Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Doctrine of necessity latest
Doctrine of necessity latest
The doctrine of necessity is the basis on which extraordinary actions by administrative authority,
which are designed to restore order or uphold fundamental constitutional principles, are
considered to be lawful even if such an action contravenes established constitution, laws,
norms, or conventions. The maxim on which the doctrine is based originated in the writings of
the medieval jurist Henry de Bracton, and similar justifications for this kind of extra-legal action
have been advanced by more recent legal authorities, including William Blackstone.
In a controversial 1954 judgment, Pakistani Chief Justice Muhammad Munir validated the extra-
constitutional use of emergency powers by Governor General, Ghulam Mohammad.[1] In his
judgment, the Chief Justice cited Bracton's maxim, 'that which is otherwise not lawful is made
lawful by necessity', thereby providing the label that would come to be attached to the judgment
and the doctrine that it was establishing.
The doctrine of necessity may also refer to the necessity of a judge with a reasonable
apprehension of bias continuing to decide a matter if there is no alternative to that judge. The
Supreme Court of Canada applied this doctrine in the 1998 Reference re Remuneration of Judges
(No 2) case.
International law
In international law, the exception is allowed by the UN's International Law Commission (ILC) to
be used by a state facing "grave and imminent peril":[2][3]
1. Necessity may not be invoked by a State as a ground for precluding the
wrongfulness of an act not in conformity with an international obligation of that
State unless the act:
Instances of invocation
The doctrine of necessity has been invoked in a number of Commonwealth countries.
Pakistan, 1954
On 24 October 1954 the Governor-General of Pakistan, Ghulam Mohammad, dissolved the
Constituent Assembly and appointed a new Council of Ministers on the grounds that the existing
one no longer represented the people of Pakistan. Stanley de Smith argues that the real reason
for the dissolution was because Mohammad objected to the constitution which the Assembly
was about to adopt.[6]: 98 The President of the Constituent Assembly, Maulvi Tamizuddin,
appealed to the Chief Court of Sind at Karachi to restrain the new Council of Ministers from
implementing the dissolution and to determine the validity of the appointment of the new
Council under Section 223-A of the constitution.
In response, members of the new Council of Ministers appealed to the court saying that it had
no jurisdiction to approve the request of the President to overturn the dissolution and
appointments. They argued that Section 223-A of the constitution had never been validly
enacted into the Constitution because it was never approved of by the Governor-General, and
therefore anything submitted under it was invalid. The Chief Court of Sind ruled in favour of
President Tamizuddin and held that the Governor-General's approval was not needed when the
Constituent Assembly was acting only as a Constituent Assembly and not as the Federal
Legislature.[7] The Federation of Pakistan and the new Council of Ministers then appealed to the
court, the appeal was heard in March 1955 (Federation of Pakistan v Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan).
In the appeal hearing under Chief Justice Muhammad Munir, the court decided that the
Constituent Assembly functioned as the 'Legislature of the Domain' and that the Governor-
General's assent was necessary for all legislation to become law. Therefore, the Chief Court of
Sind had no jurisdiction to overturn the Governor General's dissolution and it was held as valid.
However, the ground of which the court found in favour of the Federation of Pakistan called into
question the validity of all legislation passed by the Assembly, not to mention the
unconstitutionality of the Assembly itself since 1950. To solve this problem, the Governor-
General invoked Emergency Powers to retrospectively validate the Acts of the Constituent
Assembly. An appeal was filed against the Governor-General for invoking emergency powers and
the Chief Justice had to determine the constitutionality of invoking the Emergency Powers and
whether the Governor-General could give his assent to legislation retroactively.[6]: 99
The Court held that in this case the Governor-General could not invoke emergency powers
because in doing so he validated certain laws that had been invalid because he had not
assented to them previously. Justice Munir also ruled that constitutional legislation could not be
validated by the Governor General but had to be approved by the Legislature. The lack of a
Constituent Assembly did not transfer the Legislature's powers over to the Governor-General.
On 15 June, vice-president of the European Commission Maroš Šefčovič said that there was "no
legal nor political justification" for the bill and that it was illegal.[17] He also announced that the
Commission would re-open the infringement proceedings against the UK government which had
been started in March 2021,[18] including two new counts where it was alleged the UK breached
the Protocol.[17]
In a session of the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee on 21 June 2022,
Lorand Bartels, Professor of International Law at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and Malgosia
Fitzmaurice, Professor of Public International Law at Queen Mary University of London, were
questioned about the use of the doctrine of necessity.[19] Fitzmaurice said that necessity is the
"most contentious and controversial" of circumstances which allow treaty terms to be
disregarded;[19]: Q127 she stated that using necessity as a justification "should be very carefully
considered" seeing as action could instead be taken using Article 16 of the protocol.[19]: Q129
Bartels suggested that the necessity doctrine could only be used to breach some parts of the
protocol.[19]: 129
During the leadership election during the summer of 2022, Rishi Sunak said his preference was a
negotiated settlement with the EU while Liz Truss, who was the minister responsible for
introducing the Protocol Bill, supported it as a method to "[break] the deadlock in a legal way".[20]
Although Truss won that leadership election, she resigned soon after amid a government crisis
and Sunak became prime minister.
The UK government and the European Commission made a joint statement on 27 February 2023
announcing the Windsor Framework, a legal agreement which addressed concerns around the
Northern Ireland Protocol.[21] As a result, the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill was withdrawn and
will be allowed to lapse at the end of the current session of parliament.[21]
Retrieved from
"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?
title=Doctrine_of_necessity&oldid=1168110286"
This page was last edited on 31 July 2023, at
21:36 (UTC). •
Content is available under CC BY-SA 4.0 unless
otherwise noted.