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Detailed Contents
Preface to the Sixth Edition
Acknowledgments
About the Author
PART I: THE INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY
1 Taking a New Look at a Familiar World
Sociology and the Individual
The Insights of Sociology
The Sociological Imagination
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
2 Seeing and Thinking Sociologically
How Individuals Structure Society
Social Influence: The Impact of Other People in Our
Everyday Lives
Societal Influence: The Effect of Social Structure on Our
Everyday Lives
Statuses and Roles
Groups
Organizations
Social Institutions
Family
Education
Economy
Politics and Law
Religion
Medicine and Health Care
Military
Mass Media
Culture
Values
Norms
Social Structure in a Global Context
Three Perspectives on Social Order
The Structural-Functionalist Perspective
The Conflict Perspective

8
 Symbolic Interactionism
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
PART II: THE CONSTRUCTION OF SELF AND SOCIETY
3 Building Reality: The Social Construction of Knowledge
Understanding the Social Construction of Reality
Laying the Foundation: The Bases of Reality
Culture and Language
Self-Fulfilling Prophecies
Faith and Incorrigible Propositions
Building the Walls: Conflict, Power, and Social Institutions
The Economics of Reality
The Politics of Reality
The Medium Is the Message
Appreciating the Contributions of Sociological Research
The Empirical Nature of Sociological Research
Qualitative and Quantitative Research
Theories, Variables, and Hypotheses
Modes of Research
Experiments
Field Research
Surveys
Unobtrusive Research
The Trustworthiness of Social Research
Samples
Indicators
Values, Interests, and Ethics in Sociological Research
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
4 Building Order: Culture and History
Dimensions of Culture
Material and Nonmaterial Culture
Global Culture
Subcultures
Cultural Expectations and Social Order
Social Institutions and Cultural Norms
Norms and Sanctions
Cultural Relativism and Ethnocentrism

9
 Cultural Variation and Everyday Experience
Health and Illness
The Sexes
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
5 Building Identity: Socialization
Genes, Social Structure, and the Construction of Human
Beings
Socialization: Becoming You
The Acquisition of Self
The Differentiation of Self
Language Acquisition and the Looking-Glass Self
The Development of Role Taking
Resocialization
The Self in a Cultural Context
Socialization and Stratification: Growing Up With
Inequality
Social Class
Race and Ethnicity
Gender
Institutions and Socialization
Education
Religion
Mass Media
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
6 Supporting Identity: The Presentation of Self
Forming Impressions of Others
Social Group Membership
Physical Appearance
Is Beauty Only Skin Deep?
Sizing People Up
Verbal and Nonverbal Expression
Managing Impressions
Dramaturgy: Actors on a Social Stage
Front Stage and Back Stage
Props
Image Making

10
 The Surgical Alteration of Appearance
Political Portraits
Social Influences on Impression Management
Race and Ethnicity
Socioeconomic Status
Mismanaging Impressions: Spoiled Identities
Embarrassment
Remedies for Spoiled Identities
Stigma
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
7 Building Social Relationships: Intimacy and Families
Life With Others
Social Diversity and Intimate Choices
Exogamy
Endogamy
Religious Endogamy
Racial and Ethnic Endogamy
Social Class Endogamy
Family Life
Defining Family
Historical Trends in Family Life
Trends in Family Structure
Trends in Household Size
Trends in Divorce
Cultural Variation in Intimacy and Family
Family and Social Structure
How Other Institutions Influence Family
The Influence of Law and Politics
The Influence of Religion
The Influence of Economics
How Social Diversity Influences Family
Family Challenges
Divorce
The Normalization of Divorce
Children, Divorce, and Single Parenting
Family Violence
Intimate-Partner Violence
Child Abuse and Neglect

11
 Intimate Violence in a Cultural Context
Individual and Institutional Responses to Intimate
Violence
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
8 Constructing Difference: Social Deviance
Defining Deviance
Absolutist Definitions of Deviance
Relativist Definitions of Deviance
The Elements of Deviance
Explaining Deviant Behavior
Deterring Deviance
Labeling Deviants
Linking Power, Deviance, and Social Control
The Criminalization of Deviance
The Social Reality of Crime
Wealthy, Corporate, and White-Collar Crime
The Menace of “Illegal” Drugs
The Medicalization of Deviance
Individualizing Complex Social Issues
Depoliticizing Deviance
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
PART III: SOCIAL STRUCTURE, INSTITUTIONS, AND
EVERYDAY LIFE
9 The Structure of Society: Organizations, Social Institutions,
and Globalization
Social Structure and Everyday Life
Social Dilemmas: Individual Interests and Structural Needs
The Tragedy of the Commons
The Free-Rider Problem
The Structure of Formal Organizations
Bureaucracies: Playing by the Rules
The Construction of Organizational Reality
Organizations and Institutions
Organizational Networks Within Institutions
Institutional Pressures Toward Similarity
Globalization and Social Institutions

12
 Economics
Education
Religion
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
10 The Architecture of Stratification: Social Class and Inequality
Stratification Systems
Slavery
Caste Systems
Estate Systems
Social Class Systems
Sociological Perspectives on Stratification
The Structural-Functionalist View of Stratification
The Conflict View of Stratification
The Marxian Class Model
Neo-Marxist Models of Stratification
Weber’s Model of Stratification
Class Inequality in the United States
Class and Everyday Life
Class Distinctions
The Upper Class
The Middle Class
The Working Class
The Poor
What Poverty Means in the United States
The Poverty Line
The Near-Poor
The Poverty Rate
The Consequences of Poverty
Poverty and Health
Poverty and Education
Out on the Streets
Why Poverty Persists
Enduring Disparities in Income and Wealth
The Social “Benefits” of Poverty
The Ideology of Competitive Individualism
Global Development and Inequality
The Global Economic Gap
Global Financial Organizations

13
 Multinational Corporations
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
11 The Architecture of Inequality: Race and Ethnicity
Race and Ethnicity: More Than Just Biology
Histories of Oppression and Inequality
Native Americans
Latino/as
African Americans
Asian Americans
Muslim Americans
Racial and Ethnic Relations
Personal Racism
Stereotypes
Prejudice and Discrimination
Colorism
The Privilege of Colorlessness
Class, Race, and Discrimination
The Cultural Ideology of Racism
Racism in Language
The Myth of Innate Racial Inferiority
Institutional Racism: Injustice Built Into the System
Racial Inequality in the Economic System
Racial Inequality in the Health Care System
Racial Inequality in the Educational System
Remedies for Institutional Racism
Global Perspectives on Racism
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
12 The Architecture of Inequality: Sex and Gender
Sexism at the Personal Level
Sexism and Social Interaction
Sexual Orientation
Sexual Violence Against Women
Rape as a Means of Social Control
Victim Blaming
The Ideology of Sexism: Biology as Destiny
Institutions and Gender Inequality

14
 Masculinized Institutions
Gender Inequality in Health and Health Care
Gender Inequality in Families
Gender Inequality in Education
Gender Inequality in the Economy
The Sex-Segregated Workplace
The Wage Gap
The Global Devaluation of Women
Conclusion
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
13 Demographic Dynamics: Population Trends
The Influence of Birth Cohorts
Baby Boomers
Generation X
The Millennial and Post-Millennial Generations
Demographic Dynamics
Population Growth
Global Imbalances in Population Growth
Politics, Culture, and Population Growth
Age Structure
Geographic Distribution
Migration Within a Country
Migration From One Country to Another
Population Trends in the United States
Immigration and the Changing Face of the United
States
The “Graying” of the United States
Conclusion
Key Terms
14 Architects of Change: Reconstructing Society
Social Change
The Speed of Social Change
Causes of Social Change
Environmental and Population Pressures
Cultural and Technological Innovation
Diffusion of Technologies and Cultural Practices
Social Movements
Types of Social Movements
Elements of Social Movements

15
 Ideology
Resource Mobilization
Bureaucratization
Political Opportunity Structure
The Sociological Imagination Revisited
Conclusion and Farewell
Chapter Highlights
Key Terms
Glossary
References
Index

16
Preface to the Sixth Edition

It was the first day of the fall semester several years ago. I had just
finished making the final adjustments to an earlier edition of this book,
which was due to be published the following January. I felt pretty good
about myself, like I’d just accomplished something monumental. Let’s
face it, being able to call yourself an author is pretty cool. Even my two
sons were impressed with me (although not as impressed as the time we
went to a professional hockey game and I leaped out of my seat to catch an
errant, speeding puck barehanded). I walked confidently into the first
meeting of my Introduction to Sociology class, eager to start teaching
wide-eyed, first-year students a thing or two about sociology.

In my opening comments to the class that day, I mentioned that I had just
written this book. The panicked look in students’ eyes—a curious
combination of awe and fear—calmed when I told them I wouldn’t be
requiring them to read it that semester. I told them that the process of
writing an introductory text helped me immensely in preparing for the
course and that I looked forward to passing on to them the knowledge I
had accumulated.

The next day after class, one of the students—a bright-eyed, freshly
scrubbed 18-year-old—approached me. The ensuing conversation would
leave a humbling impression that lasts to this day:

Student: Hi . . . umm . . . Professor Newman . . . I called my parents last

night to, like, tell them how my first day in college went. I think they were,
like, more nervous than I was. You know how parents can be.

Me: Yes, I sure do. I’m a parent myself, you know.

Student: Yeah, whatever. Anyway, I was telling them about my classes

and my professors and stuff. I told them about this class and how I thought
it would be pretty cool. I told them you had written a book. I thought that
would impress them, you know, make it seem like they were getting their
money’s worth and everything.

Me: Well, thanks.

17
Student: So, they go, “What’s the book about?” [He laughs sheepishly.]
I told them I really didn’t know, but I’d find out. So, like, that’s what I’m
doing . . . finding out.

Me: Well, I’m glad you asked. You see, it’s an introductory sociology
textbook that uses everyday experiences and phenomena as a way of
understanding important sociological theories and ideas. In it I’ve
attempted to . . .

Student: [His eyes, which were already glazed over with boredom,
suddenly jumped back to life.] Wait, did you say it was a textbook?

Me: Why, yes. You see the purpose of the book is to provide the reader
with a thorough and useful introduction to the sociological perspective. I
want to convey . . .

Student: [Quite embarrassed now] Oh . . . Professor Newman, I’m really

sorry. I misunderstood you. I thought you had written a real book.

Real book. Real book. Real book. Those words rang in my head like some
relentless church bell. At first, I tried to dismiss this comment as the
remark of a naïve kid who didn’t know any better. But the more I thought
about it, the more I realized what his comment reflected. The perception
that textbooks aren’t real books is widespread.

A couple of years ago, I heard a radio ad for a local Red Cross book drive.
The narrator asked listeners to donate any unused or unwanted books as
long as they weren’t textbooks. Yep, that’s what he said. A torn copy of
The Cat in the Hat? Fine, they’ll take it. A grease-stained owner’s manual
for a Ford Fusion? Sure, glad to have it. A 2003 guidebook on how to use
Myspace? What a lovely addition to the collection. Textbooks? No way!

Sadly, these sorts of perceptions are not altogether undeserved. Textbooks

hover on the margins of the literary world, somewhere between
respectable, intellectual monographs on trailblazing research and trashy
romance novels. Traditionally, they’ve been less than titillating: thick,
heavy, expensive, and easily discarded for a measly five bucks at the end-
of-semester “book buyback.”

My goal—from the first edition of this book to the current one—has

always been to write a textbook that reads like a real book. In the previous

18
five editions, I tried to capture simultaneously the essence and insight of
my discipline and the reader’s interest. From what reviewers, instructors,
and students who’ve read and used the book over the years have said, I
think I’ve been fairly successful. While no Hollywood movie studio has
expressed interest in turning this book into a movie (yet!), people do seem
to like the relaxed tone and appreciate the consistent theme that ties all the
chapters together. Many instructors have commented on how the book
enables students to truly understand the unique and useful elements of a
sociological perspective. Take that, Red Cross!

Features of the Sixth Edition

To my sons—who believe that I have nothing important to say about
anything anyway—continually revising this book has always been clear
evidence of my incompetence. Back when he was in middle school, my
younger son once asked me, “Why do you keep writing the same book
over and over? My English teacher made me rewrite a book report on To
Kill a Mockingbird because I answered some questions wrong. Is that
what’s going on here, Dad? Is your publisher making you write the book
again because you made too many mistakes?” I told him no and that I’d
make him read the whole book—cover to cover—if he continued to ask
such questions. He stopped . . . although to this day, he’s still not
convinced I have anything useful to say.

Despite his concerns, sociology textbooks do need to be revised regularly

and frequently to be of any use. No book can be of lasting value if it
remains static, locked into a particular style and content. So I keep my ears
and eyes open, always looking for some new example or current issue to
include in the book. My office overflows with stacks of books, newspaper
clippings, photocopied journal articles, Post-it notes, and shreds of paper
napkins containing scribbled ideas that I write to myself at the breakfast
table when I come across something interesting. I’ve even been known to
send myself e-mails at 3:00 in the morning so as not to forget the great
idea that came to me in the haziness between sleep and wakefulness.

As in the first five editions, I’ve peppered each chapter with anecdotes,
personal observations, and accounts of contemporary events that serve as
illustrations of the sociological points I’m making. Many of the examples
you will read are taken from today’s news headlines; others come from
incidents in my own life.

19
It would be impossible to write an introduction to the discipline of
sociology without accounting for the life-altering occurrences—wars,
natural disasters, school shootings, political upheavals, court decisions,
economic meltdowns, the latest Kardashian escapade—that we hear about
every day. So throughout this book, I’ve made a special effort to provide
some sociological insight into well-known contemporary events and
trends, both large and small. In doing so, I intend to show you the
pervasiveness and applicability of sociology in our ordinary, everyday
experiences in a way that, I hope, rings familiar with you.

As you will see, it is impossible to understand what happens to us in our

personal lives without taking into consideration broader social and
historical phenomena. Several specific recent developments have had—
and will continue to have—a dramatic impact on sociological thought and
on people’s everyday lives: the political changeover brought about by the
2016 presidential election; trends in the global economy; the growing
societal attention paid to fatal encounters between police and unarmed
people of color or incidents of sexual harassment and assault; and the
continued dramatic growth of communication technology, particularly
ever-present social networking sites:

As I’m writing this preface, the new Trump administration has been
in office for a year and a half. How will it shift global politics, the
course of the nation, and the rhythm of our everyday lives after 8
years of a Democratic administration?
When the economy suffers (or improves), everyone—from tycoons to
unemployed welfare recipients—experiences some kind of alteration
in her or his day-to-day routine. It’s been quite a challenge to keep up
with the most current information on joblessness, hiring trends, home
foreclosures, spending patterns, and so on.
Each new incident of racially or ethically connected violence—
whether at the hands of law enforcement, hate groups, or lone
assailants—alters the trajectory of race relations in this country.
Likewise, the publicity surrounding allegations of sexual harassment
and assault have already begun to influence gender relations in the
workplace and elsewhere.
And how can we analyze the sociology of everyday life without
acknowledging the powerful role online social networking has had in
shaping the way we learn, work, relate to others, and ultimately

20
 define ourselves?

Thus, you will see references to these—and many other—developments

throughout the book to illustrate the interconnections between private life
and massive historical occurrences.

I also want to call your attention to the fact that many extended examples
of sociological theories and concepts throughout the book focus on some
aspect of health, illness, and medicine. I have done this for two reasons.
First of all, no matter who we are or where we come from, all of us must
deal with health matters from time to time. Our own physical and mental
well-being is perhaps the most personal and immediate thing in our lives.
At the same time, whenever we seek medical attention—whether in a
doctor’s office, a local pharmacy, or a hospital—or try to figure out how to
pay for it, we enter a massive health care system that can sometimes feel
immensely bureaucratic and impersonal. And as medical costs continue to
rise, changes to our health care system—both proposed and enacted—will
dominate economic forecasts, newspaper headlines, and legislative action
for years to come. Second, students taking the Medical College
Admissions Test now must take a course in sociology. And so these health
care–related examples will provide such students with applications and
illustrations that are directly relevant to their needs and, I hope, make them
better doctors in the future.

I’ve also tried to provide the most current statistical information possible.
I’ve updated all the graphic exhibits and, in the process, changed some of
them from statistical tables to more readable charts and graphs, making
trends and relationships more obvious. Much of the new statistical
information is drawn from the most recent data from sources such as the
U.S. Census Bureau, the Population Reference Bureau, the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, the National Center for Education
Statistics, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the U.S. Bureau of Justice
Statistics, and the Pew Research Center.

Teaching Resources and Website to

Accompany the Book and Companion Reader
edge.sagepub.com/newmanbrief6e

21
SAGE edge offers a robust online environment you can access anytime,
anywhere, and features an impressive array of free tools and resources to
keep you on the cutting edge of your learning experience.

SAGE edge for Students provides a personalized approach to help

students accomplish their coursework goals in an easy-to-use learning
environment.

Mobile-friendly eFlashcards strengthen understanding of key terms

and concepts.
Mobile-friendly practice quizzes allow for independent assessment
by students of their mastery of course material.
Video and multimedia content enhance student engagement and
appeal to different learning styles.
EXCLUSIVE! Access to full-text SAGE journal articles that have
been carefully selected to support and expand on the concepts
presented in each chapter.

SAGE edge for Instructors supports teaching by making it easy to

integrate quality content and create a rich learning environment for
students.

Test banks provide a diverse range of prewritten options as well as

the opportunity to edit any question and/or insert personalized
questions to effectively assess students’ progress and understanding.
Editable, chapter-specific PowerPoint® slides offer complete
flexibility for creating a multimedia presentation for the course.
EXCLUSIVE! Access to full-text SAGE journal articles that have
been carefully selected to support and expand on the concepts
presented in each chapter to encourage students to think critically.
Video and multimedia links include original SAGE videos that
appeal to students with different learning styles.
Lively and stimulating chapter activities can be used in class to
reinforce active learning. The activities apply to individual or group
projects.

A Word About the “Architecture of Everyday

Life”

22
I chose the image of architecture in the subtitle to convey one of the
driving themes of this book: Society is a human construction. It is not “out
there” somewhere, waiting to be visited and examined. It exists in the
minute details of our day-to-day lives. Whenever we follow its rules or
break them, enter its roles or shed them, work to change things or keep
them as they are, we are adding another nail, plank, or frame to the
structure of our society. In short, society—like the buildings around us—
couldn’t exist were it not for the actions of people.

At the same time, however, this structure that we have created appears to
exist independently of us. We don’t usually spend much time thinking
about the buildings we live, work, and play in as being human
constructions. We see them as finished products, not as the processes that
created them. Only when something goes wrong—the pipes leak or the
walls crack—do we realize that people made these structures and people
are the ones who must fix them. When buildings outlive their usefulness or
become dangerous to their inhabitants, people must renovate them or, if
necessary, tear them down.

Likewise, society is so massive and has been around for so long that it
appears to stand on its own, at a level above and beyond the toiling hands
of individual people. But here, too, when things begin to go wrong—
widespread discrimination, environmental degradation, massive poverty,
lack of affordable health care, escalating crime rates—people must do
something about it.

So the fascinating paradox of human life is that we build society,

collectively “forget” that we’ve built it, and live under its massive and
influential structure. But we are not stuck with society as it is. Human
beings are the architects of their own social reality. Throughout this book,
I examine the active roles individuals play in designing, building,
maintaining, renovating, or tearing down society.

A Final Thought
One of the greatest challenges I have faced in three decades of teaching
sociology is trying to get my students to see the personal relevance of the
course material, to fully appreciate the connection between the individual
and society. The true value of sociology lies in its unique ability to show
the two-way connection between the most private elements of our lives—

23
our characteristics, experiences, behaviors, and thoughts—and the
cultures, groups, organizations, and social institutions to which we belong.
The “everyday life” approach in this book uses real-world examples and
personal observations as vehicles for understanding the relationship
between individuals and society.

My purpose is to make the familiar unfamiliar—to help you critically

examine the commonplace and the ordinary in your own life. Only when
you step back and examine the taken-for-granted aspects of your personal
experiences can you see that there is an inherent, sometimes unrecognized
organization and predictability to them. At the same time, you will see that
the structure of society is greater than the sum of the experiences and
psychologies of the individuals in it.

It is my conviction that this intellectual excursion should be a thought-

provoking and enjoyable one. Reading a textbook doesn’t have to be
boring or, even worse, the academic equivalent of a painful trip to the
dentist (although I personally have nothing against dentists). I believe that
one of my responsibilities as a teacher is to provide my students with a
challenging but comfortable classroom atmosphere in which to learn. I
have tried to do the same in this book. Your instructor has chosen this
book not because it makes his or her job teaching your course any easier
but because he or she wants you, the student, to see how sociology helps
us to understand how the small, private experiences of our everyday lives
are connected to this thing we call society. I hope you learn to appreciate
this important message, and I hope you enjoy reading this book as much as
I enjoyed writing it.

Have fun,

David M. Newman

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

DePauw University

Greencastle, IN 46135

E-mail: dnewman@depauw.edu

24
Acknowledgments

A book project such as this one takes an enormous amount of time to

develop. Over the span of six editions, I’ve spent thousands of hours on
this book—typing away at my computer, endlessly searching the web,
fretting over what I should and shouldn’t include, proofreading for
mistakes—either holed up in my isolated and very cluttered third-floor
office or tucked away in the quiet corner of a library. Yet as solitary as this
project was, I could not have done it alone. Over the years, many people
have provided invaluable assistance to make this book a reality. Without
their generous help and support, it wouldn’t have been written, and you’d
be reading some other sociologist’s list of people to thank. Because I have
revised rather than rewritten this book, I remain indebted to those who
have helped me at some point during the writing of all six editions.

In particular, I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to Jeff Lasser,

Adeline Wilson, Nevair Kabakian, Tiara Beatty, and Jane Haenel at SAGE
for their insight and guidance in putting together this newest edition.
Having already written five editions of this book, I was definitely an old
dog with absolutely no desire to learn any new tricks when these
individuals became involved. To their credit, they let me write as I have
always written. For their trust, I am eternally grateful. I would also like to
express my thanks to Mark Bast for his meticulous copyediting and to
Sarah Dillard for handling the student study site materials and instructor
teaching resources.

As always, I appreciate the many helpful comments offered by reviewers

of both the full-size and brief versions of this book over many editions:

Sharon Abbott, Fairfield University

Deborah Abowitz, Bucknell University
Stephen Adair, Central Connecticut State University
Rebecca Adams, University of North Carolina, Greensboro
Ron Aminzade, University of Minnesota
Afroza Anwary, Carleton College
George Arquitt, Oklahoma State University
Carol Auster, Franklin and Marshall College
Ellen C. Baird, Arizona State University

25
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
ses serviteurs intimes, surtout son médecin, et quelques évêques,
l’archevêque de Cantorbéry, fort ennemi des projets de Pitt.
Ce médecin, Addington, avait été camarade, ami d’enfance de
Pitt, qui, pour flatter le roi, l’avait fait président de la Chambre des
Communes.
L’influence de cet homme doux, qui ne tourmentait jamais le roi
d’affaires publiques, dut augmenter, surtout dans les jours de terreur,
lorsque le peuple en fureur mit en pièces le carrosse royal, ou bien
dans cette nuit terrible où la flotte se révolta et où la Tamise parut en
feu. Bref, le roi, voyant Pitt malheureux à la guerre et maudit par la
foule, se tourna entièrement vers son cher conseiller Addington.
Ceci en 97-98. En 99, l’humiliation de la Hollande, la capitulation
du duc d’York et de son armée, poussa au comble le
mécontentement du roi contre Pitt, qui lui parut aussi inhabile
qu’odieux.
Mais Georges aurait-il le courage de s’affranchir ? Ce n’était pas
probable, et son timide médecin n’y eût suffi. Il y fallait Dieu même !
et les craintes du roi pour l’Église établie. L’archevêque de
Cantorbéry vint lui dévoiler le plan de Pitt, qui voulait mettre d’abord
les catholiques d’Irlande dans le Parlement d’Angleterre pour leur
ouvrir ensuite tous les emplois.
Le fait est que Pitt employait dans les affaires de l’Angleterre, de
l’Inde, force Irlandais, des Castlereagh, des Canning, des Wellesley,
etc. Lui, un parfait Anglais, il n’en jugeait pas moins avec sagacité
que le bon sens de sa race gagnerait fort en certains cas à être aidé
du brillant génie de l’Irlande. Ainsi lord Chatham avait appelé, armé,
à grand profit, les Écossais, qui, plus tard, étaient devenus, par Watt
et autres inventeurs, comme le bras industriel de l’Angleterre. Son
bras militaire maintenant, on le voyait dans l’Inde, c’était surtout les
Irlandais.
Ces grandes vues étaient trop au-dessus du roi ; elles ne firent
qu’exalter son bigotisme protestant.
L’Angleterre haletait après la paix. L’impôt sur le revenu faisait
saigner le cœur des riches, et la grande industrie, qui naissait,
appelait à elle (à tout prix) les capitaux.
Ainsi la paix s’imposait d’elle-même. Ce qui pouvait retarder les
meneurs, c’est que, le roi étant un bigot protestant, ennemi des
catholiques, on ne pouvait lui laisser voir les relations qu’on avait
sous main avec les émigrés et autres catholiques français.
Donc on travaillait contre Pitt, mais tout doucement. N’importe.
Ce grand ministre de la guerre était perdu. En Fructidor, et plus tard
en Brumaire, l’Angleterre espéra la paix d’une entente secrète avec
nos royalistes. Mais on ne pouvait la faire, disait-on, qu’autant que la
France aurait un gouvernement régulier, une main ferme qui
répondît d’elle. Voilà pourquoi plusieurs Anglais croyaient, comme
Sidney Smith, qu’en laissant revenir Bonaparte, et l’opposant aux
jacobins, Masséna, Brune, Augereau, on ménageait la paix, la chute
de Pitt et l’élévation du pacifique médecin Addington qui, devenu
ministre, guérissait les plaies du pays.
Bonaparte profita de ce jeu politique, revint, et trompa tout le
monde, l’Angleterre comme la France. Mais cela n’y fit rien.
L’Angleterre était si violente dans sa fureur de paix, qu’en 1801 le
peuple de Londres détela les chevaux de l’envoyé de Bonaparte et
traîna sa voiture.
 CHAPITRE VII
LE 18 BRUMAIRE.

La conspiration commencée de bonne heure et menée très

lentement, tout à coup éclata, réussit par la connivence des
généraux qui se trouvaient alors à Paris.

On a trop négligé de remarquer que, d’après les aveux même de

Bonaparte, ses plans, ses premières vues remontaient à quatre
années.
Il dit que, depuis la journée de Lodi (12 mai 96), il commença à
penser « qu’on pourrait jouer quelque tour au Directoire. »
Pourquoi ? C’est qu’en ce même jour la police découvrit
l’association récente des terroristes et des babouvistes, et que ces
vagues théories, si impossibles à réaliser, ramenèrent le public à sa
grande panique de Germinal et Prairial ; qu’enfin cette peur força le
Directoire d’être impitoyable pour les utopistes. Il n’y avait au
Directoire qu’un militaire, Carnot. Tout le monde se réfugia de ce
côté. Bonaparte comprit qu’il n’y avait que ce moyen de parvenir,
suivre cette route : rassurer la propriété, et peu à peu gagner les
rétrogrades de toutes nuances. Comment oser cela sans se
démasquer, devant une armée républicaine ? C’est pourtant ce qu’il
fit, avec succès, à Tolentino et à Léoben, où de son propre aveu il
sauva l’Autriche, comme il avait sauvé le pape et le Piémont.
Les royalistes furent terriblement ingrats pour ses avances, et ne
vinrent à lui qu’après que Fructidor leur eut fait perdre toute
espérance de se tirer seuls d’affaire. Lui, cependant, ne s’arrêta
jamais dans ses plans rétrogrades. Au moment où il laisse l’armée
faire des adresses républicaines pour Fructidor, il expose ses vrais
sentiments dans une lettre à Talleyrand (et à Sieyès). Il réfute la
théorie des trois pouvoirs de Montesquieu, et ajoute : « Il ne faut que
deux pouvoirs, l’un qui agisse, l’autre qui surveille [125] . »
[125] Correspondance, t. III, 417. 19 sept. 97.

C’était en réalité réduire les pouvoirs à un seul. Celui qui est

armé de tous les moyens d’action tardera peu à absorber l’autre.
Il aime Sieyès, dit-il, et voudrait l’appeler en Italie. Pour appât, il
propose au vain théoricien deux constitutions à faire, entre autres
celle de Gênes. Dans ce siècle abstracteur qui souvent se payait de
mots, il pensait à Sieyès, excellent instrument, et le premier pour
rendre le vide sonore. Pourquoi ? Il était le plus creux [126] .
[126] Lorsque plus tard il eut fait son grand crime par
Sieyès et Barras, il les accabla tous les deux par des
imputations invraisemblables, mais que crut tout le
monde. Il répandit que Barras appelait les Bourbons,
offrait le trône au prétendant. Celui-ci était donc bien sot,
bien ignorant de la situation ! Comme régicide, Barras eût
dû se souvenir à quel point Carnot, régicide aussi, avait
cru impossible de se fier aux royalistes en Fructidor. Il eût
dû craindre les Marat de la royauté (comme Entraigues
s’appelait lui-même) et se souvenir du mot menaçant de
de Maistre : « Le roi pardonnera, mais les parlements
feront justice. »
Pour Sieyès, la fable fut encore plus absurde.
Bonaparte assura que Sieyès aurait, dans son
ambassade à Berlin, offert le trône (dont il disposait sans
doute), offert le trône de France, à qui ? A l’homme le
plus haï des Français, au duc de Brunswick, l’auteur du
fameux manifeste qui mit toute la France en armes !
Ce qui est sûr, c’est qu’après le mouvement du parti
militaire déjà bonapartiste, qui chassa la Réveillère,
Sieyès proposa la constitution muette qu’il avait dans
l’esprit. C’était, d’une part, un tribunat qui ne discutait
pas, mais proposait des lois ; d’autre part, un sénat qui,
sans discussion, jugeait des atteintes portées à la
constitution. Deux corps muets, deux ombres. Les
 bonapartistes s’en moquèrent et se chargèrent de leur
donner un corps.
Après Brumaire, Bonaparte, voyant Sieyès dans le
ruisseau, et conspué de tous, des royalistes comme
prêtre philosophe, des révolutionnaires comme traître et
lâche machinateur, Bonaparte monte sur ses épaules,
pour ainsi dire, l’enfonce de son mieux dans la boue. Il
suppose que cet homme si prudent, si timide, ne craignit
pas de faire devant lui un acte avilissant, de fourrer ses
mains dans une commode pour remplir ses poches d’or,
pendant que Bonaparte faisait semblant de ne rien voir et
tournait le dos. Il fit répandre la chose par le hâbleur
Murat.

Bonaparte, en Égypte, n’en était que plus présent à Paris. Ses

conseillers, savants et philanthropes, lui donnaient le renom d’être
un grand administrateur. D’autre part, ses pèlerinages aux sources
de Moïse, à l’église de Nazareth, faisaient impression sur un certain
parti, tandis que ses avances aux musulmans, qu’on prenait pour
purs badinages, témoignaient de l’impartialité du politique.
Les nouvelles officielles étant rares, tous ces bruits étaient
exploités chaque jour, commentés par ses frères aux républicains,
par Joséphine aux royalistes. Ses mensonges sur la conquête de
Syrie, la prétendue destruction de Saint-Jean d’Acre, l’exagération
de sa petite victoire d’Aboukir, tout cela fut cru et pris avidement,
répandu comme officiel.
A son retour il trouva tous les généraux inquiets et jaloux du
grand succès de Masséna, qui pouvait ramener au pouvoir les vrais
républicains et ajourner indéfiniment les espérances ambitieuses.
Barras et Sieyès se défiaient de Bonaparte ; il eut de la peine à
les regagner. Jourdan était, je crois, encore malade. Bernadotte,
quoique beau-frère de Joseph, aima mieux rester neutre. Mais il eut
tous les autres. Augereau, n’osant pas refuser, conseillait au moins
d’ajourner ; Bonaparte dit : « Le vin est tiré ; il faut le boire. »
L’indécis Moreau baissa tellement, qu’il se chargea du rôle le
plus bas, d’être geôlier des directeurs patriotes Gohier, Moulins.
Pour Barras, il s’enfuit chez lui à la campagne [127] .
 [127] Barras avait promis sa justification sur plusieurs
points et la promettait encore (le 20 juin 1819). Son
collègue Gohier (t. II, 326) désirait qu’il la publiât.
Espérons que le manuscrit des Mémoires de Barras sera
enfin connu, et que la famille Saint-Albin, qui le possède,
finira par l’imprimer.

Cependant, on tapissait les murs de proclamations ridicules où

l’on montrait Paris sous l’imminent danger d’un grand complot des
jacobins. S’il en était ainsi, on devait se hâter. Ce fut tout le
contraire. Il n’y eut jamais révolution traînée si longuement.
Le meilleur récit du 18 Brumaire est celui du directeur Gohier,
que le banquier Collot, quoique bonapartiste, continue sans le
contredire.
A l’arrivée de Bonaparte, la banque se divisa. Ouvrard et sa
Tallien, que lui avait cédée Barras, restèrent du côté de Barras. M.
Collot, que j’ai connu, l’ancien fournisseur de l’armée d’Italie et fort
ami de Joséphine, la défendit comme il put près de son mari, qui
voulait la répudier, se rapprocha de Bonaparte, dont il s’était éloigné,
et, jusqu’au coup de Brumaire, habita, pour ainsi dire, rue
Chantereine. Il prêta les sommes nécessaires, vit tout, et sans doute
observa de près ce qu’on faisait de son argent.
Son récit est excellent. Bourrienne, à qui il conta tout, ainsi qu’à
d’autres personnes, l’a inséré (bizarrement) après la bataille de
Marengo. Il n’y eut pas grande finesse, mais une plate corruption.
L’argent de Collot servit d’abord à gagner un colonel corse,
Sebastiani, qui se trouvait à Paris, avec son régiment de dragons.
Puis, on corrompit Jubé, commandant de la garde du Directoire. De
sorte que les cinq Directeurs d’avance, sans s’en apercevoir, étaient
prisonniers. Tout était parfaitement prévu, au point que Bonaparte dit
à Collot, le 15 brumaire, d’acheter une maison de plaisance à Saint-
Cloud, où il voulait souper avec lui le 19 brumaire, le soir de
l’événement, pour célébrer la victoire.
On craignait fort la figure que Bonaparte, peu habitué aux
assemblées, ferait devant les deux conseils. Son frère Lucien,
inspecteur de la salle, puis président des Cinq Cents, avait fait
imprimer des billets en blanc pour convoquer qui l’on voudrait, en
excluant tous les autres. C’était l’avis du ministre de la police
Fouché. Mais Bonaparte craignit qu’on ne dît qu’il avait eu peur de
ces assemblées d’avocats.
Le conseil des Anciens était en partie gagné. Ils le nommèrent
général des forces de Paris, et, pour prévenir les complots dont on
parlait, décidèrent que, le lendemain 19, les deux conseils se
transporteraient à Saint-Cloud.
Ce qui décida tout, ce fut une lettre qui tomba comme une
bombe. Le secrétaire du Directoire y disait aux conseils qu’il n’y avait
plus de Directoire, que quatre directeurs sur cinq avaient donné leur
démission (Gohier, I, 277). Bonaparte lui-même confirma ce
mensonge, et l’appuya de menaces inutiles et parfaitement ridicules,
disant que si on l’accusait, il en appellerait à ses braves camarades.
« Songez, dit-il, que je marche accompagné du dieu de la Fortune et
du dieu de la Guerre. » Et il montrait dans la cour les bonnets à poil
de ses grenadiers, qu’on voyait de la fenêtre.
Il aurait dû garder cette belle éloquence pour le conseil des Cinq
Cents, où était la vraie bataille. On lui avait représenté les choses
comme si faciles qu’il croyait que ceux-ci céderaient à la seule vue
des troupes. Il se présenta à eux suivi de ses grenadiers, qui
marchaient sur trois de front (dit toujours M. Collot). La saison était
déjà froide (10 novembre), et on avait allumé les poêles dans la
grande salle (l’Orangerie) ; on avait mis devant la porte pour servir
de vestibule un tambour en tapisseries. Les curieux qui y étaient se
pressèrent pour laisser passer Bonaparte ; mais ses soldats ne
purent le suivre. Quand il vit qu’il n’était accompagné que de deux
ou trois de ses grenadiers, il recula, sortit.
« Si un seul représentant, ajoute M. Collot, avait saisi Bonaparte,
son parti n’était pas assez fort pour le sauver. Et si, l’instant d’après,
on avait présenté sa tête sanglante au balcon, en le nommant traître
à la patrie, les soldats n’en auraient demandé, ni tiré vengeance.
Mais on perdit une demi-heure en clameurs, en injures. »
 Deux hommes bien sincères, Daunou et Dupont (de l’Eure),
m’ont dit qu’on ne vit jamais un homme si pâle, si troublé, balbutiant,
ne pouvant parler. Interrogé sur le complot qu’on avait annoncé et
placardé à grand bruit, il ne sut que dire, sinon que Barras et
Moulins lui avaient fait des propositions de renverser le
gouvernement. Rien n’avançait. On profita d’une poussée où
plusieurs représentants descendaient des gradins, l’accablaient de
reproches et où ses grenadiers vinrent l’entourer, pour leur faire
croire qu’on avait voulu le poignarder. L’un d’eux, comme son
sauveur, fut récompensé le lendemain.
Lucien se montra grand acteur. Il déposa sa toge, sortit échevelé
devant les grenadiers, dit à ces braves gens : « Croiriez-vous bien
qu’ils veulent que je tue mon frère, que je le déclare hors la loi ? »
Cela parut monstrueux à ces hommes simples…
Pour terminer enfin une comédie ridicule qui menaçait de mal
tourner, Lucien entraîna son frère, et tous deux montèrent à cheval.
Cependant Bonaparte ne se rassurait pas et ne résolvait rien,
craignant sans doute d’être mal obéi de ses soldats. Il avisa la
voiture de Sieyès, qui n’était pas dans la bagarre, était resté dehors :
« Que faut-il faire ? » — Sieyès bravement répondit : « Ils vous
mettent hors la loi, mettez-les-y vous-même. »
Alors on se hasarda de donner l’ordre à Murat et aux grenadiers
de mettre l’Assemblée hors la salle. Lucien aurait dit à ses soldais :
« Expulsez les représentants du poignard. » Ils fondirent dans la
salle ; elle est au rez-de-chaussée : les députés sortirent par les
fenêtres.
M. Collot nous donne seul la fin de ce triste récit :
« Il était bien difficile de refaire une autre assemblée. On réunit
environ quatre-vingts députés en tout, de l’un et de l’autre conseil. Je
me rappelle l’anxiété de Bonaparte pendant ce temps ; il avait grand
besoin de la présence de M. de Talleyrand, qui ne cessait de
l’encourager. C’est à dix heures qu’il voulut qu’on ouvrît la séance.
J’y étais ; et quel spectacle que cette séance nocturne dans la salle
même qui venait d’être polluée !… Tant que je vivrai, j’aurai devant
les yeux l’aspect de l’Orangerie pendant cette scène lugubre. Qu’elle
était silencieuse ! combien mornes et attristés ceux qui venaient s’y
asseoir !… Figurez-vous une longue et large grange, remplie de
banquettes bouleversées, une chaire adossée au milieu contre un
mur nu ; sous la chaire, un peu en avant, une table et deux chaises.
Sur cette table, deux chandelles, autant sur la chaire. Point de
lustres, point de lampes. Nulle autre clarté sous les voûtes de cette
longue enceinte.
« Voyez-vous, dans la chaire, la pâle figure de Lucien, lisant la
nouvelle constitution [128] , et devant la table deux députés
verbalisant ? Vis-à-vis, dans un espace étroit et rapproché, gisait un
groupe de représentants indifférents à tout ce qu’on leur débitait ; la
plupart étaient couchés sur trois banquettes, l’une servant de siège,
l’autre de marche-pied, la troisième d’oreiller. Parmi eux, dans la
même attitude et pêle-mêle, de simples particuliers. Non loin derrière
on apercevait quelques laquais, qui, poussés par le froid, étaient
venus chercher un abri, et dormaient en attendant leurs maîtres.
[128] Après tant de mensonges, Lucien aurait encore
ajouté celui-ci : « Dans trois mois, vos conseils et vos
commissions vous rendront compte… Et le peuple jugera
s’ils ont su remplir leur mandat. » (Gohier, I, 343.)

« Tel fut l’étrange aréopage qui donna à la France un nouveau

gouvernement. »

FIN
 TABLE DES MATIÈRES
CONTENUES DANS LE TOME
DEUXIÈME

Pages.
Préface. — Des justices de l’histoire I
L’histoire est un tribunal de cassation pour les
jugements aveugles, passionnés des
contemporains I
Souvent une punition, souvent une réparation pour les
morts trop oubliés III
Des oublis ingrats, injustes IV
Les peuples s’oublient eux-mêmes. Exemples :
Tirés de la France V
De l’Angleterre VIII
De la Russie XIV

LIVRE PREMIER

Angleterre 1
Chap. Ier. — Le premier Pitt. — La Guerre et les emprunts. 1
— Le traité de 1765 a livré le monde aux
 Anglais
II. — Une nouvelle Angleterre. — Le méthodisme. —
La sainte banque. — L’Église. — Le jeune Pitt 9
III. — Le bill de l’Inde, 1783. — Pitt règne malgré le
Parlement 16
IV. — Le roi brise le Parlement. — Procès et
absolution d’Hastings. — 1785-95 23
V. — Guerre avec la France 36
VI. — La mer. — L’Irlande. — Le général Hoche 44

LIVRE II

Italie 57
Chap. Ier. — Les six victoires de Masséna. — Septembre 96.
— Envie de Bonaparte 57
II. — Républiques italiennes. — Combats d’Arcole
(16-17 novembre 96) 65
III. — Victoire décisive de Rivoli (13 janvier 97) et
reddition de Mantoue. — Bonaparte sauve le
pape à Tolentino 77
IV. — Campagne du Tyrol (mars-avril 97). —
Bonaparte sauve l’Autriche à Léoben 86
V. — Bonaparte dupé avec l’Autriche, qui lui fait
perdre six mois (avril-octobre 97) 96

LIVRE III

France (1796-1797) jusqu’en fructidor 103

Chap. Ier. — De la seconde réaction qui mène en Fructidor 103
II. — Élan mystique de la réaction. — Saint Martin. —
Le salut par les femmes 108
III. — Le jardin Geneviève et la théorie des égaux
(1796) 117
IV. — Coalition des égaux et des terroristes. — 123
Arrestation, 10 mai. — Les exécutions de
 Grenelle
V. — Les modérés et indécis, Carnot, etc. —
Indulgence pour le grand complot royaliste,
1797 134
VI. — Crise suprême de l’Angleterre. — Révolte de la
flotte, mai 97 143
VII. — La fausse élection de 97. — Mort de Babeuf (26
mai) 148
VIII. — Insolence des royalistes. — Persécution de
Louvet, qui dénonce leurs complots et meurt 153
IX. — Le Directoire s’affranchit de Carnot 160
X. — Les royalistes appellent la Vendée à Paris. —
Le Directoire appelle Hoche, les escadrons de
Sambre-et-Meuse 166
XI. — Fructidor 172
XII. — Conséquence de Fructidor. — La république
éclate partout. — (Fin de 97) 181
XIII. — Embarras du Directoire, qui signe Campo-
Formio, octobre 97 185

LIVRE IV

Angleterre. — Inde. — Égypte (97-98) 193

Chap. Ier. — L’organisation de l’Inde sous Cornwallis 193
II. — Promesses des Bonapartes. — Comment ils
machinent l’expédition d’Égypte. — 1797-98 203
III. — Comment Bonaparte élude l’expédition
d’Angleterre, et prépare celle d’Égypte. — 97-
98 213
IV. — Conquête de l’Égypte. — Désastre de la flotte.
— Efforts des Français pour réveiller l’Égypte
primitive 217
V. — Révolte du Caire, 21 octobre 98. — La
rénovation de l’Égypte 225
 VI. — Suez et le vieux canal des pharaons. — 238
Invasion de la Syrie. — 1798-1799
VII. — Bonaparte échoue à Saint-Jean d’Acre. — Mai
99 246
VIII. — Fin de l’Inde musulmane. — Mort de Tippoo,
1799 255
IX. — Administration conquérante, dévorante des
Wellesley. — Désespoir. — Culte de la mort 265

LIVRE V

Suisse. — Piémont. — France. — Fin du Directoire

(1799-1800) 275
Chap. Ier. — Grandeur extérieure de la France sous le
Directoire. — Révolutions diverses ; Suisse,
Hollande, etc., 1797-1798 275
II. — Piémont. — De Maistre. — Manifeste sanglant
de la Contre-Révolution 284
III. — Le Directoire décimé. — Prairial 99 288
IV. — Le monde en 99. — Le salon de la rue du Bac.
— Madame de Staël. — Joséphine dans sa
petite maison de la rue Chantereine 294
V. — Comment Bonaparte obtint de sortir d’Égypte 299
VI. — Le cabinet de Londres vers 1800 305
VII. — Le 18 Brumaire 309

FIN DE LA TABLE DU TOME DEUXIÈME

PARIS. — IMPRIMERIE ÉMILE MARTINET, RUE MIGNON, 2.

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