynson to print them an edition of the Promptorium
Puerorum. After 1499 Egmont disappeared for a long time; we know
of him working as a bookbinder, and it is probable that he stayed on
for some time in England, for he is mentioned as a witness in a law-
suit in London in 1502. When he does reappear it is in Paris, where
he had some books printed for him about 1517-1520.
It is very disappointing that we have practically no information about
Frederick Egmont, for it is clear from the number of books that he
had printed for him in Venice that he must have been a stationer of
very considerable importance. The colophons of his books give,
beyond his mere name, no information whatever about him: we do
not even know in what part of London or under what sign he lived.
The stationers seem always to have settled in St Paul’s Churchyard,
and I cannot help thinking that part of that district may have been “in
the liberties,” as it was called, of some church. Though the Act of
Richard allowed foreigners to come over and trade, yet I do not
suppose his Act could override the rights of the trade guilds. It
certainly did not in York, for there a stationer must be a freeman by
right or by purchase before he could carry on certain businesses,
that of a stationer amongst the number, within the city. There were,
however, certain liberties where an alien could live and trade; and we
find at York that their earliest stationer, Gerard Wanseford, does not
appear in the city register. Having taken up his abode within the
liberty of St Peter, he was privileged to carry on business there
without being a freeman of the city.
In the same way in London, I suppose, the various trades had their
rights and could prevent foreigners from competing, except they
resided within the liberties. Of course there was a Stationers’
Company in London in the fifteenth century, though unfortunately
most of the records relating to it have disappeared, and it would
protect its own members. We see in the early bindings how
ostentatiously the binders who were freemen decorated their
bindings with the arms of London, and there is no doubt that as far
as trading in the City was concerned the foreigner was considerably
handicapped in comparison with the freeman.
We know from the few early documents remaining that the London
Company of Stationers was a powerful and important body, and the
members of it must certainly have enjoyed certain privileges.
Nicholas Lecomte was another stationer who appears to have been
settled in England by 1494, in which year, so far as I know, his first
dated book appears. M. Madden, a French writer on early printing, in
the fifth volume of his Lettres d’une Bibliographe, speaks of Hopyl
having printed a book for Lecomte in 1493. Several times in writing
to him I asked for some information about this book, its whereabouts
or its name even, but though he sent always voluminous replies to
my letters, he never would touch on this particular point. I think,
therefore, we may consider that this 1493 book never existed, and
take the 1494 book as the first. This was an edition of the Liber
Synonymorum, printed by Hopyl, of which there are copies in the
University Library, the British Museum, and the Bodleian.
In the imprint Lecomte is described as living in London by St Paul’s
Churchyard at the sign of St Nicholas. His device depicts St Nicholas
restoring to life the three children who had been killed and pickled, a
favourite subject of the early bookbinders.
I think it is worth noting here, that so far as I can discover the sign of
a house was not in any way permanent, but could apparently be
changed at will. I noticed this in reading through a catalogue or
précis of some thousands of deeds relating to property in London at
this time and a little earlier. We find endless notices of houses with
changed signs, “the tenement now called the Rose, formerly the
Lion,” the “house called the Bull, formerly called the Rose,” and so
on. Naturally if a house got celebrated for any reason it would be
politic to keep the sign, but there seems to have been no compulsion
to do so.
In 1495 an edition of Mirk’s Liber Festivalis and Quattuor Sermones
was printed by Hopyl for Lecomte. This contains Lecomte’s device at
the end of the Liber Festivalis and a curious device at the end of the
Quattuor Sermones, used sometimes by Hopyl, but which does not
bear on its face any appearance of having been made for him.
At the time when this book was printed Hopyl had in his office as
press corrector an Edinburgh man called David Lauxius, the earliest
Scotchman we know of employed in a printing-office. He afterwards
became a schoolmaster at Arras, and appears to have been a man
of considerable ability, and a friend of the celebrated Parisian printer
and editor, Badius Ascensius, who addresses to him some of the
prefatory letters in his grammars. What Scotch name is represented
by the Latin Lauxius no one has yet been able to determine.
The last book printed for Lecomte was printed at Paris by Jean
Jehannot, and is an edition of the Sarum Horae. It is a book of very
great rarity, but there are two copies in Cambridge, one in Trinity
College, and the other in the Sandars collection in the University
Library, the latter containing a small supplement not found in the
other copies, and which was not originally intended to form part of
the book, since the prayers in it are not referred to in the list of
contents. The imprint is curious; it states that the edition has been
revised and corrected in the celebrated University of Paris, and
printed for Nicolas Lecomte of that University, settled for the time
being in England as a merchant of books. I do not know whether this
means merely that he was educated at the University or whether he
was one of the privileged stationers attached to it, though in the latter
case he would hardly have come to settle in England. Like Frederick
Egmont, Lecomte was also a bookbinder.
Before the end of the century another stationer was settled in
England whose name we know, John Boudins. We know of only one
book printed for him, an edition of the Expositio Hymnorum et
Sequentiarum of Salisbury use, which was printed at the beginning
of 1502 by Bocard of Paris. Boudins was probably then an old man,
for his will is dated the 11th of October, 1501, and it was proved on
the 30th of March, 1503. He lived in the parish of St Clement’s,
Eastcheap, and was apparently a naturalised Fleming, and an
immigrant from Antwerp.
A great difficulty in the way of tracing these stationers, especially
those from the Low Countries, is the very sparing use they made of
their proper surnames. In legal documents such as wills or letters of
denization the formal name would be given, whereas in ordinary
parlance and in the imprints of books they would be spoken of by a
kind of nickname taken from the town from which they came, like
William de Machlinia, Wynkyn de Worde, and so on. So that we
should probably find, if we had more information on the subject, that
in many cases two men who are treated as different may turn out to
be only one man under two names. The number of stationers that
existed at this time in England was probably very large, and it is sad
to think that our information on the subject is so meagre. Of course
unless the stationer was wealthy enough or in a good way of
business he would not be able to commission whole editions of
books from a foreign printer, and therefore he would not have his
name in the imprint. Then again the greater part of a stationer’s
stock would consist of foreign books which were not necessarily
printed for England. For information of this class we can only look to
manuscript sources, accounts kept by the bookseller, lists of
imported books, and so on.
There exists, for instance, a list of books for sale at Oxford in 1483
by Thomas Hunte, which has been edited by Mr Madan for the
Oxford Historical Society. At the head of the list is the following
sentence in Latin: “Here follows the inventory of the books which I,
Thomas Hunte, stationer of the University of Oxford, have received
from Master Peter Actors and John of Aix-la-Chapelle to sell, with the
price of each book, and I promise faithfully to return the books or the
money according to the price written below as it appears in the
following list.” The two men mentioned were travelling stationers
from London, supplying so much stock to the bookseller on a system
of sale or return.
A document such as the Day-book of John Dorne, the journal or
account-book of an Oxford bookseller in 1520, which was edited by
Mr Madan for the Oxford Historical Society, and about which Henry
Bradshaw wrote his Half-century of Notes, the last piece of work
which he finished, is a find of the utmost importance in our subject,
and it is perhaps not too much to expect that more documents of this
kind may be forthcoming. In the account-book we notice that after
the 21st of May up to the 3rd of August there is an entire blank, and
Dorne begins his account-book again “post recessum meum de ultra
mare.” I think we should be safe in concluding that these months
were spent abroad on business and in the purchase of books.
Sometimes such information is found amongst the waste leaves
used to make boards for bindings. The University Librarian read a
note before the Antiquarian Society here giving an account of a letter
on business matters written from a foreign printer to John Siberch,
the first printer in Cambridge, which was found among other waste
matter used to make the boards of a binding now in Westminster
Abbey Library, and letters of bookbinders have been found in the
same way.
We have not, unfortunately, any book however meagre on this
subject which might serve as a basis on which to build up
information. Isolated facts turn up occasionally here or there, but
there being no regular place for us to put them they drop out of sight
again. And it is only when we have collected a number of these facts
and begin to find the links that piece them together that we can
arrive at any definite knowledge of the subject.
I do not suppose we may expect to find much new information from
books themselves, but from manuscript sources a good deal may yet
be discovered. Within the last year or two many documents relating
to stationers and printers of the early sixteenth century have been
found at the Record Office, and there must be many more still to be
found there; besides, the documents in the Record Office are only a
part of our great collections.
However, as I said before, what we most want is an account as full
as possible of the booksellers and stationers up to 1535, giving us all
the information that has yet been discovered, to serve as a
groundwork for what may be found in the future.
LECTURE IV.
THE BOOKBINDERS.
From the very earliest times the bookbindings produced in England
were remarkable for their beauty and richness. The finest were of gold,
ornamented with gems, but their value has led to their destruction, and I
do not think that there is any early binding of this class now in existence.
Leather was very soon recognised as a suitable material for book-covers,
being easily worked and capable of receiving a considerable amount of
ornament. The earliest leather binding known is on a beautiful little
manuscript of St John’s Gospel, taken from the tomb of St Cuthbert, and
now preserved in the library of Stonyhurst College. It is of red leather, and
the centre of the side is ornamented with a raised ornament of Celtic
design, while above and below are small panels filled with interlaced
lines, executed apparently with a pointed tool and coloured yellow. This
binding is generally considered to be of the tenth century, though there
are some reasons for thinking that it may have been executed later, but if
this is so the present binding must have been copied from an earlier one.
Excellent as the early work had been, that of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries is unsurpassed. The leather bindings executed at Durham for
Bishop Pudsey between 1153 and 1195 are marvellous both for their
detail and for their general effect. It was the custom of binders of this
period to build up a bold and effective pattern covering the whole side of
the book by means of a large number of dies, beautifully engraved with
different designs. On the four volumes of Bishop Pudsey’s Bible, now in
the Cathedral library at Durham, no less than fifty-one different dies are
used, and when we remember that Bishop Pudsey was one of the great
builders of the cathedral, it is not surprising that the ornamentation on the
dies used in these bindings should resemble the carved work in the
cathedral. There are in the Cathedral library seven of these early
bindings, and, unfortunately, they have suffered a considerable amount of
mutilation at a not very remote date, for visitors on payment of a small
gratuity to the person who looked after the library were allowed to cut out
with a penknife one of the stamps to keep as a curiosity. A few more
Durham bindings, easily recognised by the dies, are scattered in different
libraries in London and in France.
At Winchester, also, and London very beautiful work of the same class
was produced, the circular form of decoration being very much made use
of. Perhaps the finest piece of Winchester work now in existence is the
binding of the Winchester Domesday Book in the library of the Society of
Antiquaries, of which a facsimile was published in the illustrated catalogue
of the exhibition of bookbindings at the Burlington Fine Arts Club. Some
very fine work, too, probably executed at Winchester, is to be found on
some manuscripts in the library of the Faculty of Medicine at Montpellier
executed before 1146 for Henry, son of Louis VII of France.
The metal dies with which these bindings were stamped were practically
indestructible, but it is curious to notice that they hardly ever appear to
have been used after the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. In
Westminster Abbey library is a copy of the Epistolae of Ficinus, printed in
1495, which has its covers ornamented with early Winchester stamps,
and another binding worked with twelfth century dies is on a fifteenth
century printed book in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
In all these early bindings one is especially struck with the extraordinary
taste and balance in the decoration. The dies themselves are beautiful,
and the pattern in which they are built up is also beautiful, and yet neither
are unduly emphasised. In later bindings the die became smaller and less
finely cut. It was not intended to be decorative in itself, but only to help to
build up patterns, and the bindings in consequence lose much of their
interest.
Oxford, I believe, is generally credited with clinging somewhat strongly to
old traditions, and certainly its bookbinders did so in the fifteenth century.
From the earliest times bookbinding had been considerably practised
there and continued without a break, and no doubt that is why the old
styles lingered for so long. The bindings produced there towards the end
of the century form the connecting link between the old styles and the
new. They represent the last survival of the early English school of work,
that very distinctive English style which depended so much on the
disposal of dies into large circles, or parallelograms one inside the other,
such as we find in the Winchester and Durham bindings of the twelfth or
thirteenth centuries. That this circular work was not the haphazard freak of
a single binder we can see from the fact that several of the dies are wider
at the top than at the bottom, so that when placed together side by side
they would naturally work round to a circular form, like the stones forming
the arch of a bridge. These dies are in many cases foreign in design and
may have been introduced by Rood, the first printer, but the style of
binding is essentially English. Some bindings of a rather similar
appearance, though never with any circular ornament, were produced in
the Low Countries. On nearly all Oxford bindings will be found little groups
of three small circles, so small that they might have been done with the
end of a watch-key, and arranged in a triangle. This ornament I have
never seen on any but Oxford work. One habit connects the Oxford
binders with those of the Low Countries, and that is their habit of always,
when possible, lining the boards of the binding with leaves of vellum
rather than paper. All the other English binders used paper generally for
this purpose. It is owing to this custom of using vellum that many copies
of Indulgences issued by the early printers have been preserved, for, as
they were only printed on one side, the binder could paste them down
with the printed side next the boards and the clean side outwards. An
Oxford binding with an inscription stating that it was bound in “Catte
Strete” in 1467 was formerly in the British Museum: the manuscript which
it covered has been rebound and the old binding has disappeared.
Caxton, as one would naturally expect, followed the style of binding which
he had become used to during his residence at Bruges, though it is
interesting to notice that one at least of his dies was directly copied from
early London work and applied in the same manner. His general method
of covering the side of his binding was to make a large centre panel
contained by a framework of dies or lines running about an inch from the
edge of the side and intersecting each other at the corners as in the frame
known as an Oxford frame. The large panel thus produced on the side
was divided into lozenge-shaped compartments by diagonal lines running
both ways from the frame, and in each of these compartments a die was
stamped. The die most commonly found on his bindings is a square one
with some fabulous winged monster engraved upon it, and this very die
we find later in the hands of a stationer in London named Jacobi. The
broad frame was often made up by repetitions of a triangular stamp,
pointing alternately right and left, and containing the figure of a dragon.
This stamp is interesting, not only because the use of a triangular stamp
was very uncommon, but because it was an exact copy of one used by a
London binder about the end of the twelfth century. Very few of Caxton’s
own books in their original binding have come down to our time, but there
is a copy of the second edition of the Liber Festivalis in the British
Museum which was clearly bound by him, and the Boethius which was
found in the Grammar School at St Alban’s was also in its original cover.
The Royal Book formerly in the Bedfordshire General Library, and now in
the collection of Mr J. Pierpont Morgan, is in an absolutely similar binding
to the Liber Festivalis in the British Museum, ornamented with the same
die, while the boards were lined with two waste copies of an Indulgence.
Caxton’s bindings were invariably of leather; he never used vellum as
many writers have stated. Blades, who was amongst the number, refers
to a vellum-bound Caxton in the Bodleian, and states that it is the original
binding; but had he examined the book more carefully he would have
found that it was made up from two copies, and that the binding therefore
could not well be original. Indeed the particular binding was put on in the
seventeenth century while the book belonged to Selden. Selden’s
bindings had good need to be flexible, for one of his customs did not tend
to improve bindings. He used to buy his spectacles, like the youth in the
Vicar of Wakefield, by the gross, and whenever he stopped reading a
book he put in the pair he happened to be using to mark the place. It was
quite a common thing, soon after his library came to the Bodleian, for
spectacles to drop out of the books as they were taken incautiously from
the shelves.
Of course the number of bindings which can with certainty be ascribed to
Caxton is necessarily small, we can in the first place take only those on
books printed by him, and which contain distinct evidence from the
fragments used in the binding that they came from his workshop. By
means of the stamps used on these we can identify others which have no
other materials for identification. Caxton used sometimes wooden boards
in his bindings and sometimes waste leaves of printed matter pasted
together. These pads of old printing frequently yield most valuable prizes.
The copy of Caxton’s Boethius, found by Blades in the library of the St
Alban’s Grammar-school, had its boards made of printed matter, which,
when carefully taken to pieces, were found to be made of fifty-six half-
sheets of paper, forming portions of thirteen books printed by Caxton,
three of which were quite unknown.
Caxton’s binding stamps passed with his printing material to his
successor, Wynkyn de Worde. I found in a college library at Oxford a book
with these stamps, evidently bound by De Worde, and the boards were
lined with waste leaves of three books printed by him, one being
unknown, and one by Caxton. De Worde’s bindings are the least easily
identified of any in the fifteenth century, for beyond these few dies of
Caxton’s there are none that can definitely be ascribed to him, and even
the various bindings that might be ascribed to him from the fragments
found in them vary so much in style and decoration that it seems
impossible that they could have all come from one shop. Perhaps he had
really no binding establishment of his own, but got such work as he
required done by others.
Wynkyn de Worde, as we learn from his will, employed several binders.
He left bequests to Alard, bookbinder, his servant, and to Nowel, the
bookbinder in Shoe Lane. James Gaver, who was one of his executors,
was one of the large family of Gavere, binders in the Low Countries, and
though, when he took out letters of denization on his own account in 1535
he is described as a stationer, no doubt he was also a bookbinder. The
square stamp with a dragon, which had belonged to Caxton and which
must have passed to De Worde, found its way early in the sixteenth
century with other dies of Caxton’s into the hands of another stationer,
Henry Jacobi.
The bindings which were produced by Lettou and Machlinia, so far as we
are able to identify them, are very plain. The sides are divided by diagonal
lines into diamond-shaped compartments, and in each is stamped a small
and uninteresting die. The Latin Bible in the library of Jesus College,
Cambridge, which has every quire lined with slips of vellum, portions of
two cut-up copies of Lettou’s Indulgence, and presumably bound by him,
has its binding ornamented with diagonal lines within a frame formed of
square dies containing the figure of a fabulous animal. In the diamond-
shaped compartments formed by the diagonal lines is a small impressed
cinquefoil. Another Lettou binding, on the copy of the Wallensis printed by
him in 1481 in the Bodleian, is ornamented simply with diagonal lines, but
has no small stamps.
There is another English binder of this time whose name we do not know,
who produced some very good work. Bradshaw, I think, considered that
he worked at Norwich. There are a number of his books in Cambridge
libraries, and he used very often a red-coloured leather, which is common
in Cambridge bindings. His dies are Low Country in type, and very much
resemble those used at Oxford, but his work can be recognised by two
peculiarities. He always ruled two perpendicular lines down the backs of
his books, and always ornamented the ends of the bands, the bands
being those ridges on the back where the leather covers the string or cord
on which the quires are stitched. Where these bands ended on the sides
he printed a kind of ornament of leaves. He also, like the Oxford binders,
almost always lined his boards with vellum. His dies, about eighteen in
number, are well engraved, one in especial representing two cocks
fighting, being very finely executed.
Pynson’s earliest bindings are as a rule very plain. Like the other binders
of the time he ruled diagonal lines across the sides of his books, and put
a small die in each division. Sometimes he did not even use a die, but
contented himself with plain lines, as, for instance, on the copy of his first
dated book of 1492 in the British Museum. His bindings, like Machlinia’s,
are very plain, and the dies used are small and poor.
Another binder, perhaps at St Alban’s, produced bindings not unlike
Pynson’s, but he is identified by a small circular die which he used, which
has on it the figure of a bird.
Another binder whose initials were W. G., but whose name we do not
know, produced a large number of bindings in the fifteenth century. It is
from his bindings that all the fragments of Machlinia’s Horae ad usum
Sarum have been recovered, for he seems to have used up a copy for
lining his boards, and luckily several books bound about that time have
been preserved. Bradshaw found a curious case of the preservation of
two volumes bound in the same workshop about the same time. In the
library of St John’s College, Cambridge, is a copy of a book printed at
Nuremberg in 1505, which has in its cover some leaves of early Oxford
printing. In the library at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, is an exactly
similar binding on a book printed at Lyons in 1511, which also contains
some early Oxford leaves. Now it is clear that the same man must have
bound these books about the same time, because we find in both, along
with the refuse Oxford leaves, some leaves from one and the same
vellum manuscript.
There is one English binder, who worked before the end of the fifteenth
century, who is distinctly worthy of special mention on account of the
striking originality of his method of decoration and designs. His name,
unfortunately, we do not know, but as one of his most frequently used dies
represents a balance or pair of scales it has been conjectured that this
may be a rebus on his name, such as many binders used, and that he
was called “Scales.” Two volumes executed by this binder are known,
which were done for a certain William Langton, and the centre panel is
ornamented with a rebus on the name Langton, the letters Lang over a
barrel or tun, while the rest of the side is filled up with little stamps. This
Langton may perhaps be identified with the William Langton who was a
prebendary of Lincoln and afterwards of York at the end of the fifteenth
century. Another even more curious binding by this same man is in the
library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. He has disposed his dies so
as to form a large heraldic shield, covering the whole side of a folio
volume, a style of adornment quite unique so far as I am aware, and as
an ornament extremely effective, though I am afraid the heraldry is hardly
sufficiently accurate to enable us to determine for whom the volume was
bound.
The bindings that I have spoken of so far were all produced in a slow and
laborious manner, as each die had to be impressed separately. Towards
the end of the fifteenth century, however, when the printers in England
began to issue books of a small size, a new system of binding was
introduced, by which the labour of the binder was very considerably
lessened, while the amount of decoration applied was increased.
The invention and use of the panel stamp, that is of a large stamp which
should ornament the side of the book with one picture, was a great step
forward. It was a great advantage commercially as it saved much time,
and in some ways it was an advance artistically. By its means the whole
side of the book was ornamented at once, instead of by a series of dies
impressed one after the other. And as the working out of a binding had
ceased to be its main point and the beauty of the die itself was more
emphasised, this invention did away with the building up of a pattern
altogether, and depended entirely on the excellence in design and
workmanship of the stamp. Mr Weale assigns the date 1367 to the
earliest panel stamp known to him, produced by a certain Lambertus de
Insula at Louvain, but this is only because the manuscript on which it
occurs bears that date. Without some further evidence I should be
inclined to think this date rather too early, and would not date any panel
stamp before the fifteenth century.
There is no doubt that the binders of the Low Countries were the earliest
to introduce this style of binding, and they produced very excellent work;
and the earliest panel stamps we find in use in England are Netherlandish
in execution, either used in this country by foreign workmen, who had
come over and settled, or obtained by native binders from abroad. The
earliest stamps were no doubt for the most part of metal, and therefore
practically indestructible, and we know that they often passed out of the
hands of their proper owner and were used by other binders, even though
the name of their original owner was engraved upon them. As an example
I may mention a book-cover in the Douce collection in the Bodleian, on
which two stamps are impressed side by side. One has the name John
Guilibert, the other the inscription, “Omnes sancti angeli et archangeli dei,
orate pro nobis. Ioris de Gavere me ligavit in Gandavo.” A still more
marvellous example, and one almost certainly bound in England, is in the
library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. It has on the two covers,
besides innumerable dies, no less than nine panels, two signed Woter
Vanduffle, three signed Martinus de Predio, and four signed Jacobus,
illuminator. The binding almost looks like a sample put out to show a
specimen of every stamp and die in the establishment. The Woter
Vanduffle stamp seems very early. I have in my own collection an English
heraldic manuscript of about the middle of the fifteenth century or slightly
earlier in its original binding impressed with the two panels of that binder.
In these earliest panels the inscription nearly always runs perpendicularly,
either in the centre of the panel, cutting it in two, or at the side of the
picture. One peculiarly distinctive feature of the earliest panels is the
presence of four indentations, more or less deep and clearly defined at
each corner. These were made most probably by the heads of the nails
by which the metal plate was affixed to a block before used for stamping.
These four marks never seem to occur in later panels, which, if they have
any, have only two, considerably larger in size, one at the top and one at
the bottom. It has long been a vexed question as to whether these stamps
were made of metal or of wood, but it is probable that both materials were
used, and that the majority of English stamps were of wood. As no heat
was applied and the leather treated when it was damp and soft, a wooden
stamp would be sufficiently strong, and I have found by experiment that
soft leather takes an excellent impression from a wooden block. I have,
however, in my own collection a binding struck from a broken plate, and
the appearance of the break shows clearly that the stamp must have
been of metal.
The earliest definitely English panel stamp is on a loose binding in
Westminster Abbey library. It has on it the arms of Edward IV, with two
small supporting angels. The rest of the binding is covered with small
dies, one in the shape of a heart, the other a fleur de lys. It is a great pity
that the book which was in this binding has been lost, as it might have
contained some clue to information about the binding.
Wynkyn de Worde, in spite of his enormous business, does not seem to
have ever used a panel with his name or device, at least so far not one
has been found, but with other printers and stationers the case is
different. Pynson used two panels. One is a copy of one of his devices,
having his initials on a shield with the helmet and crest above, while
around all is a floral border. The other has in the centre a large Tudor
rose, surrounded by intertwined branches of vine leaves and grapes. This
latter panel was a popular one, and several variations of it are to be
found, all of which are probably of the fifteenth century.
The only copy at present known of the Pynson panel with his mark was
acquired not long ago by the British Museum. I had known of the
existence of the copy for some time, as it had belonged to a Manchester
bookseller who had described it to me. He had sold the book, but had no
record of the purchaser, and knew nothing of him further than that he lived
in London. One day while I was working in the Museum a visitor came in
with this identical book and offered it for sale. The book itself was a copy
of the Abridgement of the Statutes of 1499. Herbert, in his Typographical
Antiquities, describes a copy of the Imitation of Christ, printed by Pynson,
which was in a similar binding, and perhaps that may still be in existence;
but I am sorry to say that the collectors at the beginning of the present
century ruthlessly destroyed all old bindings, and would not have anything
on their shelves except bound in morocco or russia by Roger Payne or
Charles Lewis. There is not one single old leather binding in the whole of
the Spencer library, though we know that many of the books when bought
were in their original covers.
Binding of Frederick Egmont.
In the top corners we generally find shields with the arms of St George
and of London, while in the base below the rose or shield occur the initials
and marks of the binders. This general use of the royal arms together with
the use of the arms of London points, I think, to some trade guild to which
these binders belonged. Foreigners, though they might still use the royal
arms, do not use the City arms, putting something else in the place,
sometimes the French shield, sometimes merely an unmeaning
ornament. It is a very popular but erroneous opinion held by a great many
people that these bindings with the royal arms were produced for the king,
Henry VII or Henry VIII as the case may be. It would be just as
reasonable to imagine that all the shops with the royal arms over the door
were private residences of the king. Of course, the fiction is kept up in
order to increase the price of the books; “from the library of Henry VIII”
looks well in catalogues. Even in the sumptuous work recently issued on
the historic bookbindings in the Royal Library at Windsor this mistake has
been repeated.
A very large number of these bindings exist, all very similar; but
unfortunately, although in many cases they bear the binder’s initials and
mark, we cannot discover his name; on the other hand again we know the
names of many binders, but we cannot identify their work; the mere fact
that the initials on a binding agree with the initials of a binder’s name does
not of necessity determine that the particular binding was produced by
that binder; a good deal more proof is necessary.
A certain number of these bindings have been settled as the work of a
certain man in another way. When the binder was a printer, or a stationer
of sufficient importance to have books printed for him, then we can
identify the mark on his bindings by means of the mark used in the books.
For instance, to take an early example. We have bindings by Julian
Notary, the printer, which bear his initials and mark, and the mark, of
course, is the same as the one he uses in his books, while in them his
name is in full. So again the work of Henry Jacobi, an important London
stationer of the early sixteenth century, was traced by the mark which he
uses in some of his books.
We know the names of a considerable number of early binders from the
registers of the grant of letters of denization and other manuscript
sources, but unfortunately we have no link between them and the
bindings. In this country it was not necessary, as it was in some parts of
the Low Countries, to register the design of a binding, and though many
of the Low Country bindings look the same, you will find on examination
that the detail varies and each design was protected.
The binder who is best known in connexion with these stamped bindings
is John Reynes, whose work is by far the most commonly met with, and
who is almost the only producer of stamped bindings mentioned by any
early bibliographer. His best-known panel is called “Redemptoris mundi
arma,” and consists of all the emblems of the Passion arranged in a
heraldic manner upon a shield. Reynes was certainly employed as a
binder by Henry VIII, as we know from early accounts, and so far as I
have seen all the copies of the king’s Assertio septem sacramentorum,
which remain in their original binding, were bound by him. It is fortunate
that Reynes put his mark and name in one printed book, otherwise we
should not have been able to identify him as the binder. He had also two