THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL MEDIA ON UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN

UNDERGRADUATES’ LEVEL OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE 2019

NIGERIA GENERAL ELECTIONS

RUFAI, Ibrahim Kayode

15/52HN061

2018/2019 ACADEMIC SESSION

A Research Project Submitted to the Department of Mass Communication in

Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of the Degree of Bachelor of

Science (Hons.) degree in Mass Communication at the University of Ilorin, Ilorin,

Nigeria.

JULY, 2019
 ABSTRACT

This study titled “The Impact of Social Media on University Of Ilorin Undergraduates’
Level of Political Participation in the 2019 Nigeria General Elections.” was undertaken
after the 2019 Nigerian general elections held in March 2019. The objectives of the study
were to determine the impact of social media on youths’ political participation in the
2019 Nigeria general elections, with undergraduates of the University of Ilorin as case
study; to examine the perceptions of Nigerian youths about Nigerian politician’s image
on social media; to examine the believability level of political news Nigerian youths read
on social media and to determine the level of credibility Nigerian youths attach to
political messages on social media. The study was guided by the agenda-setting theory.
The research methodology adopted was the survey method with questionnaires as the
data collection instrument. Findings from the study revealed that social media did have a
positive influence on youths’ participation in the political and electoral process,
especially the 2019 Nigeria general elections. Social media influenced youths’ choice of
political candidate and party but, quite amazingly, did not actually guarantee that youths
voted for any political candidate just because he or she has a social media account.
Youths also regard social media as a credible medium for political discourses and
majority also testified to the social media as making them become more politically active.
This does not come as a surprise if one considers how often and how much time youths
spend on social media daily.

KEYWORDS: 2019 Nigeria general elections, social media, political participation,

political messages, Nigerian youths.

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 CERTIFICATION

This is to certify that this project work by RUFAI, Ibrahim Kayode with Matric No.

15/52HN061 has been read and approved by the Department of Mass Communication,

Faculty of Communication and Information Sciences, University of Ilorin, Ilorin as

meeting the requirement for the award of B.Sc. (Hons.) degree in Mass Communication.

__________________ __________________

Dr. R.M. Adisa Date

Project Supervisor

__________________ __________________

Dr. A.L. Azeez Date

Head of Department

__________________ __________________

External examiner Date

iii
 ETHICAL CONCERN

The researcher was conscious of disclosure of confidential information which could lead

to security issues and problems. In order to reach a reliable and rich conclusion, the

researcher approached every aspect of the research with caution, objectivity, truthfulness

and fairness. This research was duly referenced in order to avoid plagiarism which could

result in serious ethical concern.

iv
 DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to the Almighty Allah and every seeker of knowledge.

v
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All thanks belong to the Almighty Allah, the only one who can guarantee success

in every endeavor. I will always be grateful for Your endless mercy and bounty on this

worthless creature of Yours. May Allah’s endless blessings continue to shower on my

master, Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), may this blessing extend to his household,

companions and the masters of the Spiritual Path - Shaykh Ahmad Tijani and Shaykh

Ibrahim AbduLlah Niyass. Aamin.

I thank my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Luqman and Waseelat Rufai, for their limitless,

continuing and unconditional love and care on me. Deepest appreciation goes to my

siblings, grandparents, uncles, aunts, nephew and cousins without whom I cannot do

without. May Allah continue to strengthen our bond. Aamin.

I could never have had a better project supervisor than Dr. Rasaq Adisa, thank

you sir for your fatherly love, care and mentorship. A very big thank you to Dr. A.L.

Azeez and Dr. K.K. Kadiri for being there when I needed them the most, may the

Almighty Allah be with you always.

The amazing quadruple of Agbale Jennifer Temitope, Balogun Oluwabukola

Misturat, Ezenagu Oluoma Jessica and Haruna Fatima who are like no other! Thank you

all for the wonderful moments.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page…………………………………………………………………………………..i

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………ii

Certification………………………………………………………………………………iii

Ethical Concerns………………………………………………………………………….iv

Dedication…………………………………………………………………………………v

Acknowledgement………………………………………………………………………..vi

Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………...vii

List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….xii

List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study………………………………………………………………1

1.2 Problem Statement…………………………………………………………………….8

1.3 Objectives of the Study………………………………………………………………10

1.4 Research Questions…………………………………………………………………..10

1.5 Significance of the Study…………………………………………………………….10

1.6 Scope of the Study…………………………………………………………………...11

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1.7 Operational Definition of Terms……………………………………………………..12

1.7.1 Social Media…………………………………………………………….....12

1.7.2 Political Participation………………………………………………………12

1.7.3 Undergraduates of the University of Ilorin………………………………...13

1.7.4 Youths……………………………………………………………………...13

1.8 Organization of Chapters…………………………………………………………….14

End of Chapter References………………………………………………………………15

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………17

2.1.1 History of Social Media……………………………………………………18

2.2 Conceptual Framework………………………………………………………………22

2.2.1 Political Participation………………………………………………………22

2.2.2 Social Media……………………………………………………………….24

2.2.3 Social Media and Politics…………………………………………………..26

2.2.4 2019 Nigeria General Elections and Youth Participation…………….........28

2.3 Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………30

2.3.1 Agenda-Setting Theory…………………………………………………….29

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2.4 Review of Empirical Studies………………………………………………………...36

2.7 Chapter Summary……………………………………………………………………43

End of Chapter References………………………………………………………………44

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..49

3.2 Research Design……………………………………………………………………...49

3.3 Research Method…………………………………………………………………….50

3.4 Population……………………………………………………………………………50

3.5 Sample Size…………………………………………………………………………..51

3.6 Sampling Procedure………………………………………………………………….53

3.7 Operationalization and Measurement of Variables…………………………………..54

3.8 Instrumentation………………………………………………………………………55

3.9 Validity and Reliability………………………………………………………………60

3.10 Data Collection Process…………………………………………………………….60

3.11 Data Presentation…………..……………………………………………………….60

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3.12 Data Analysis……………………………………………………………………….61

3.13 Ethical Concerns……………………………………………………………………61

3.14 Chapter Summary…………………………………………………………………..62

End of Chapter References………………………………………………………………63

CHAPTER FOUR: DATA ANALYSIS

4.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..64

4.2 Demographic Analysis……………………………………………………………….64

4.3 Analysis of Research Questions……………………………………………………...71

4.4 Discussion of Findings……………………………………………………………….74

4.5 Chapter Summary……………………………………………………………………76

End of Chapter Reference……..…………………………………………………………77

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..78

5.2 Summary……………………………………………………………………………..78

5.3 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...79

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5.4 Limitations…………………………………………………………………………...80

5.5 Recommendations……………………………………………………………………80

5.5.1 Recommendations based on findings of the study…………………………80

5.5.2 Recommendations for further studies……………………………………...81

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………..……………..82

APPENDIX A……………………………………………………………...……………88

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 LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1 Breakdown of University Undergraduates based on their Faculties…………..52

Table 3.2 Distribution of Questionnaires Based on Sample Size………………………..58

Table 3.3 Result of Reliability Test on Pilot Study……………………………………...59

Table 3.4 Result of Reliability Test on all Questionnaire Shared………………………..60

Table 4.1 Respondents’ Demographic Profile…………………………………………...67

Table 4.2 Distribution of respondents’ Level of Social Media Usage…………………...68

Table 4.3 Results from First Research Question……………...…………………………70

Table 4.4 Results from Second Research Question……...………………………………72

Table 4.5 Results from Third and Fourth Questions……………………………………..73

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Nigeria’s 2013 Population Pyramid…………………………………………...5

xii
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Before the turn of the millennium, the world majorly relied on the mainstream media for

information. Dissemination of news was not instantaneous as it is now because some of

the technologies available now were missing then. Correspondents had to travel several

miles to and fro news beats in order to relay information making some news stories to be

published weeks or months after their occurrence. Gone are the days when you write a

letter to your friend living abroad and he receives it in possibly three months and you also

have to wait as long as that to get his reply.

However, the revolution in the technological industry that started with the launching of

the Internet in the mid-1990s paved way for social media and micro-blogging sites since

the 2000s. The social media and by extension the internet, allows for instantaneous

dissemination of news. Sending and receiving information can no longer be limited by

space and time, a huge break in the communication barrier that has stood since the

beginning of space and time.

According to Ayankoya, Calitz and Cullen, (2015), the social media concept involves the

use of internet based applications and services for communication, collaboration, creation

and exchange of contents by individuals and groups. The main focus of social media is

1
the communication that takes place, how the communication takes place and the

relationships that develop based on these communications. Social media allows

individuals and groups to develop, maintain and stay connected to a network of other

individuals and people with common interests (Ayankoya et al., 2015).

Statistics show that 2.38 billion people visit Facebook monthly (zephoria.com, 2019).

Further studies have shown that Facebook users spend 33% of their online time on

Facebook and that generally individuals spend about 25% of their online time on the

different social media platforms that are available. Social media is thus a very important

platform for businesses and organizations to utilize in order to reach their target

audiences (Ayankoya et al., 2015).

According to Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (2012, cited in Adedeji, 2015), the 2011

elections in Nigeria witnessed a remarkable use of the social media as a tool for political

communicaton. It was used for campaigns via personal websites, blogs, all social media

applications, and several other media. Aside from this, the social media was equally used

as a weapon to undermine and even destroy the image of other political parties, especially

the People’s Democratic Party and All Progressives Party.

In the 2015 general election, the social media became a more potent tool and even a more

lethal weapon. There are releases in the form of videos, voice notes, headlines, and

broadcasts that made and mar many political parties and individuals. For example, a

publication on Senator Buruji Kashamu almost marred his political ambition and

2
eventually his swearing in. A hate video was broadcasted on both General Muhammadu

Buhari and Senator Bola Tinubu. Ordinarily, these videos might have ended the political

ambitions of these individuals in some other places (Adedeji, 2015).

2015 also witnessed a massive use of social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter,

YouTube and blogs in the general elections in Nigeria. Due to their participatory,

interactive and cost-effective nature, social media has become veritable and significant

instruments for political campaign planners in carrying out election campaigns and other

electioneering activities, political engagement and mobilization among others. Thus, the

place of social media in rallying political support is no longer in doubt (Chinedu-Okeke,

Chinonye & Obi, 2016).

Youth, as a concept varies from culture to culture and from society to society. In most

societies in Nigeria, the progression from childhood to youth involves some systematic

rites of passage. These rites have symbolic significance in that, simply by participating in

them, an individual achieves a new status and position. Such new status gains validity

through genuine community action and recognition. One thing is clear, the boundaries

defining the transition from childhood to youth and from youth to adulthood are shifting,

and the crossover into each new stage is now manifested in different ways. The changes

that young people must negotiate do not occur as predictably as in the past, therefore,

defining youth globally according to some exact age range can be a very difficult task.

The age range 15‐24 is often used by the United Nations and others for statistical

3
purposes, but in many cases this distinction is too narrow for countries like Nigeria. Apart

from the statistical definition of the term “youth”, the meaning of the term “youth” have

continued to change in response to fluctuating political, economic and socio‐cultural

circumstances. In many countries in Africa, for example, the male transition to adulthood,

in terms of achieving the economic and social stability that comes with steady

employment, may extend into late twenties and mid-thirties (Second National Youth

Policy Document of Nigeria, 2009).

A lot of definitions have been made and various ideas have been put forward about

“young” and “youth” so far. However, there is not an absolute consensus on these

definitions and ideas. Yet, some definitions and ideas are of importance. The United

Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) defines youth as the

period in which a person develops capabilities and social skills required to be ready for

the financial gain and responsibility to be brought by the status of adulthood.

Accordingly, youth can be deemed as a special period of life with unique social,

economic, psychological, and political characteristics rather than a period limited to

determined age boundaries (Melike, 2017). The Federal Republic of Nigeria however

concludes on a youth to be any person between the ages of 15 and 29 (Third National

Youth Policy Document, 2019).

4
Nigeria is currently ranked as the seventh most populous country in the world and the

fastest growing nation. Nigeria’s population is currently put at 200, 950,000 with a

median age of 17.9 years (worldometers.info, 2019). According to the Census, in 2006,

Nigeria had 50 million people in the age group 15-34 years – which roughly covers the

age bracket of 18-35 years that chronologically defined youth in the 2009 National Youth

Policy; this youth population figure represented 35.6 percent of the Nigerian population

at the time. By sex, age 15-34 years constituted 33.4 percent of males and 37.9 percent of

females in Nigerian in 2006.

Figure 1.1: Nigeria’s Population Pyramid in 2013. Source: Third National Youth Policy

Document, 2019.

5
The 2012 National Baseline Youth Survey, undertaken by the National Bureau of

Statistics in conjunction with the Federal Ministry of Youth Development, estimated the

population of youths aged 15-35 years in Nigeria as 64.1 million, and youths aged 18-35

years as 52.2 million. Females constituted 51.6 percent of youths aged 15 -35 years and

52.8 percent of youths aged 18 - 35 years. Lagos State had the highest percentage of

youths (age 18-35 years) in Nigeria (6.3%) while Kwara State had the lowest (1.3%) in

2012 ( Third National Youth Policy Document, 2019).

Historically, youth turnouts in election have always been lower compared to other age

groups, however the turnouts have decreased over the past few decades. A general

explanation for this phenomenon is that young people are lazy, although today’s youth

are volunteering in a larger extent than previous generations. Another explanation could

be that youth do not feel like they are a part of the society. Owning your own property

and having children are given a more direct interest in how hospitals as well as schools

are administered and therefore generating more political interest (Erica, 2017). Recent

evidence from European democracies shows that not only is youth electoral participation

spiraling down at a much faster rate than with any other social group, but what is even

more worrying - youth electoral engagement - is also systematically unequal compared to

the levels of participation among adults (Sirinic, 2017).

6
In 2015, when the then Independent National Electoral Commission (INE|C) Chairman,

Prof. Atthahiru Jega, was declaring the results of the elections on live television, citizens

at home and abroad not able to watch the live telecast could follow on live streams on

various social media platforms, in fact the results were being posted by citizens on social

media as they were being reeled out by the INEC Chairman.

And as another general has just been concluded in 2019, the social media was once again

deployed by political parties and their candidates to great effects. Like in 2011 when the

Presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Dr. Goodluck Jonathan,

took to Facebook to declare his intention to run, the candidate of the PDP in this year’s

election also officially declared his intention to run on Facebook. Candidate of the

African Democratic Congress, Omoyele Sowore, Kingsley Moghalu of the Young

Progressives Party and even Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress

maintained a very huge social media presence, proving once again that the power of the

social media in any political process cannot be overlooked.

The focus of this study therefore is to examine the impact of the use of social media on

the level of political participation of undergraduate students of the University of Ilorin.

The study attempts to examine if the social media can be a veritable tool of social control

like the traditional mass media.

7
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT

Social media has served as a specialized platform of modern human communication and

is now part of the political culture of most democratic nations across the globe, Nigeria

inclusive. Usage of social media is one of the most dominant forms of communication

between politicians and the electorate, and it is massively and strategically exploited by

the politicians across the globe to achieve their targeted goals as regard projecting

positive images, retaining offices, and maintaining relationships with their publics. Social

media has been useful in aiding exchange of information between the political candidates

and electorate; it helps citizens to be informed and influence their political choices,

attitudes, beliefs, and behaviour towards certain political candidates (Victor, Ikechukwu,

Gerald & Chinedum, 2017).

Incidentally, in Nigeria, the everyday use of social media by politicians, and the manner

in which the user-citizen interacts with the social network sites/pages of politicians has

received rather less attention. Essentially, politicians expect the communication

relationship to be positive and of benefit to them, thus, political gladiators of all shades of

opinions, ideologies, intents and goals use the media with the belief that political

communication through them might exert pressure or have an influence on people’s

perception and behaviours. This conception of the effect of social media is akin to the

historical and cultural dominance of print and electronic media and the perceived

hypodermic needle effect of mass media messages. In view of the perceived impact of the

8
media whether from the ‘maximalists’ or ‘minimalists’ perspective, profit driven

mentality of competition for political space has given rise to both ethical and unethical

political communication using all available platforms of interpersonal and mass

communication (Victor et al., 2017)

Apart from the traditional media, the social media is another medium through which the

government and especially the presidential candidates reached out to mobilize youths in

the 2019 general elections. This study is to examine the use of social media as a veritable

mobilization tool for electioneering campaigns in general elections. The study will also

examine how the use of social media had influenced the political participation of

Nigerian youths with regard to the 2019 presidential elections.

The foregoing notwithstanding, this study intends to investigate the effectiveness of the

use of social media as a political platform in Nigeria and how the increasing advantages

of social media can be harnessed and applied in making the electorate to possess their

political sovereignty by transparently voting–in and voting–out political office holders

and governments democratically without undue interference or hindrance (Chinedu-

Okeke et al., 2016).

This research therefore aims to look at the impact of the social media as a tool used in

convincing youths to participate in elections vis-à-vis whether or not social media is

actually instrumental in projecting a positive image of political candidates.

9
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The broad objectives of this study are

1. To determine the impact of the social media on youths participation in the 2019

Nigeria general elections.

2. To examine whether or not the social media influences the perception of youths

on politicians’ image on social media.

3. To examine whether one youths’ political activity on social media messages can

affect other youths’ political thinking.

4. To determine the level of credibility Nigerian youths attach to political messages

on social media.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What are the impacts of social media on youth political participation in the 2019

Nigeria general elections?

2. Do the social media influence the perception of youths on politicians’ image?

3. What is the believability level of what youths read on social media?

4. To what degree do youths regard social media messages as credible?

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Firstly, the significance of this study will be found in the gap it fills by answering its

research questions.

10
Secondly, the research will be of immense benefit to politicians, political parties, media

consultants, electoral umpires and government across all levels as it will help them to

know and appreciate the gains and efficacy of using social media tools and how best to

handle it for projecting the image of their clients and increasing awareness of the political

candidates.

The findings of this study will contribute to the sustainable development of democracy in

Nigeria. The youth are the future and drivers of any country, therefore conducting

researches/studies into their political, social behavior is of paramount importance

(Adedeji, 2015).

Finally, this study will be of great benefit to researchers and other seekers of knowledge

in the academia, as it will contribute to the existing literature on usefulness of social

media in politics and also widen the current expansive knowledge in it.

1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

This study aims to examine the influence of the use of social media as a

political/mobilization tool on the voting behaviour of Nigerian youths.

Only undergraduate students of the University of Ilorin from the ages of 15 years through

29 shall be polled.

11
This study will examine the political participation of the aforementioned youths for the

2019 general elections only.

This study will focus on undergraduate students of the University of Ilorin, Ilorin, with

the aim of determining how social media influence their perception of political candidates

and their participation in elections. The undergraduate students of the University of Ilorin

are students currently undergoing their first degrees in the 15 faculties the institution

currently boasts.

1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINTION OF TERMS

1.7.1 Social Media: Social media is the term often used to refer to new forms of

media that involve interactive participation (Manning, 2014). They are

internet-mediated technologies that allow people to connect with each other

virtually. This study focuses on WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram

due to their high-level of popularity among University of Ilorin students.

1.7.2 Political Participation: Political participation has been defined as “those

activities by private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at influencing

the selection of governmental personnel and/or the actions they take”

(Enkman and Amna, 2012). This study looks at the level of political

participation among University of Ilorin students.

12
 1.7.3 Undergraduates of the University of Ilorin: These are undergraduates of the

University of Ilorin studying in various departments in the fifteen faculties in

the institution.

1.7.4 Youths: According to the Third National Youth Policy Document of Nigeria

(2019), youth refers to any Nigerian between the ages of 15 and 29.

1.8 ORGANISATION OF CHAPTERS

1. Chapter one deals with the background to the study as well as objectives of the

study, research questions, significance and scope of the study.

2. Chapter two explains the concepts; political participation, social media and social

media and politics and the 2019 Nigerian general elections. It also explained the

agenda-setting theory and its links to the study. Related works to the study in

focus were also reviewed in the empirical section of the chapter and finally, the

research’s hypotheses were stated.

3. Chapter three looks at the research design, methodology and instrumentation for

the study. It also looked at population, sampling as well as data collection and

analysis for the study and the ethical considerations of the study.

4. Chapter four analyses the data gotten through the research instrument, it explains

findings of the study with the aid of frequency percentages, pie-charts and tables.

5. Chapter five summarizes the study. Essentially, it explains briefly the research

design and methodology, it also discusses the research’s findings, limitations of

13
the research and concludes by raising recommendations based on the research

findings and further studies to be carried out on the subject matter.

14
 END OF CHAPTER REFERENCES

Adedeji, S.O. (2015). Social Media Participation and Pollution of the 2015 General

Elections in Nigeria. Retrieved from https://www.inecnigeria.org/wp-

content/uploads/2015/07/Conference-Paper-by-Adedeji-Oyenuga.pdf on May 25,

2019.

Ayankoya, K., Calitz, A.P., & Cullen, M. (2015). A Framework for the use of Social

Media for Political Marketing: An Exploratory Study. Retrieved December 12,

2018 from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/28244199.

Chinedu-Okeke., Chinonye, F., & Obi, J., (2016). Social Media As A Political Platform

In Nigeria: A Focus On Electorates In South-Eastern Nigeria. IOSR Journal of

Humanities and Social Science.

Enkman, J. & Amna, A. (2012). Political Paticipation and Civic Engagement: Towards

a New Typology. Human Affairs. Institute for Research in Social Communication,

Slovak Academy of Sciences.

Erika, K., (2017). Youths participation in politics. Linne Universitete.

https://www.worldometers.info/world-population/nigeria-population. Accessed on June

30, 2019.

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Manning, J. (2014). Social media, Definition and Classes Of. In K. Harvey (Ed.),

Encyclopedia of social media and politics. Thousand Oaks, CA. Sage

Melike, T., (2017). The Position of Youth in Political Participation. Sosyal Politika

Calişmalari Dergisi.

Sirinic, D., (2015). The Political Consequences of Low Youth Participation in

Contemporary Democracies. Central European University.

Victor, O., Ikechukwu, U., Gerald, N., Chinedum, O (2017). Effects of the Social Media

in the Marketing of Political Candidates in Nigeria. British Journal of Marketing

Studies. European Centre for Research Training and Development.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 INTRODUCTION

It is important to understand the history of a phenomenon in order to manipulate it

(Sajithra & Patil, 2013).

When we talk of social media, we mean those Internet-based tools and services that allow

users to engage with each other, generate content, distribute, and search for information

online. In other words, the social media are interactive web-based media platforms that

offer citizens opportunity and place to connect, share opinions, experiences, views,

contacts, knowledge, expertise, as well as other things like job and career tips. They

belong to a new genre of media that focuses on social networking, allowing users to

express themselves, interact with friends and share information with greater freedom as

well as publish their views on issues on the World Wide Web (Nnanyelugo & Nwafor,

2013).

Social media are computer-mediated tools that allow people to create, share or exchange

information, ideas, and pictures/videos in virtual communities and networks. "Social

media is the collective online communications channels dedicated to community-based

input, interaction, content-sharing and collaboration". Websites and applications

dedicated to forums, micro-blogging, social networking, social bookmarking, social

17
curation, and wikis are among the different types of social media. Furthermore, social

media depend on mobile and web-based technologies to create highly interactive

platforms through which individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and

modify user-generated content (Udoka, 2015).

Scholars in political communication generally agree that both traditional and online

media affect how people learn about and engage in the political process (Dimitrova &

Bystrom, 2013).

Social media has taken media democratic function further by allowing both synchronous

and asynchronous interactions and serving as platform for collective action. By serving as

a two-way communication route, social media allows political organisations and aspirants

to communicate and connect with the electorates and the constituents while taking

feedback instantaneously or at a later time. It is, therefore, not uncommon these days for

political aspirants to maintain profiles on social network sites and other mobile social

media like Twitter (Mustapha, Gbonegun & Mustapha, 2016).

2.1.1 HISTORY OF SOCIAL MEDIA

The roots of social media stretch far deeper than we might imagine. Although it seems

like a new trend, sites like Facebook are the natural outcome of many centuries of social

media development (Drew, 2013).

18
There are ongoing debates on whether e-mail could be considered a part of social media.

The predominant reasons why e-mail is not considered a social medium are because (i) E-

mail is a distribution mechanism whereas social media is a collective mechanism and (ii)

Mass communication is different from mass collaboration. But e-mail certainly qualifies

if we go by the simple definition that “social media is conversations that happen online”.

Though the debate goes on, we cannot ignore the fact that the introduction of e-mail

marked the beginning to the much more collaborative social media years later. (Sajithra

& Patil, 2013).

In the 1990s, the world was evolving rapidly to the connected forefront. Personal

computers had evolved in popularity in developed nations, and people started realising

the potential that a connected world may have. Hence rose the Internet Relay Chats

(IRCs) in 1988 which became popular in 1990. This was a rudimentary form of text

messaging and instant communication, and not until 1997 did we see the first full-blown

social medium come into being (digit.in, 2019).

Six Degrees was an online platform that allowed users to create their own profiles and

‘friend’ others on it. This was, in the true sense, a precursor of greater days for social

media, and the fact that Six Degrees also allowed users to add unregistered people as

friends too showed the global impact that social media would eventually have all across

the world. The platform was named after the ‘Six Degrees of Separation’ theory.

19
Originally proposed back in 1929 by Frigyes Karinthy in light of a shrinking world, the

theory suggested that everyone in this world is connected and interconnected by no more

than six degrees, or individuals, in between. With the advent of social media, the theory

took even more profound a meaning, and the world shrunk further (digit.in, 2019).

After the success of IRC, many personal websites, discussion groups and chat groups also

became popular. At the beginning of the 90s, internet access was not completely

accessible to the public. This situation changed when private Internet service Providers

(ISPs) began to start operations in the United States around 1994 or 1995. This gave

millions of home users the chance to experience it. The other reason for the initial

euphoria was the fact that the content was absolutely free other than the data usage paid

to the internet companies. Early internet users were extremely outspoken and opinionated

by today’s standards. People were thrilled at the possibility of sharing their opinions and

often went overboard in their expressions. The first online social media etiquette

standards were proposed, and called netiquette, as a control mechanism. Internet forums

grew in popularity by the late 90s and as the primary platform for topical discussions

(Sajithra & Patil, 2013).

The modern blog evolved from the online diary. Justin Hall, who began personal

blogging in 1994 is generally recognized as one of the earliest bloggers. The other

popular blogs are Dave Winer's Scripting News and Wearable Wireless Webcam.

20
Wearable Wireless Webcam was unique in terms of how it combined text, video, and

pictures transmitted live from a wearable computer and EyeTap device to a web site in

1994. This practice of semi-automated blogging with live video together with text was

referred to as surveillance. Such entries were considered as legal evidence as well. Early

blogs were simply updates in common websites. However, the evolution of tools to

facilitate the production and maintenance of web articles posted in reverse chronological

order made the publishing process feasible to a much larger, less technical, population.

Ultimately, this resulted in the distinct class of online publishing that produces blogs we

recognize today. For instance, the use of some sort of browser-based software is now a

typical aspect of "blogging". Blogs can be hosted by dedicated blog hosting services, or

they can be run using blog software, or on regular web hosting services. Blogs are

recognized as a separate medium in itself (Sajithra & Patil, 2013).

After the invention of blogging, social media began to explode in popularity. Sites like

MySpace and LinkedIn gained prominence in the early 2000s, and sites like Photobucket

and Flickr facilitated online photo sharing. YouTube came out in 2005, creating an

entirely new way for people to communicate and share with each other across great

distances. By 2006, Facebook and Twitter both became available to users throughout the

world. These sites remain some of the most popular social networks on the Internet.

Other sites like Tumblr, Spotify, Foursquare and Pinterest began popping up to fill

specific social networking niches (Drew, 2013).

21
Today, there is a tremendous variety of social networking sites, and many of them can be

linked to allow cross-posting. This creates an environment where users can reach the

maximum number of people without sacrificing the intimacy of person-to-person

communication (Drew, 2013).

2.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

2.2.1 Political Participation

Participation means ‘sharing in’ or ‘wrap oneself with’ every dimension of life, of culture

or of economy, our educational system, our political system, our decision-making

process. But there is less than a complete agreement among the scholars about the

meaning of the concept ‘Political Participation’. Political participation is the involvement

of the citizens in the political system (Falade, 2014). The citizens form the crux of any

society and it is important they are part of the political process. According to Akamare

(2003, as cited in Falade, 2014), political participation is an aspect of political behaviour

and it focuses on the way in which individuals take part in politics. It is a voluntary

activity and one may participate directly or indirectly. The various ways by which the

people can be involved in the political system include selection or election of political

leaders, formulation of policies, community activities and other civic engagements.

Empirical investigation of political participation could be split between two basic yet

mutually interlinked approaches. The first approach deals with the realistic extant level of
22
popular engagement in the processes of governance. The chief objects of interest are the

level (local, regional, national etc.) and method (voting, campaigning, contacting,

protesting etc.) of political participation. In this context, the influence of various manners

of political participation and the motivation to either reject participation or indeed

become an active part of it are studied. Individual and national patterns of political

behaviour are also compared. Cross-national comparison of political participation

patterns concentrate largely on voting because of the availability of internationally

comparable data on voter turnout and the relevance of national elections for the given

political system. As evidenced by such international comparisons, voter turnout shall be

influenced largely by a number of institutional factors (e.g. voter registration systems,

electoral procedures, degree of political competition in the society and the party system)

which, taken together, create an institutional environment of the given country’s political

system (Nekola, 2014).

The essence of political participation in any society, either civilized or primitive, is to

seek control of power, acquisition of power and to influence decision making. Political

participation is a means of contributing ones quota to the political system and overall

development of the nation. Political participation is one of the fundamental requirements

of democratic governance. This is the reason why Adelekan (2010, cited in Falade, 2014)

emphasized that ideally, democracy means individual participation in the decisions that

involves one’s life. In a democratic system, there is the necessity for the citizenry to be

23
fully involved in the democratic procedures of the choice of rulers and effective

communication of the public policies and attitudes. Any claim to democratic regime or

state must essentially embrace a high degree of competitive choice, openness, and

enjoyment of civic and political liberties and political participation that involves all

groups of the society. The extent to which people participate in the political system differ

from person to person. Falade (2014) identified six types of political participants. These

are: The inactive: These are the people that take no part in any political activity. Voting

specialists: These are the people that get eagerly engaged only in voting. Besides voting,

they are not concerned about other political activities. Parochial participants: These

people participate in politics occasionally. They vote or get involved in any other political

activity only when it affects their personal interest. The communalist: These are those

who get engaged in voting regularly, they also get involved in community affairs but they

are not involved in political campaign activities. The campaigners: They are actively

involved in political campaign but inactive in other community affairs. Complete

activists: They are highly involved in all political activities, they actively participate in

voting, political campaign, community activities and make contact with public officials

(Falade, 2014).

2.2.2 Social Media

Social media is the term often used to refer to new forms of media that involve interactive

participation. Often the development of media is divided into two different ages, the

24
broadcast age and the interactive age. In the broadcast age, media were almost

exclusively centralized where one entity such as a radio or television station, newspaper

company, or a movie production studio distributed messages to many people. Feedback

to media outlets was often indirect, delayed, and impersonal. Mediated communication

between individuals typically happened on a much smaller level, usually via personal

letters, telephone calls, or sometimes on a slightly larger scale through means such as

photocopied family newsletters.

With the rise of digital and mobile technologies, interaction on a large scale became

easier for individuals than ever before; and as such, a new media age was born where

interactivity was placed at the center of new media functions. One individual could now

speak to many, and instant feedback was a possibility. Where citizens and consumers

used to have limited and somewhat muted voices but now they could share their opinions

with many. The low cost and accessibility of new technology also allowed more options

for media consumption than ever before – and so instead of only a few news outlets,

individuals now have the ability to seek information from several sources and to dialogue

with others via message forums about the information posted. At the core of this ongoing

revolution is social media. The characteristics, common forms, and common functions of

social media are explored here (Manning, 2014).

25
2.2.3 Social Media and Politics

With every advance in technology comes impact on everyday life. This holds true

especially for advances in media technology. While the media is a pervasive aspect of life

on a day to day basis, a time when it really becomes important is in regards to

government and political information (Baker, 2009). The use of social media in recent

elections, worldwide, has significantly intensified, especially among young adults. Of

interest for this particular age group is the rise of social media use for political

information, creating user-generated content and expressing political views. As answer to

the growing political use of social media, researchers have investigated these media’s

effects on political behaviour such as political participation (Muntean, 2015).

The popularity of getting political news from social media platforms is greatly increasing.

A 2014 study showed that 62% of web users turn to Facebook to find political news. This

social phenomenon allows for political information, true or not, spreading quickly and

easily among peer networks. Furthermore, social media sites are now encouraging

political involvement by uniting like-minded people, reminding users to vote in elections,

and analyzing users’ political affiliation data to find cultural similarities and differences

(Udoka, 2015). Recent years have seen a decline in non-profit community participation

such as political party membership. Also, there are several challenges when it comes to

engaging people in party politics. Contrary to popular expectations, the rise of the

Internet did not result in increased levels of public participation. On top of that, many

26
political parties are afraid to lose control over their message when they delegate power

and authority to the public (Effing, Hillergersberg & Huibers, 2011).

Before the advent of the new media, political campaigns and other electioneering

activities blossomed in the traditional media. Prior to this period, political rallies,

personal contacts and speeches were popularly used for mobilizing electorates’ support

on political issues, and that this was greatly propelled by the mass media force. At that

time, political participation was more risky, expensive and required a great deal of

investments from individuals willing to engage in political activities. The process was

quite demanding as far as time, money, knowledge and information are concerned. The

endemic poverty in Africa prevented citizens from attending political meetings, and

sometimes, from travelling to exercise their voting rights. A World Bank report of 2005

has it that 50.9% of the population in sub-Saharan Africa lives on less than $1.25 a day.

Such financial constraint is capable of preventing citizens from engaging in political

activities especially those that require financial investment. Within this context where

poverty is extensive, time also becomes an important factor that determines whether

citizens would devote time to personal activities that guarantee their immediate survival

or to political participation that does not promise an immediate and tangible material

outcome for them. With this problem, coupled with that of insecurity and fear of possible

outbreak of violence, citizens’ active participation in the political process was/is heavily

compromised (Nnanyelugo & Nwafor, 2013).

27
Good enough, the coming of social media in the last few years is fast changing the

situation as we now have online platforms that serve as a new ‘political capital’ where

people now resort to and participate in political discourses. Social media has become a

main source of personal orientation, anonymous interactivities and social community on

variety of issues that involve politics and political discourse.

In Nigeria, some political parties and politicians maintain a huge social media presence,

engaging participants in conversations and disseminating information about their political

affairs. The social media has come to stay as a ‘meeting point’ for political parties to

engage citizens and influence their opinions.

2.2.4 2019 Nigeria General Elections and Youth Participation

The 2019 Nigeria general election was the sixth general election to be conducted in

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. It featured elections for the position of President and

governorship elections in 29 of the 36 states of the Federation. Also, elections were held

to determine members of the federal and state legislatures.

Total number of registered voters for the elections was 84,004,084

(premiumtimesng.com, 2019) while the number of registered voters whose ages were

between 18 and 35 was 42,938,458 or 51% (allafrica.com, 2019). However, only

28,614,190 or 34.75% of total number of registered voters came out to vote during the

28
presidential election (pulse.ng, 2019). This represents the lowest turnout of voters in

Nigeria’s election history (saharareporters.com, 2019).

Prior to the elections, electoral observers described Nigerian youths as being key to the

success of any political candidate at the elections as they represented 51% of the total

number of registered voters, but on election day, there was a reported high rate of voter

apathy evident in the turnout of registered voters.

2.3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.3.1 Agenda-Setting Theory

How do we keep up on news about what is going on in our neighborhood, our city, our

state, our nation or around the world? How do we find out about the latest fashions,

movies, technology, and diets? We live at a time when a lot is happening everywhere and

all at once. Information about products, peers, family, community, state, nation, and the

world constantly comes at us from an ever growing array of media. News is created and

packaged by an impressive array of sources ranging from journalists to bloggers to

YouTube enthusiasts (Baran & Davis, 2012).

The beginning of agenda-setting theory can be traced as far as 1922, when Walter

Lippmann expressed his concern on the vital role that mass media can do in influencing

the setting of certain image on the public’s mind. In portraying the influence of mass

29
media, Lippmann gives an example of individuals who supposed to be enemies while

their countries are at war. Instead of becoming enemies, without having access to

information about the war through media, those individuals are able to live harmoniously

in a secluded island. Lippmann indicates on how mass media can set a particular agenda

which can influence the opinions of the public. However, he never used the term ‘agenda

setting theory’ in his book. Nevertheless, he did generate the foundation for the agenda

setting theory (Nor, 2014).

Although he did not specifically use the term, Bernard Cohen (1963) is generally credited

with refining Lippmann’s ideas into the theory of agenda-setting. “The press is

significantly more than a purveyor of information and opinion,” he wrote. “It may not be

successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful

in telling its readers what to think about. And it follows from this that the world looks

different to different people, depending not only on their personal interests, but also on

the map that is drawn for them by the writers, editors, and publishers of the papers they

read”. Parenthetically, it is hard to ignore the limited-effects bias in Cohen’s thinking. He

first argued that the press is rarely successful in telling people what to think, but then said

that the world looks different to different people depending on what the press offers

them. Another way of interpreting this is that Cohen took a mass society perspective and

revised it to make it compatible with the limited-effects perspective (Baran & Davis,

2012).

30
In the latter years, the term ‘agenda-setting theory’ was however popularized. One of the

most significant researches which contribute to this theory was written by McCombs and

Shaw in 1972. They observe on the capacity of mass media in influencing the voters’

opinion on the United States of America (USA) presidential campaign of 1968. From

their research, McCombs and Shaw found out that mass media did have certain

percentage on those members of the public who frequently referred to information as

provided by the media. Such percentage is increased for those who are driven with the

enthusiasm in following up with the presidential campaign’s information (Nor, 2014).

During September and October of the 1968 USA presidential election, these researchers

interviewed one hundred registered voters who had not yet committed to either candidate

(presumably these people would be more open to media messages). By asking each

respondent “to outline the key issues as he [sic] saw them, regardless of what the

candidates might be saying at the moment,” they were able to identify and rank by

importance just what these people thought were the crucial issues facing them. They then

compared these results with a ranking of the time and space accorded to various issues

produced by a content analysis of the television news, newspapers, newsmagazines, and

editorial pages available to voters in the area where the study was conducted. The results?

“The media appear to have exerted a considerable impact on voters’ judgments of what

they considered the major issues of the campaign…. The correlation between the major

item emphasis on the main campaign issues carried by the media and voters’ independent

judgments of what were the important issues was .967,” they wrote. “In short, the data
31
suggest a very strong relationship between the emphasis placed on different campaign

issues by the media… and the judgments of voters as to the salience and importance of

various campaign topics” (Baran & Davis, 2012).

The power of the news media to set a nation’s agenda, to focus public attention on a few

key public issues, is an immense and well-documented influence. Not only do people

acquire factual information about public affairs from the news media, readers and

viewers also learn how much importance to attach to a topic on the basis of the emphasis

placed on it in the news. Newspapers provide a host of cues about the salience of the

topics in the daily news – lead story on page one, other front page display, large

headlines, etc. Television news also offers numerous cues about salience – the opening

story on the newscast, length of time devoted to the story, etc. These cues repeated day

after day effectively communicate the importance of each topic. In other words, the news

media can set the agenda for the public’s attention to that small group of issues around

which public opinion forms (McCombs, 2011).

Agenda-setting, primarily a micro-level effects perspective, has another interesting

contemporary articulation as a more macro-level theory: agenda-building, “the often

complicated process by which some issues become important in policy making arenas”.

Kurt Lang and Gladys Lang (1983, cited in Baran & Davis, 2012) defined agenda-

building “as a more apt term than agenda-setting: (as) a collective process in which

32
media, government, and the citizenry reciprocally influence one another” (Baran &

Davis, 2012).

Agenda-building presumes cognitive effects (increases in knowledge), an active audience

(as seen in the Lang and Lang definition), and societal-level effects (as seen in both

definitions). Its basic premise is that media can profoundly affect how a society (or nation

or culture) determines what its important concerns are and therefore can mobilize its

various institutions toward meeting them and has allowed this line of inquiry to flourish

(Baran & Davis, 2012).

Agenda-setting pioneer McCombs has undertaken an effort to expand and develop the

theory by linking it to a broad range of other media theories, for example, Framing

Theory. He calls his new theory Second-Order Agenda-Setting. McCombs argues that

agenda-setting operates at two levels, or orders: the object level and the attribute level.

Conventional agenda-setting research has focused at the object level and has assessed

how media coverage could influence the priority assigned to objects (e.g., issues,

candidates, events, and problems). In doing this, media told us “what to think about.” But

media can also tell us “how to think about” some objects. Media do this by influencing

second-order “attribute agendas.” They tell us which object attributes are important and

which ones are not (Baran & Davis, 2012).

McCombs argues that second-order agenda-setting and framing share common concerns

for attribute agendas (frames), the dynamics of the agenda-setting process (framing

33
process), and agenda-setting influence (framing effects). McCombs believes that the

integration of agenda-setting theory with framing theory will help clarify some of the

concepts in framing theory. He advocates “explication of a more general theoretical

structure describing the frames and attributes that are important to the communication

process”. Dietram Scheufele provided an overview of agenda-setting, priming, and

framing theories in which he argued that agenda-setting and priming are compatible

theories but that framing is quite different because it involves activation of entire

interpretive schemas—not merely prioritization of individual objects or attributes. He

wrote:

Agenda-setting and priming rely on the notion of attitude accessibility. Mass media have

the power to increase levels of importance assigned to issues by audience members. They

increase the salience of issues or the ease with which these considerations can be

retrieved from memory…. Framing, in contrast, is based on the concept of prospect

theory; that is, on the assumption that subtle changes in the wording of the description of

a situation might affect how audience members interpret this situation. In other words,

that framing influences how audiences think about issues, not by making aspects of the

issue more salient, but by invoking interpretive schemas that influence the interpretation

of incoming information. (Scheufele, 2000, as cited in Baran & Davis, 2012).

The repetition of messages about public issues in the news day after day, along with the

pervasiveness of the mass media in our daily lives, constitutes a major source of
34
journalism’s influence on the audience. The incidental nature of this learning, in turn,

helps issues to move rather quickly from the media agenda to the public agenda.

Although the benchmark for the appearance of agenda-setting effects is one to two

months, there are, of course, variations among individuals and across issues. Under

conditions of high personal involvement, the timeframe for measurable effects may be

very short.

Individual differences in responses to the media agenda are grounded in the

psychological concept of need for orientation, the idea that we have an innate curiosity

about the world around us. For a wide variety of public affairs, such as evaluating a new

presidential candidate or judging different public policy outcomes, the news media

provide us with this orientation. The higher our need for orientation, the more we tend to

search for information, rely on the media and are predisposed to agenda-setting effects.

An individual’s need for orientation in regard to public affairs is defined by two

components: relevance and uncertainty. In general, the greater the relevance of a topic to

an individual and the greater is the uncertainty about the topic, the higher the need for

orientation. Individuals with a low need for orientation in regard to public affairs pay

little or no attention to news reports and, at most, demonstrate weak agenda-setting

effects. At the other end of the continuum, among individuals for whom both relevance

and their uncertainty about a situation are high, their need for orientation is high.

35
These individuals typically are of the news, and strong agenda-setting found among them.

The media, of course, are not our orientation to public affairs. Personal experience,

includes communication with our and co-workers, also informs us about For instance, we

do not need the media to significant inflation in the economy; routine reveal its presence.

However, to learn about topics such as budget deficits, our information, if not the only

one, is this case, personal experience is greatly most probably, non-existent. In theory, we

do not need the media to alert us about inflation as routine purchases reveal its presence.

But to learn about abstract economic topics such as budget deficits, our main –if not only-

source of information is the news media issues are obtrusive, that is, they obtrude into our

daily lives and are directly experienced, while other issues are unobtrusive, and we

encounter them only in the news (Zucker, 1978).

This accurate example of the Agenda-Setting Theory and its effect on society provides

the topic with proven credibility and accuracy on how the media’s agenda has been

proven to become the public agenda (Adams, Harf & Ford, 2012).

2.4 REVIEW OF EMPIRICAL STUDIES

Recent years have seen a decline in non-profit community participation such as political

party membership. Also, there are several challenges when it comes to engaging people

in party politics. Contrary to popular expectations, the rise of the Internet did not result in

increased levels of public participation. On top of that, many political parties are afraid to
36
lose control over their message when they delegate power and authority to the public

(Effing et al.).

In a study that was run by Zhang et al. (2010) that was interested in how social media

affected different variable including civil engagement. They did this by doing a phone

survey that included 998 individuals that were all ages. The results showed that “reliance

on social networking sites such as YouTube, Facebook, and Myspace was positively

related to civic participation but not to political participation or confidence in

government” (Zhang, 2010). We can see that in this study that social media didn’t

influence political participation, even when they didn’t just get their research from only

college aged respondents (Megan, 2017).

Many governments are however recognizing social media platforms as a means to

understand and reach their citizens directly (Geraldine, Melanie and Rene, 2014). In

societies where the majority of people have “free” access to the internet, social media can

serve as a technical base for digital political debate and can facilitate opinion shaping

processes, at least in theory. In this context, “free” refers to the freedom to access the

internet, to access information freely, to express oneself freely without fear of

surveillance or persecution. Academia is still in debate about the impact on societies of

this process that has been described as the new “structural transformation of the public

sphere (Geraldine et al., 2014).

37
And in Nigeria, the social media have become the most accessible source of information,

particularly in the last three general elections. Before the day of the election, the social

media disseminated many messages to the public that went viral. In the 2015 general

election, the social media became a more potent tool and even a more lethal weapon.

There were releases in the form of videos, voice notes, headlines, and broadcasts that

made and mar many political parties and individuals (Oyenuga, 2015).

Issa (2016) identified four ways social media has shaped political communication.

Firstly, it has deepened segmentation of audience triggered by the rise of network

television channels and specialized magazines and websites. Segmentation of audience is

a product of two main elements of the social media: diversification of coverage and

selective exposure (that is, finding information that aligns with the predispositions of

individuals). Social media makes it possible for its users to read and discuss specific

issues and then connect with other individuals who share their beliefs. This has the

possibility of creating individual voters that are fixated on specific issues and who may

not be able to relate with the wider issues that are part of a general election. The existence

of different media and brands of information platform can slit political communication

into different segments - all addressing the same issues from different perspectives.

The second way social media has shaped political communication is by weakening the

gatekeeping capacity of the traditional media. Before the emergence of social media, the

38
traditional media played a key role in deciding what is sufficiently important to be aired

to the public. This gatekeeper role of the traditional media enables it to set the agenda of

public discourse. In the 1970s, (McCombs and Shaw, 1972) asserted that the mass media

force attention to certain issues. They build up public images of political figures. They

are constantly presenting objects suggesting what individuals in the mass should think

about, know about, [and] have feelings about. McCombs and Shaw insist that a small

number of mass media news producers dominate the market, and therefore, audiences

only get information about what the media decides is important enough to be covered.

By presenting politicians with a platform to speak directly to their constituents and

potential voters without the traditional media intermediary, the social media has largely

curtailed the agenda setting role of the traditional media (Gillin, 2008, as cited in Issa,

2006). Social media outlets have a responsibility to develop and implement social

networking guidelines for their users.

Finally, social media has emerged as the new influencer in social, economic and political

settings. Research has shown that increasing use of social media for political

communication has led to declining newspaper readership and television viewership in

many countries. Under this circumstance, the social media may likely continue to

dominate political communication, and to serve as a tool for gathering and disseminating

political messages (Issa, 2016).

39
In his study titled ‘The Influence of Social Media on the Voting Behaviour of the Youth in

South-East Nigeria’, Akinlade (2016) found that social media messages do not seem to

influence youths voting preferences as many of them already made up their minds on

who to vote based on primordial sentiments like religion, geopolitical background, ethnic

affiliation and the likes. Nigerian youths regard social media as a credible medium and as

such they frequently access it and spend some time on it daily (Akinlade, 2016).

Bond, Fariss, Jones, Kramer, Marlow, Settle and Fowler (2012, cited Akinlade, 2016)

however carried out an experiment titled ‘61 – million person experiment in social

influence and political mobilization’ and concluded that social media messages do

influence people. They estimated that tens of thousands of votes eventually cast (during

U.S Congressional election 2010) were generated by a single Facebook message.

(Akinlade 2016).

Mobilization, Participation and Democracy in America by Rosenstone and Hansen which

looked at elections over time and what makes someone more likely to participate in the

political process. ‘Through the strategic choices of candidates, parties, interest groups,

and activists, political, economic, and social change has tipped the balance of political

participation in America… Candidates now speak directly to the electorate through new

campaign technologies’ (Rosenstone and Hansen, cited in Megan, 2017). This is the

reason to why the public is more encouraged to mobilize which we know increases them

40
to go out and vote. This is an important factor in what makes social media important for

citizens, because it gives individuals access to the candidates in ways that have not

always been there. This research provides us a basis on how new technologies can be

used to help get citizens active in the political process and to get citizens to go out to vote

in elections. This research by Rosenstone and Hansen is an important part of the study of

not only political participation, but to how social media is important for campaigns and

citizens (Megan, 2017).

In his study on the 2014 general elections in Romania, Muntean (2015) found that

engaging young adults in political activities on social networking sites, results in higher

levels of traditional forms of participation. “As young adults are considered to be

apathetic towards politics, this strategy might be useful in changing their attitudes and

obtaining their input and opinions”. Therefore, political candidates might invest in their

social media presence, in future electoral campaigns, in order to appeal to the young

audience (Muntean, 2015).

A Professor of Communications at Kent State University, Paul Haridakis, opined that:

“The influence of social networking could be significant. Unlike a newspaper article or

television broadcast, the information presented on sites like Facebook is filtered through

a user's circle of friends and acquaintances… they may trust those people more that they

would a media organization or a campaign”.

41
From the foregoing, it is imperative to state that political participation amongst youth is

largely dependent on the use of Facebook and more youth are showing stronger reliance

on the Facebook as their platform for securing political information they need to make

their informed political decisions (Abdu, Mohamad and Muda, 2016).

Ayankoya, Calitz and Cullen, (2015) in their study ‘A Framework for the Use of Social

Media for Political Marketing: An Exploratory Study’ showed that “politicians and

political organisations can benefit from social media, by taking advantage of the ability to

network with their members, the people in the network of their members and other

potential members”

As the rise of the social media has captured researchers’ attention, and a few studies

investigate its effects on political participation. This study specifically intends to shed

light on the influence of social media on political participation, especially during the

2019 Nigerian general elections.

2.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY

This chapter discusses the history of social media in extensively reviews related works

about the impact of social media on political participation and elections. It explains the

42
conceptual framework of the study and discusses the theoretical framework related to the

study.

43
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Baran, S. J. & Davis, D.K. (2012). Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment

and Future. (6th Ed.). Wadsworth Cengage Learning.

Dimitrova, D. & Bystrom, D. (2013). The Effects of Social Media on Political

Participation and Candidate Image Evaluations in the 2012 Iowa Caucuses.

Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273590319 on

December 31, 2018.

Drew, H., (2013). Complete History of Social Media: Then and Now. Retrieved from

https://smallbiztrends.com/2013/05/the-complete-history-of-social-media-

infographic.html. on June 13, 2019

Effing, R., Hillergersberg, J. & Huibert, T. (2011). Social Media and Political

Participation: Are Facebook, Twitter and YouTube Democratizing Our Political

Systems? Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/221353460 on

February 13, 2019.

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Falade, D., A., (2014). Political Participation in Nigerian Democracy: A Study of Some

Selected Local Government Areas in Ondo State, Nigeria. Global Journal of

Human-Social Science.

Geraldine, D., Melanie, S., & Rene, H. (2014). Social Media and Political Participation.

Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development.

https://allafrica.com/stories/201901100036.html. Accessed on June 29, 2019.

https://www.digit.in/features/internet/the-origin-and-history-of-social-media-

31655.html. Accessed on June 13 2019.

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elections-inec-list-of-registered-voters-in-36-states-fct.html. Accessed on June 29,

2019.

https://www.pulse.ng/news/politics/2019-election-only-3475-of-registered-voters-

voted/ydl49c6. Accessed on June 29, 2019.

http://saharareporters.com/2019/02/26/data-nigerias-presidential-election-records-

lowest-voter-turnout-20-years. Accessed on June 29, 2019.

Issa, A.A. (2016). The Role of Social Media in Creating of Awareness During 2015

General Election in Nigeria: A Case Study of Facebook and Twitter. Bayero

University, Kano.

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Manning, J., (2014.). Definition and classes of Social media. In K. Harvey (Ed.).

Encyclopedia of social media and politics (pp. 1158-1162). Thousand Oaks, CA:

Sage.

McCombs, M., (2011). The Agenda-Setting Role of the Mass Media in the Shaping of

Public Opinion. University of Texas at Austin. Retrieved from

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Megan, F. (2017). Social Media and its Effects in Politics: The Factors that Influence

Social Media use for Political News and Social Media use Influencing Political

Participation. The Ohio State University.

Muntean, A. (2015). The Impact of Social Media Use on Political Participation. Aarhus

University.

Mustapha, L.K., Gbonegun, V.O. & Mustapha, M.L. (2016). Social Media Use, Social

Capital and Political Participation. Tripodos.

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Nnanyelugo, O. & Nwafor, K. A. (2013). Social media and political participation in

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Yearbook 2. New Brunswick

48
 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter discusses the research methodologies adopted for this research. It explains

the research design, method of data collection, the sample size of the population and the

sampling technique.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

The function of a research design is to ensure that the evidence obtained enables you to

effectively address the research problem logically and as unambiguously as possible.

For the purpose of this study, quantitative research design specifically survey research

method will be used. This is because descriptive research is primarily concerned with the

collection and analysis of data for the purpose of describing, evaluating or comparing

current or prevailing practices, event and occurrences. This study will be adopting the

survey design aimed at collecting data in order to answer the various research questions

this study intends to answer.

Also, unlike the qualitative research, which is subjective in its approach, quantitative

research is objective as it is a systematic method of data gathering through carefully

drafted questions directed to the sample size.

49
3.3 RESEARCH METHOD

The research method for this study is the survey method. Survey is the collection of data

from large population with the aim of drawing relevant relationship between and among

variables. It is the appropriate design to investigate the opinion, perception, attitude and

behavior of a group of people about a particular phenomenon. Survey method was rightly

selected because it is the best method to collect data from a large population that cannot

be observed directly.

3.4 POPULATION

The term population means all members that meet a set of specifications or a specified

criterion. The population for this study is the University of Ilorin undergraduate students.

The University of Ilorin is a federal government owned university in Ilorin, the capital

city of Kwara State in North-Central Nigeria. The University has 15 Faculties and various

units and departments.

According to information obtained from the Registry Unit of the University, the

population of undergraduates of the University of Ilorin is currently 44919.

50
3.5 SAMPLE SIZE

The undergraduates of the University of Ilorin belong to the 15 faculties currently

available in the institution and this research will be used having the primary interest of

the stratified random sampling in mind.

Below is a table showing breakdown of number of registered undergraduates for the

2018/2019 academic session of the University of Ilorin:

51
 Table 3.1: Breakdown of University of Ilorin undergraduates based on their

faculties

FACULTY FRESHER RETURNING TOTAL

Agriculture 1056 4248 5304

Arts 1238 3394 4632

Basic Medical Sciences 384 809 1193

Clinical Sciences 315 774 1089

Comm. and Info. Sciences 631 1503 2134

Education 3111 7266 10377

Engineering and Technology 865 2712 3577

Environmental Sciences 262 965 1227

Law 209 770 979

Life Sciences 1006 2631 3637

Management Sciences 1064 2701 3765

Pharmacy 92 244 336

Physical Sciences 964 2376 3340

Social Sciences 587 2507 3094

Veterinary Medicine 57 178 235

Total Population 11841 33078 44919

52
381 questionnaires were administered on respondents based on the Krejcie and Morgan

model.

3.6 SAMPLING PROCEDURE

When random sampling is used, each element in the population has an equal chance of

being selected (simple random sampling) or a known probability of being selected

(stratified random sampling). The sample is referred to as representative because the

characteristics of a properly drawn sample represent the parent population in all ways.

This procedure known as stratified random sampling is also a form of probability

sampling. To stratify means to classify or to separate people into groups according to

some characteristics, such as position, rank, income, education, sex, or ethnic

background. These separate groupings are referred to as subsets or subgroups. For a

stratified random sample, the population is divided into groups or strata. A random

sample is selected from each stratum based upon the percentage that each subgroup

represents in the population. Stratified random samples are generally more accurate in

representing the population than are simple random samples. They also require more

effort, and there is a practical limit to the number of strata used. Because participants are

to be chosen randomly from each stratum, a complete list of the population within each

stratum must be constructed. Stratified sampling is generally used in two different ways.

In one, primary interest is in the representativeness of the sample for purposes of

53
commenting on the population. In the other, the focus of interest is comparison between

and among the strata.

Copies of the questionnaires will be randomly distributed to registered undergraduates in

the 15 faculties of the institution.

3.7 OPERATIONALIZATION OF CONCEPTS AND MEASUREMENT OF

VARIABLES

The key variables used in this study were operationally defined and measured as follows:

Number of hours spent on social media: This was to determine the number of hours

respondents spend on social media. Respondents were given four options of (A) Less

than one hour (B) 1-3 hours (C) 4-6 hours (D) Above 6 hours.

Impact of social media on political participation: This section was developed to

understand the impact of social media use on respondents, especially during the 2019

elections. In this section respondents were asked to indicate the way social media for

affects their political on a 4-point Likert scale of 1 to 4 where 1 = strongly agree, 2 =

agree, 3 = disagree, and 4 = strongly disagree. The impact were characterized by three

underlying factors - awareness, social media activity and influence of social media

activity.

54
Perception of youths on politician’s image on social media: this section was created to

examine how social media influences the perception youths have about politicians. Using

a 4-point Likert scale of 1 to 4 where 1 = strongly agree, 2 = agree, 3 = disagree, and 4 =

strongly disagree. The perceptions were characterized by three underlying factors -

influence, believabilty and preference.

Credibilty of social media messages: this section aimed at determining the how credible

youths hold social media messages. Using a 4-point Likert scale of 1 to 4 where 1 =

strongly agree, 2 = agree, 3 = disagree, and 4 = strongly disagree. Credibility was

characterized by three underlying factors – believability, credibility and preference.

3.8 INSTRUMENTATION

Questionnaires were the data collection instrument used for this this research. A

questionnaire is a research instrument consisting of a series of questions for the purpose

of gathering information from respondents. It is also a set of questions used to conduct a

survey, which is the process of gathering, sampling, analyzing, and interpreting data from

a group of people (10 Questionnaire Examples, 2018).

Chukwuemeka (2002, cited in Akinlade, 2016) states that "All data collected for a

specific purpose by the researcher from the field are known as primary data. The most

important methods of collecting primary data are: questionnaire, interview, observation."

55
He went on to define questionnaire as "a data gathering instrument in which respondents

are given standard or uniformed questions."

This study utilised the questionnaire instrument to solicit responses from the research

sample elements on their social media usage and their political participation. The

questionnaire is suitable since the sample elements are undergraduate students.

The questionnaire was drafted using the nominal, ordinal and likert scale technique for

the section any of them is most applicable.

The questionnaire was divided into four sections A, B, C, D and E.

Section A was designed to collect demographic information of the respondents.

Section B of the questionnaire was designed to collect information on respondents’ social

media usage.

Section C of the questionnaire was designed to collect information on the impact of social

media on respondents’ political participation.

Section D of the questionnaire was designed to collect information on respondents’

perception on politician’s image.

Section E of the questionnaire was designed to determine the level of crediblity

respondents attached to social media messages.

56
To get the numbers of questionnaires to be distributed, proportionate representation was

used. This means the percentage share of each stratum (faculty) in the total population

will serve as a basis to determine the number of questionnaires for each faculty. Thus, to

know the number of questionnaires to be distributed in the Faculty of Agriculture, the

percentage shares of the said faculty’s population from the total population was

calculated:

Therefore, % share= 5304 x 381= 45

44,919 1

In the distribution of the questionnaire, the convenience sampling will be used to pick the

respondents in the faculties after being stratified. The respondents were selected

irrespective of their departments.

57
 Table 3.2: Distribution of questionnaires based on sample size

FACULTY POPULATION NO. OF QUESTIONNAIRES SHARED

Agriculture 5304 45

Arts 4632 39

Basic Medical Sciences 1193 10

Clinical Sciences 1089 9

Comm. and Info. Sciences 2134 18

Education 10377 88

Engineering and Technology 3577 30

Environmental Sciences 1227 10

Law 979 8

Life Sciences 3637 31

Management Sciences 3765 32

Pharmacy 336 4

Physical Sciences 3340 28

Social Sciences 3094 26

Veterinary Medicine 235 3

Total Population 44919 381

58
3.9 VALIDITY AND RELIABILTY

The validity of the research instruments were checked and verified by the research

supervisor. This ensured that the research instrument was appropriate in investigating the

subject of research. The questions in the research instrument were checked for ambiguity

and clarity.

Reliability refers to the consistency between independent measurements of the same

phenomenon the accuracy of precision of measuring instruments. In testing for reliability

of the research instruments, a pilot study was conducted using fifty questionnaires. Out of

the fifty questionnaires only six were not properly filled while the remaining forty-four

questionnaires were properly filled.

Cronbach’s Alpha was utilized in establishing the reliability of the instrument used:

Cronbach's N of

Alpha Items

.602 20

Table 3.3: Table showing result of Reliabilty Test on Pilot Study

The reliability test shows the research instrument was reliable, given the .602 consistency

in the test.

59
 Cronbach's N of

Alpha Items

.744 20

Table 3.4: Table showing result of Reliabilty Test on all questionnaires shared

The final questionnaire was very reliable in carrying out the research going by the .744

consistency result.

3.10 DATA COLLECTION PROCESS

Data collection was done through the administration of questionnaires at the main and

mini campuses of the University of Ilorin in July 2019. The respondents as students of

respective faculties of the university provided information required of them by the

questionnaire. The researcher distributed copies of the questionnaire and ensured proper

appropriation and provided clarity where necessary. Filled questionnaires were either

returned immediately after filling or at the convenience of the researcher.

3.11 DATA PRESENTATION

Data presentation and analysis forms an integral part of all academic studies, commercial,

industrial and marketing activities as well as professional practices. It is necessary to

60
make use of collected data which is considered to be raw data which must be processed to

put for any application. Data analyses helps in the interpretation of data and take a

decision or answer the research question. Data analysis starts with the collection of data

followed by data processing and sorting it.

The data was presented using frequency count, percentages and tables.

3.12 DATA ANALYSIS

A descriptive statistical analysis was used to analyse the data gathered through

questionnaire using percentages, frequency count, pie-charts and tables. The data

gathered from the distributed questionnaire were coded and sorted into IBM SPSS 21

App data processing template and was used to calculate the aforementioned type of data

analysis.

3.13 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

In this study, the ethical issues include confidentiality and anonymity of the respondents.

The researcher in this study attempted to keep the anonymity of the respondents and this

was achieved by not asking respondents about their names or contact details.

Also, plagiarism was curbed by giving credits and appropriately referencing scholars and

works cited throughout the research report.

61
3.14 CHAPTER SUMMARY

The chapter discussed the research methodology of how the research is going to be

executed, it includes the research design, research method, population, sample size-

which determines the number of questionnaire to be distributed, sample technique,

instrumentation, the data collection process, as well as the issues of ethical

considerations. Also, the validity and reliability of the questionnaire was measured by

conducting a pilot study.

62
 END OF CHAPTER REFERENCES

Akinlade, A.A. (2016). The Influence of Social Media on the Voting Behaviour of the

Youth in South-East Nigeria.

Vauss, D.A., (2008). Research Design in Social Research. SAGE.

10 Questionnaire Examples, Questions, & Tips to Help You Create Your Own Templates

(2018). Retrieved December 15, 2018 from

https://blog.hubspot.com/service/questionnaire.

63
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA ANALYSIS

4.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter deals with the presentation of data gathered from the fieldwork with the aid

of questionnaires. A total of four hundred (400) copies of the questionnaire were

distributed to undergraduates of the University of Ilorin. Three hundred and eighty-one

(381) copies of the questionnaire were returned fully answered correctly while nineteen

others were rejected for not being completely answered or invalid information. However,

the 381 copies of the questionnaire returned fully completed out of the 400 distributed

represents a response rate of 95.25% which is very good.

The data is presented by means of frequency, percentages and tables.

4.2 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF RESPONDENTS

The major demographic information sought in this study was respondent’s gender, age

group, faculty and study level. The respondents’ demographic profile of this study is

presented in frequency and percentage format as contained in Table 4.1.

64
4.2.1 Gender

The male respondents in this study equaled 231 which amount to 60.6% of the entire

sample in the study while the female respondents were 150 which represent 39.4% of the

entire research population.

4.2.2 Age Group

Respondents within the age group of 20-24 constituted the highest number of respondents

at 170 at 44.6% followed by the age group of 15-19 which accounted for 169 respondents

at 44.4% and the age group 25-29 respondents which accounted for 42 respondents at

11%.

4.2.3 Faculty

This study focuses on all faculties in the research population which is the University of

Ilorin. Generally, Faculty of Education accounted for the highest number of respondents

in this study with a total of 88 respondents (23.1%) while the Faculty of Veterinary

Medicine accounted for the least number of respondents with a total number of 3

respondents (0.8%). Representation from other faculties are; Agricultural Science 11.8%

(45), Arts 10.2% (39), Basic Medical Science 2.6% (10), Clinical Sciences 2.4% (9),

Communication and Information Sciences 4.7% (18), Engineering and Technology 7.9%

(30), Environmental Sciences 2.6% (10), Law 2.1% (8), Life Sciences 8.1% (31),

Management Sciences 8.4% (32), Physical Sciences 7.3% (28) and Social Sciences 6.8%

(26).

65
4.2.3 Study Level

The study comprises of respondents from the six study levels in the University of Ilorin

where 400-level students accounted for the highest number of respondents at 25.4% (97)

while 600-level accounted for the least number of respondents at 1.6% (6) while the

frequency and percentage distribution of other study levels are; 200-level accounted for

88 respondents at 23.1%, 100-level accounted for 85 respondents at 22.3 %, 300-level

accounted for 80 respondents at 21% and 500-level accounted for 25 respondents at

6.6%.

66
Table 4.1: Respondents’ Demographic Profile

Demographic Profile Frequency Percentage

Gender

Male 231 60.6

Female 150 39.4

Total 381 100.0

Age Group

15-19 170 44.4

20-24 169 44.6

25-29 42 11.0

Total 381 100.0

Faculty

Agricultural Science 45 11.8

Arts 39 10.2

Basic Medical Sciences 10 2.6

Clinical Sciences 9 2.4

Communication and Information Sciences 18 4.7

Education 88 23.1

Engineering and Technology 30 7.9

Environmental Sciences 10 2.6

Law 8 2.1

Life Sciences 31 8.1

Management Sciences 32 8.4

Pharmaceutical Sciences 4 1.0

Physical Sciences 28 7.3

Social Sciences 26 6.8

Veterinary Medicine 3 0.8

Total 381 100.0

Level

100 85 22.3

200 88 23.1

300 80 21.0

400 97 25.4

500 25 6.6

600 6 1.6

Total 381 100

67
Table 4.2: Respondents Level of Social Media Usage
Distribution of respondents’ possession of internet accessible device

Variable Frequency Percentage

Yes 371 97.4

No 10 2.6

Total 381 100

Distribution of hours respondents spend on social media

Less than one hour 42 11.1

1-3 hours 88 23.1

4-6 hours 116 30.4

Above 6 hours 135 35.4

Total 381 100

Distribution of social media platforms respondents use the most

WhatsApp 250 65.6

Facebook 35 9.2

Instagram 47 12.3

Twitter 46 12.1

Others 3 0.8

Total 381 100

Distribution of social media platforms respondents use the least

WhatsApp 33 8.7

Facebook 134 35.2

Instagram 84 22.3

Twitter 126 33.1

Others 3 0.8

Total 381 100

Table showing how frequent respondents use social media on their devices

Regularly 310 81.4

Occasionally 57 15.0

Rarely 14 3.7

Never 0 0

Total 381 100

68
Table 4.2 shows Respondents’ Level of Social Media Usage. From the table, 371 or

97.4% of respondents’ possess an internet accessible device of their own while 10 or

2.6% do not have one of their own. Also, 135 or 35.4% of respondents spend above six

hours on social media; 116 or 23.1% spend 4-6 hours on social media; 88 or 23.1% spend

1-3 hours on social media and 42 or 11.1% spend less than one hour on social media

daily.

The table further shows that WhatsApp is the social medium respondents for this study

use the most as 250 or 65.6% of respondents acknowledged it; 47 or 12.3% of

respondents use Instagram the most; 46 or 12.1% of respondents use Twitter the most and

only 3 or 0.8 of respondents claim to use other social media platforms. Also, 134 or 35.2

of respondents use Facebook the least while 126 or 33.1% of respondents use Twitter the

least. 84 or 22.3% of respondents use Instagram the least while 33 or 8.7% of respondents

use WhatsApp the least. Only 3 or 0.8% of respondents claim to use other social media

platforms the least.

The table sums it up by showing that 310 or 81.4% of respondents use social media

regularly on their device while 57 or 14% of respondents use social media occasionally

on their device. 14 or 3.7% of respondents rarely use social media on their device and

there is no respondent who does not use social media on their devices at all.

69
4.3 ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH QUESTIONS

4.3.1 RQ1: Impact of Social Media on Respondents’ Political Participation in 2019

Elections

Table 4.3: Table showing results garnered from the first research question

Social Media Use Level of Agreement (%)

_______________________ Mean S.D Overall

(N= 381) 1 2 3 4 %

I followed political news on social 23.1 49.1 14.7 13.1 2.19 .956 54.75

media during the electioneering

period.

I became aware of political news 22.6 56.7 12.6 8.1 2.11 .895 52.75

through the social media.

I share political news on social 13.9 36.2 26.0 23.9 2.62 1.018 65.5

media.

Social media helped me to become 27.8 33.6 17.3 21.3 2.28 1.053 57

more politically active during the

elections.

I commented and participated in 13.1 34.9 23.9 28.1 2.63 .988 65.75

political discourses on social media.

Total 2.37 0.982

*Scale: 1 = Strongly Agree. 2 = Agree. 3 = Disagree. 4 = Strongly Disagree

Table 4.3 shows the results garnered from the first research question to measure the

impact of social media on respondents’ political participation. Majority of respondents

70
Strongly Agreed at 27.8% that social media does have an impact on their participation

(Mean = 2.37, S.D. = 0.982). Respondents specifically agreed that they followed political

news on social media during the electioneering period (Mean = 2.19, S.D. = .956). Also,

they agreed on being aware of political news through the social media (Mean = 2.11 S.D.

= .895). They agreed that the social media helped them to become more politically active

(Mean = 2.28, S.D. 1.053).

4.3.2. RQ2: What are the perceptions of youths about Nigerian politician’s image

on social media?

71
Table 4.4: Table showing results garnered from the second research question

Social Media Use Level of Agreement (%)

_______________________ Mean S.D Overall

(N= 381) 1 2 3 4 %

Social media influenced my choice 21.8 34.4 26.5 17.3 2.49 1.104 54.75

of political candidate.

Social media influenced my choice 17.8 33.1 28.9 20.2 2.60 1.085 65

of political party.

Social media was an avenue for 31.8 49.1 5.5 13.6 1.93 .819 48.25

politicians to boost their image

to the public.

I believe political candidates who 21.0 34.1 19.4 25.5 2.43 1.028 60.75

were not active on social media to

be unserious about their ambition.

I would vote for a politician who is 17.1 23.6 32.8 26.5 2.75 1.090 68.75

on social media instead of one who

is not.

Total 2.43 1.006

*Scale: 1 = Strongly Agree. 2 = Agree. 3 = Disagree. 4 = Strongly Disagree

Table 4.4 shows the perception of youths on the image of politicians as it relates to the

social media. Respondents Strongly Agreed that the social media does influence their

perception about politicians at 31.8% (Mean = 2.43, S.D. = 1.006). They specifically

agreed that the social media influenced their choice of political candidates during the

72
elections (Mean = 2.49, S.D. = 1.104). They also agreed that social media influenced

their choice of political party (Mean = 2. 60, S.D. = 1.085). Respondents also agreed that

social media was an avenue for politicians to boost their image to the public (Mean =

1.93, S.D. = .819). Respondents also believed political candidates who were not active on

social media to be unserious about their ambition (Mean = 2.43, S.D. = 1.028).

4.3.3 RQ3 and 4: Level Credibility/Believability Respondents Attach to Social Media

Messages

Table 4.5: Table showing results garnered from the third and fourth research questions

Social Media Use Level of Agreement (%)

_______________________ Mean S.D Overall

(N= 381) 1 2 3 4 %

I believe political news on social 15.5 42.8 24.4 17.3 2.51 1.025 62.75

media.

Social media is a credible platform 25.2 52.2 12.1 10.5 2.09 .913 52.25

to get political news.

I share political news on social 21.8 58.0 8.7 11.5 2.07 .823 51.75

media.

Social media is credible in 24.1 58.8 9.2 7.9 2.02 .830 50.5

encouraging youth’s political

participation.

I prefer political candidates who 30.2 42.3 20.2 7.3 2.18 1.075 54.5

engage youths on social media than

those who do not.

Total 2.8 1.167

*Scale: 1 = Strongly Agree. 2 = Agree. 3 = Disagree. 4 = Strongly Disagree

Table 4.5 shows that respondents attach a high level of credibility to social media

messages at 30.2%. (Mean = 2.8, S.D. = 1.167). Respondents agreed that they believe

73
political messages they see on social media (Mean = 2.51, S.D. = 1.025). They believe

that social media is a credible platform in getting political news (Mean = 2.09, S.D. =

.913). They also believe that social media is a credible platform for political discourses

(Mean = 2.07, S.D. = .823). Respondents believe the social media is also credible in

encouraging youths to participate in politics (Mean = 2.02, S.D. = .830). They also prefer

political candidates who engage youths on social media than those who do not (Mean =

2.18, 1.075).

4.4 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS/FINDINGS

The findings of this study revealed some interesting facts based data gathered through the

research instrument. Discussion of the study’s findings will be done in line with the

objectives of the study and more specifically the research questions.

This study is centered on exploring the impact of social media on the level of political

participation of undergraduates of the University of Ilorin, Ilorin. Resting heavily on the

agenda-setting theoretical paradigm, the study presents findings that are in tandem with

what other scholars have found in related studies.

Respondents agreed that social media had an effect on their level of political

participation, especially in the 2019 general. 23.1% of the respondents ‘Strongly Agreed

that they followed political news on social media and 49.1% ‘Agreed’ to it. 22.6% of
74
respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’ that they became aware of political news through the

social media and 56.7% ‘Agreed’ to it and 27.8% of respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’ that

social media helped them to become more politically active in the 2019 elections while

33.6% ‘Agreed’ to it. This findings is in tandem with the findings of Akinlade (2016)

who found that social media influenced Nigerian youths respondents in South-East

Nigeria during the 2015 Nigeria general election.

These statistics prove that the social media did have an impact on youths’ political

participation in the 2019 Nigeria general elections.

To answer the second research question, questions 15, 16, 17 and 18 from Section D of

the questionnaire were analysed. 21.8% of respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’ that social

media influenced their choice of political candidates in the elections while 34.4% of

respondents ‘Agreed’ to it. 17.8% of respondents reported that social media influenced

their choice of political party while 33.1% of ‘Agreed’ to it. 31.8% of respondents

‘Strongly Agreed’ that the social media was an avenue for politician’s to boost their

image in the eyes of the public while 49.1% ‘Agreed’ to it. 21% of respondents ‘Strongly

Agreed’ believed that politicians who were not active on social media were unserious

about their political ambition and 34.1% ‘Agreed’ to it.

These statistics show that the social media projects a positive perception of politicians to

youths.

75
To answer the third and fourth research questions, Section E of the questionnaire, which

comprises of questions 20, 21, 22, 23 and 24 were analysed. 15.5% of respondents

‘Strongly Agreed’ that they believe political news on social media and 42.8% ‘Agreed’ to

it. 25.2% of respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’ that social media is a credible platform in

getting political news and 52.2% ‘Agreed’ to it. 21.8% of respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’

that social media is a credible platform for political discourses and 58% ‘Agreed’ to it.

24.1% of respondents ‘Strongly Agreed’ that social media is credible in encouraging

youths’ political participation and 58.8% ‘Agreed’ to it. 30.2% of respondents ‘Strongly

Agreed’ that they prefer candidates who engage youths on social media than those who

do not and 42.3% ‘Agreed’ to it.

These statistics show that youths believe political news and stories they read on social

media and even regards them credible. It is in tandem with the findings of Akinlade on

the 2015 Nigeria general elections who found that Nigerian youths regard the social

media as credible.

4.4 CHAPTER SUMMARY

This chapter has explained the results of research gathered from the field. It answers

in details, with the aid of frequency, percentages, pie-charts and tables, the research

questions raised in this study.

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 END OF CHAPTER REFERENCE

Akinlade, A.A. (2016). The Influence of Social Media on the Voting Behaviour of the

Youth in South-East Nigeria.

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 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 INTRODUCTION

This study titled “The Impact of Social Media on University Of Ilorin Undergraduates’

Level of Political Participation in the 2019 Nigeria General Elections.” is aimed at

exploring the impact of social media on the level of political participation of youths in the

2019 general elections among Nigerian youths with undergraduates of the University of

Ilorin, Ilorin as case study. Survey research design was adopted using questionnaire for

data gathering. Based on the data collected, analyzed and discussed, this chapter focuses

on the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations from the study.

5.2 SUMMARY

The study was undertaken after the 2019 Nigerian general elections held in March 2019.

The objectives of the study were to determine the impact of social media on youths’

political participation in the 2019 Nigeria general elections, with undergraduates of the

University of Ilorin as case study; to examine the perceptions of Nigerian youths about

Nigerian politician’s image on social media; to examine the believability level of political

news Nigerian youths read about on social media and to determine the level of credibility

Nigerian youths attach to social media messages.

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The study was guided by the agenda-setting theory. The research methodology adopted is

primarily the survey method with questionnaires as the data collection instrument. Using

the Krejcie and Morgan model for determining sample size, 400 undergraduates of the

University of Ilorin between the ages of 15 and 29 were drawn as the sample to represent

the entire population (44, 919).

5.3 CONCLUSION

Findings from the study revealed that social media did have a positive influence on

youths participation in the political and electoral process, especially the 2019 Nigeria

general elections. Social media influenced youths’ choice of political candidate and party

but, quite amazingly, did not actually guarantee that youths voted for any political

candidate just because he or she has a social media account. Youths also regard social

media as a credible medium for political discourses and majority also testified to the

social media has making them become more politically active. This does not come as a

surprise if one considers how often and how much time youths spend on social media

daily. The findings of the study are summarized below:

1. University of Ilorin undergraduates, and by extension, Nigerian youths are

very active on social media platforms which they use for many hours every

day and WhatsApp is the social media platform mostly used by Nigerian

youths.

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 2. Social media had a positive influence on the youth participation in the 2019

electoral process as many youths became aware of political news on social

media and also disseminated political news through them.

3. A political candidate having a social media account did not guarantee that

Nigerian youths voted for such candidate during the elections.

4. Nigerian youths regard social media as a credible medium and believe

political news they are exposed to through it.

5.4 LIMITATIONS

This study, considering the fact it has to do with the internet, would have been more

interesting if questionnaires were to be filled online, but the researcher observed, before

going to the field, that not many potential respondents actually complete online surveys

or fill online questionnaires completely because they are mostly engrossed with social

media on their communication gadgets.

5.5 RECOMMENDATIONS

5.5.1 Recommendations based on research findings:

The Federal Government of Nigeria should strengthen its efforts in Information and

Communication Technology (ICT) in every sector of the country. More and more

Nigerian youths are gaining access to the internet every day and ensuring the information

flow on the internet is uninterrupted is key to the information flow of the country.

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The National Information and Technology Development Agency government should

monitor what goes onto the social media as many people will believe what they read/see

on it and the consequences wrong or misleading information can only better imagined.

Political parties, politicians, governmental agencies and ministries should create a robust

and effective social media presence to inform and educate youths, especially on social

media platforms which has a high concentration of Nigerian youths who believe political

news on social media and regards them as credible. This will help reduce the low turnout

of voters on election days and reduce the spread of fake news.

In future elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), should

adopt the electronic voting system in order to allow youths who may not go out to vote

physically do so online. 97.4% of respondents in this study claim to have an accessible

device with 50.5% spending between 1-6 hours on social media daily while 35.4% spend

above six hours daily.

5.5.2 Recommendations for further studies:

Further studies on the impact of social media on political participation, especially in

Nigeria, should examine why the social media, even though Nigerian youths believe it as

a credible platform for political discourses, does not have an effect on who they actually

vote for on Election Day. They are exposed to many political advertisements and

messages on social media, why does it not have an effect on who they actually vote for.

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JOURNAL ARTICLES

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Mustapha, L.K., Gbonegun, V.O. & Mustapha, M.L. (2016). Social Media Use, Social

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UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS

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Youth in South-East Nigeria. Unpublished Master’s Thesis. University of

Nigeria Nsukka.

Erika, K., (2017). Youths participation in politics. Unupblished Bachelor’s Thesis submitted to

Linne Universitete, South Africa.

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General Election in Nigeria: A Case Study of Facebook and Twitter. Class

project submitted to Bayero University, Kano.

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Social Media use for Political News and Social Media use Influencing Political

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University.

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December 31, 2018.

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https://smallbiztrends.com/2013/05/the-complete-history-of-social-media-

infographic.html. on June 13, 2019

Effing, R., Hillergersberg, J. & Huibert, T. (2011). Social Media and Political

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participation matter? Retrieved from

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 APPENDIX A

UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN

FACULTY OF COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION SCIENCES

DEPRTMENT OF MSS COMMUNICATION

Dear Respondent,

I am a final year student of the Department of Mass Communication, Faculty of

Communication and Information Sciences, University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria. This
questionnaire is designed to elicit responses to measure and determine the impact of
social media on University of Ilorin undergraduate’s level of political participation
in the recently concluded 2019 Nigerian general elections.

Please, kindly respond your first impression to all items by ticking [√]. Your
answers are for research purposes and so, they shall be treated with utmost
confidentiality.

Thank you for your anticipated cooperation.

Yours faithfully,

RUFAI, Ibrahim Kayode

SECTION A

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DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION

This section aims to collect your demographic information for the research purpose.
Kindly fill or tick the option most applicable to you.

Please tick within the box the answers as they relate to you.

1. Gender: (A) Male { } (B) Female { }

2. Age: (A) 15 -19 { } (B) 20-24 { } (C) 25-29 { }

3. Faculty: ____________________________

4. Level: (A) 100 { } (B) 200 { } (C) 300 { } (D) 400 { } (E) 500 { } (F)
600 { }

SECTION B

LEVEL OF SOCIAL MEDIA USAGE

Please tick within the box as they relate to you.

5. Do you have an internet accessible device? (A) Yes { } (B) No { }

6. How many hours do you spend using social media daily? (A) Less than one hour
{ } (B) 1 – 3 hours { } (C) 4 - 6 hours { } (D) Above 6 hours { }.
7. Which of these social platforms do you use the most? (A) WhatsApp { } (B)
Facebook { } (C) Instagram { } (D) Twitter { } (E) Others
8. Which of these social platforms do you use the least? (A) WhatsApp { } (B)
Facebook { } (C) Instagram { } (D) Twitter { } (E) Others

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 9. How frequent do you use social media on your device? (A) Regularly { } (B)
Occasionally { } (C) Rarely { } (D) Never { }.

SECTION C

IMPACT OF SOCIAL MEDIA ON POLITICAL PARTICIATION

Kindly tick the most appropriate response from the options provided: SA = Strongly
Agree, A = Agree, SD = Strongly Disagree, D = Disagree. Please indicate your answers
by ticking the appropriate column.

STATEMENTS SA A D SD

10 I followed political news on social media during electioneering

period.

11 I became aware of political news through the social media

12 I share political news on social media

13 Social media helped me to become more politically active during the

elections

14 I comment and participated in political discourses on social media

SECTION D

PERCEPTION OF YOUTH ON POLITICIAN’S IMAGE ON SOCIAL MEDIA

STATEMENTS SA A D SD

90
 15 Social media influenced my choice of political candidate

16 Social media influenced my choice of political party

17 The social media was an avenue for politcians to boost their image to the
public

18 I believe political candidates who were not active on social media to be

unserious about their ambition

19 I would vote for a politician who is on social media instead of one who is
not

SECTION E

CREDIBILITY OF SOCIAL MEDIA MESSAGES

STATEMENT SA A D SD
20 I believe political news on social media
21 Social media is a credible platform to get political
news
22 Social media is a credible platform for political
discourses
23 Social media is credible in encouraging youths’
political participation
24 I prefer political candidates who engage youths on
social media than those who do not

THANK YOU.

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