HISTORY OF MUSLIM PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT

Introduction
Islam comprises a distinct and self-contained cultural unit. Political thought is the study of the
exercise of power, of who should exercise it, and how much power they should have; it is about
justice in relationships between people, especially between those in power and those they rule,
and the just distribution of goods in society. It enquires why states exist and what they should
try to achieve. Islamic political thought forms a significant part of the intellectual history of
homo sapiens. It comprises a coherent, ongoing tradition, separate from the West and with a
logic of its own.

PART I: THE MESSENGER AND THE LAW (C.622–1000)

Prophet and the Tribe

Islam began with the Quran, a divine revelation to Muhammad in 632 CE. Arab armies rapidly
conquered vast territories, fueled by religious fervor, transcending national boundaries. This
success was rooted in a unique blend of faith and force, shifting power from empires to
religious leadership governed by the Sharia, a code covering morals, law, beliefs, marriage,
trade, and society.

The Constitution of Medina and Muhammad's teachings aimed to unite tribal confederacies
into a new people driven by a moral mission. In contrast to Judaism and Christianity, which
lacked a comprehensive approach to military and political power, Islam preached spiritual
brotherhood, a comprehensive law, and universal political control, even through military
means.

Islamic society displayed neo-tribal characteristics, rooted in informality and equality, with the
Ulama playing a key role in transmitting the Code. Islam created a trans-tribal and trans-
national society, facilitating interactions between diverse backgrounds and upholding the idea
of universal brotherhood. Religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians,
were granted protected status under Islamic law.

Islamic political structures emerged from tribalism, devoid of formal state institutions or
constitutions. Leaders gained power based on personal prowess and clan dominance, creating
a unique political culture and theory. Muhammad's goal was to replace tribalism and the state
with a global community governed by a unique blend of rites and ethics, differing significantly
from dynasties in other societies.

A NEW KIND OF POLITICAL SOCIETY

While the Qur'an primarily focuses on religion and ethics, certain ideas can be inferred from
its concept of community (Ummah). Islam, meaning submission to God and entry into a
covenant of peace, represents the fundamental relationship between God and humans. It fuses
the sacred and secular aspects of government.

The concept of the People in Islam transcends nationhood, welcoming non-Arabs as equally
morally obligated to join. The Islamic community distinguishes itself from the Christian one
by its unity and lack of doctrinal disputes. Settling disputes peacefully among its members and
presenting a united front against unbelievers are key functions, motivating legislative activity
by Muhammad and his successors.

Within the People, all adult males share the same rights and duties, with piety and knowledge
being the only basis for human superiority. The duty to provide for the needy through charity
was a driving ideology that led to the overthrow of empires.

After Muhammad's death, the need for a successor, the Leader (Imam) of the community or
Deputy (Caliph), was assumed, but there is little guidance on political leadership or state
structures in the Qur'an. The verse of the commanders emphasizes obedience to God, the
Messenger, and those in authority. The Hadith further stresses that obeying the commander is
akin to obeying God. However, the concept of one person having kingly power was not
accepted, as it was seen as going against what they believed was God's plan. This idea was
similar to the way the old Roman republic worked, where a few people had too much control.
Rebellion was condemned but speaking out against injustice recommended (‘The most
excellent jihad is the uttering of truth in the presence of an unjust ruler’).

THE WARS OF SUCCESSION

The divisions within the Islamic community from 656 to 661, known as the first fitna or civil
war, revealed the challenges of a Prophetic polity without a clear system of organization.
Unlike Christianity, where early conflicts revolved around the nature of the divine, Islamic
disputes focused on leadership and the appointment of leaders, highlighting the political nature
of the faith.

Ironically, the early Muslims had little constitutional theory to guide them in matters of rule
and leadership appointments. The majority of the Reports primarily addressed ritual, law, and
personal morality, with limited direct engagement with political topics. This silence suggests
that the Prophet's priority may have been using political power as needed for religious purposes
rather than founding a quasi-state.

These events and their variations held symbolic and creedal significance for later Muslims,
shaping the identities and political thought of Islam. Following Muhammad's death in 632, his
Companions selected Abu Bakr, a caretaker, then Umar, a respected figure, and later Uthman,
all from Muhammad's tribe, the Quraysh, to lead the Islamic community. The second and third
leaders, Umar and Uthman, were chosen by a council of notables and played pivotal roles in
Islamic history.

Mu’tazila - those neutral in the dispute between the claims of Uthman and Ali (or, people who
saw religion from perspective of reason) and the
Murj’ia or Postponers (of a decision between ‘Ali and ‘Uthman) put a premium on unity and
sought to prevent division by getting everyone to leave the claims of both parties to the
judgement of God.
Khariji (called seceders or rebels by their opponents) - condemned ‘Ali for subjecting his
entitlement to human arbitration
The Sunnis (Traditionals) - held that the Leader should be elected (in some sense) from within
the Quraysh
The Shi’a - would regard ‘Ali as the sole legitimate successor of Muhammad on the ground
that he had been chosen by the Prophet by ‘designation [nass]’.
During the reign of Uthman, a division emerged between his family and associates and others
who felt they were being unfairly denied their share of the wealth and benefits resulting from
the conquests. Uthman was assassinated, and his opponents rallied behind Ali, Muhammad's
cousin and the husband of his daughter. Ali became a symbol of protest and assumed the role
of Deputy from 656 to 661. His supporters argued that Uthman had lost his legitimacy due to
his violations of the law. Those who believed Uthman remained the rightful Leader and had
been unjustly killed demanded a new election through consultation (shura).

In the ensuing conflict, Ali emerged victorious in the Battle of the Camel near Basra in 656.
However, at the Battle of Siffin in 657, Muawiya, the governor of Syria under Uthman, secured
a truce. This led to some of Ali's supporters, known as the Kharijites, seceding and electing
their own imam. Ali was later assassinated by a Kharijite, and his son recognized Muawiya,
marking the beginning of the Umayyad Caliphate from 661 to 750. This period marked the
restoration of Islamic unity, albeit of a particular kind.

These divisions centered on who had the right to lead the Community and how that leadership
should be determined. These events were not only the origins of the two primary branches of
Islam throughout history, Sunni and Shia, but also other sects that continued for centuries, all
of which defined themselves in relation to these events. This further underscores the political
nature of early Islam.

The Sunnis, who believed that the Leader should be elected in some sense from within the
Quraysh tribe, later looked back to the early Medina period and the first four "rightly-guided"
Deputies as a model for Islamic political rectitude. In contrast, the Shia regarded Ali as the sole
legitimate successor to Muhammad based on the Prophet's "designation" (nass). In their view,
leadership (Imama) belonged to Muhammad's direct biological descendants, starting with Ali's
son Hasan.

The matter of leadership was intricately connected to the question of who could be considered
a member of the Islamic community and what standards determined one's eligibility to be part
of this group and attain paradise. Several groups, including the Mu'tazila and the Murjia,
emphasized the importance of unity and aimed to prevent divisions during the Umayyad era.
They promoted an inclusive and tolerant outlook on membership, with the Murjia going so far
as to regard even sinners as Muslims and the Mu'tazila placing serious sinners in a category
between believers and infidels.
The Kharijites had a strict approach. They believed that any loss of faith or moral wrongdoing
should result in immediate exclusion from the Islamic community. They removed the
requirement for leaders to be from a specific family and instead focused on leaders having
strong morals, especially in justice and piety. Any deviation from these standards would lead
to instant deposition. They suggested leaders should be chosen through an election where the
leader promised to follow Islamic teachings, and people pledged their loyalty in return.
Some Kharijites in the late seventh century went even further, proposing that leaders were not
needed if people behaved justly, cooperated, and fulfilled their religious duties.
The Kharijites were supporters of religious violence, considering Holy War a crucial part of
Islam. They advocated the indiscriminate killing of all their opponents, believing them to be
polytheists with no rights. They rejected the importance of lineage but emphasized equality
and a strong division between insiders and outsiders.

The Patrimonial Caliphate

Under the Umayyads and early Abbasids, two contrasting forces shaped the political culture:
Islamic neo-tribalism and patrimonial bureaucracy. Neo-tribalism, rooted in Arab traditions,
was reflected in religious jurisprudence (fiqh). On the other hand, patrimonial bureaucracy,
influenced by Iranian sources, was expressed through polite high culture (adab) and advice-to-
kings literature.

Patrimonialism is a governing system where the ruler views the state as a hereditary benefice,
and the people are considered as clients under his protective patronage. The ruler's authority is
not bound by constitutional rules but is based on paternal beneficence, including the
management of the economy for the people's benefit.
The Umayyads, particularly Abd al-Malik, combined Arabo-Islamic traditions with
monarchical concepts borrowed from conquered Iran. They emphasized their kinship with
Uthman to legitimize their rule. They described the ruler as a shepherd and the people as his
flock, demanding unconditional obedience. They also used Islamic concepts to support their
authority, calling themselves the "Deputy of God" and claiming a role in overseeing and
organizing the Religious Law (Shari'a).

However, these views faced opposition. The Muslim community held diverse religious and
political opinions, with different schools advocating distinct views on government and society.
Husayn, the grandson of Ali, rebelled against the Umayyads and was killed in the Battle of
Karbala, which Shi'ites considered as the "martyrdom" of the true leader. Many Muslims,
including proto-Sunni religious experts (Ulama), believed the Umayyads deviated from Islamic
norms due to their tyrannical rule and immoral actions, such as unfair revenue distribution.

The Umayyads faced resentment from non-Arab converts to Islam because of their reliance on
Arab tribes and customs. Yazid III attempted to win the support of the "Piety-minded
opposition" by offering a political contract promising to rule according to Islamic principles.
He emphasized that disobedience to God should not be tolerated, and if a ruler opposes God
and promotes disobedience, it is right to oppose and even remove that ruler.

This complex historical period involved a struggle between tribal and bureaucratic influences
within Islamic governance.
The right to depose an ineffective leader was a significant issue during this period.

The Abbasid clan came to power as champions of Islamic justice, claiming descent from
Muhammad's uncle and seeking loyalty to the Prophet's immediate family. They gained support
in Khurasan (eastern Iran), known as ‘the people of the dawla’ (that is, the providential
dynasty). The Kharijites rebelled in north-west Africa and Iraq, while the Zaydis gained
influence south of the Caspian and in the Lebanon. The proto-Sunnis remained relatively
passive.
At the very beginning of the ‘Abbasid dynasty, an articulate tradition of centralized monarchy
was transmitted from Iran by Ibn Muqaffa’ (written 754–6), at a time when the Islamic tradition
was still not fully formed, and its political drift not yet clear. This was linked to the cultural
life of the court and its secretaries.
Patrimonial monarchy entered its classical phase under the ‘Abbasids and their successors.
The Abbasids began as revolutionaries but soon embraced the concept of dynastic monarchy,
tempered by Islamic ideals. While initially sympathetic to minority opposition groups like
various Shi'a factions, they later sought to accommodate the more numerous proto-Sunnis.
They still based their legitimacy on their kinship with the Prophet.
In his inaugural speech, al-Saffah referred to dawla. Dawla was to become the standard term
for dynasty, regime and the state. It signified an era during which a particular dynasty held
power. This concept was central to understanding the legitimacy of rulers. Success in seizing
and maintaining power was seen as a sign of divine favor, justifying even harsh rule.

The house of Islam encompassed various regions, including central Asia, north-western Africa,
highland grazing areas, and agricultural regions with irrigation systems. The Islamic conquests
facilitated long-distance commerce and contributed to urban centers' growth and craft
production.

The Abbasid victory solidified Islam as a predominantly universalist faith with Arab roots,
fostering a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society. Conversion to Islam occurred for various
reasons and sometime after conquests. Christian minorities in places like Egypt and the
Lebanon continued to thrive until the Crusades.

The Abbasids emphasized their role as the Deputy of God and successor to the Prophet. They
saw themselves as the earthly authority of God, tasked with continuing the work of the Prophet.
Their leadership aimed to spread justice, maintain the Book and the Tradition, and create unity
among Muslims. This implied that Muslims should support the Deputies in carrying out their
moral and political duties. While the Deputies had significant responsibilities, their authority
in the religious realm did not necessarily extend to legislative power, and the precision of their
claims might not have matched those made by medieval popes.

Iranian Influences And Ibn Muqaffa’

Lifetime: (Fars c.720–Basra ?756)
Iranian
His works: ‘the principal means of transmission to the Arabs of the epic history and institutions
of Iran’.
Ibn Muqaffa’s Message (Risala fi’l-sahaba, written 754–6),

The Abbasids, who ruled after the Umayyads, were influenced by Iranian ideas of government.
They built a bureaucracy, secret service, and established a sophisticated court culture. Their
capital, Baghdad, was located near an old Iranian capital. They used these ideas to justify their
rule.

Ibn Muqaffa, a gifted secretary during this time, played a significant role in introducing these
ideas to the Arabs. He believed in religious tolerance and had a liberal view of faith. His
"Message" (Risala fi’l-sahaba) aimed to offer ideas to improve government and fill a gap in
political thinking. He suggested that for people to pledge loyalty to their leader, they need to
understand the leader's authority.

Ibn Muqaffa also discussed two wrong views: In the first view, He suggested that if people
obey God's commands, they are equal, and hence there's no need for a leader. The second error
is that we should obey leaders unconditionally. He argued for a middle ground, where the leader
should be obeyed if they follow the law, creating a more stable form of power. He also linked
legitimate authority to the leader's power in specific areas like war and appointing officials.

Ibn Muqaffa argued that the Leader had extensive powers over Islamic Law. He believed the
Leader could not only administer Legal Penalties but also make judgments on matters not
clearly specified in religious texts. Furthermore, he proposed that the Leader should codify the
entire framework of Islamic law, taking this responsibility away from religious scholars and
their diverse schools. This codification project aimed to unify and harmonize Islamic legal
practices under the authority of the Commander of the Faithful.

Ibn Muqaffa saw the Deputy's religious authority, especially in legal matters, as crucial for
their political power. He challenged the prevailing role of religious scholars (the Ulama) in
shaping the law, as he believed it led to incompetent decisions and confusion. His view was in
contrast to the Ulama's, which was bound to create tension, as it challenged their authority. Ibn
Muqaffa firmly supported the Deputy's right to make judicial decisions and settle disputes
based on personal opinion (ra'y) and reason, suggesting that reason should complement religion
for individual and societal well-being.

Ibn Muqaffa's writings intended to make the Deputy (leader) clarify their connection with the
people and Islamic Law, highlighting the necessity for them to fundamentally change how they
saw themselves. He also stressed the significance of moral and cultural improvements to keep
the Caliphate stable. This included providing proper religious education, addressing people's
concerns, and ensuring the support of the military.
Furthermore, he emphasized the importance of having competent government officials and a
trustworthy team around the ruler to ensure effective governance. His writing had a practical,
managerial style and played a key role in shaping the idea of religious monarchy in the Islamic
world.

Abu Yusuf
Ya'kub Abu Yusuf (731–98),
Book of Taxes (Kitab al-kharaj)
During Harun al-Rashid's rule (781–809), he commissioned a review of taxation from the Chief
Religious Judge, Ya'kub Abu Yusuf (731–98), a prominent figure of the Hanafi School which
allowed for more individual reasoning. This review, known as the "Book of Taxes" (Kitab al-
kharaj), was the first government-related work by a Religious Jurist.
Abu Yusuf's task was to explain, based on Islamic law (Shari'a), the principles and methods
behind collecting and distributing land taxes. He covered various economic, military, and social
matters, including the treatment of Protected Peoples. Abu Yusuf stressed the importance of
equal justice for all, emphasizing that the Deputy (ruler) should establish God's order without
distinction among people. Tax collectors must treat everyone fairly, and the ruler should apply
the law fairly, leaning towards leniency (being more forgiving) when needed. The Deputy
should also show kindness to the poor and prisoners.

Abu Yusuf suggested that the Deputy's role was to clarify unclear matters and resolve doubts
for the people, possibly related to the Caliph's duty to enforce laws and protect rights.

He stressed the Deputy's accountability to God and the need to act responsibly. People were
compared to sheep in the care of the ruler, and a just leader was favored by the Prophet while
a tyrant was disapproved of.

Abu Yusuf also introduced early ideas about the economy and governance. He argued that fair
taxation leads to prosperity, and good government is vital for economic well-being, especially
in the Iranian context. Proper tax collection and following Islamic law would improve
prosperity and government revenue. The text even mentioned managing irrigation in Iraq and
supported a "free-market" approach, despite occasional price regulation.

During the peak of the Deputyship, Harun al-Rashid divided his inheritance between two sons,
which triggered a civil war, similar to political conflicts seen in Europe during Charlemagne's
time.

The Caliph Al-Ma’mun

Al-Ma'mun, an Abbasid ruler from 813 to 833, aimed to establish a strong Deputyship that was
independent of the military and popular religious leaders. He pursued a cultural policy to
promote high culture and intellectual status within the Caliphate. He was consistently opposed
to the influence of the popularly-based Reporters and ulama. He allied himself with those
schools of thought that were, for various reasons, opposed to literal-mindedness: the
theologians (mutakallimun) (as opposed Jurists), Hellenism and the Shia.

Al-Ma'mun's cultural initiatives included translating Greek philosophical texts and founding
the House of Wisdom in Baghdad. He also popularized the Alexander myth, reinforcing the
idea of enlightened imperialism and the legitimacy of conquest in a multi-ethnic society.
He sought support from Sunni religious groups, particularly the Mu'tazilites, who emphasized
rational argument in religious discourse. The Mu'tazilites were among the first Muslim thinkers
to provide reasoned arguments for the state's existence and legitimate political authority, based
on moral and religious grounds.

For the Mu'tazilites, justice was the key social and political value. They emphasized the duty
to enjoin good and restrain evil as a responsibility for all Muslims, to be executed through
persuasion, and if necessary, by force. Some even believed that any Muslim who promoted
right and opposed wrong acted as God's deputy on Earth.

Al-Ma'mun promoted Mu'tazilite thought and doctrinal disputes, attempting to establish the
createdness of the Quran as official doctrine. He also set up a state inquisition, forcing officials
and religious leaders to accept his religious views and authority.

During this time, a text called the Pseudo-Aristotelian Letter to Alexander on the Government
of Cities emerged, suggesting the need for both a legislator and a coercive ruler in a kingdom.
This text proposed a middle ground between anarchism and absolutism, advocating universal
sovereignty for the sake of peace and prosperity. It emphasized political ethics, stating that an
effective ruler should be both loved and maintain a balance between clemency (lenience) and
severity.

Al-Jahiz
The Mu'tazilite thinker al-Jahiz, who lived from around 776 in Basra to 868/9 in Baghdad,
supported al-Ma'mun's efforts to establish the Deputy's supremacy over religious scholars. Al-
Jahiz was a philosopher and writer who used witty stories and vivid descriptions to convey
moral lessons. He criticized the pretentiousness of government officials and admired self-made
tradespeople.

Al-Jahiz had a cosmopolitan background, celebrating the fusion of Persian, Arabic, and Greek
cultures. However, he cautioned against blindly imitating Persian customs and believed
contemporary Greeks didn't match their illustrious predecessors. He shared the Mu'tazilite
belief that all ideas should be scrutinized using critical reasoning and was against religious
indifference or skepticism.

In support of al-Ma'mun and the Abbasid Deputyship, al-Jahiz wrote several works. He
distinguished between the elite and the masses, emphasizing the importance of this division in
discussions of the state and its constitution. He had a pessimistic view of human nature and
argued that rigorous training, rebukes, and the threat of punishment were needed to prevent
chaos and non-enforcement of laws. He believed that establishing a single leader was essential
for maintaining order and that sound religion depended on worldly stability.
Unlike most Sunnis, al-Jahiz showed genuine concern for constitutional issues. He discussed
how a leader should be chosen, favoring the elite's selection based on qualities like intelligence,
knowledge, and good habits. hat qualities must a Leader possess? Al-Jahiz singled out
intelligence, erudition and good habits. Such qualities can be easily recognized, which ruled
out the Shiite idea of a Leader known only to a few. Al-Jahiz emphasized, also against the Shia,
the benefits of election rather than designation. Above all, it respects human choice; the Prophet
‘did not choose for them … it was to their benefit that this choice was left with them, for he
chose to leave them the choice’.
Al-Jahiz also believed that a tyrant could be overthrown and replaced with a new leader through
force in certain circumstances, ridiculing those who advocated quietism. He argued that the
obligation to depose a tyrant depended on the situation's feasibility, and when it became
possible, it became a religious duty to do so. Overall, al-Jahiz was one of the most innovative
Sunni political thinkers of his time.

The Failure Of The Caliphate

After Al-Ma'mun, his successor Al-Mu'tasim carried on with similar policies but with less
enthusiasm. During the rule of Al-Mu'tawakkil from 847 to 861, the conservative Sunni
scholars gained more influence, and the role of the Mu'tazilites and Greek philosophers
decreased. Tragically, Al-Mu'tawakkil was assassinated by the Turkish slave-soldiers who had
initially supported him, who subsequently dominated Baghdad politics until the arrival of the
Shiite Buyids in 945. Over time, the provinces of the Caliphate became independent under new
dynasties.
Despite their vast resources, the Abbasids squandered their territorial and ideological
advantages rapidly. They lacked a consistent imperial strategy and failed to develop a clear
imperial or state ideology. While the Shi'a view of the Leader, combined with monarchical
traditions from Iranian and Hellenistic cultures, could have provided a basis, the Abbasids
abandoned Shi'a beliefs. In the emerging Sunni consensus, the role of the Deputy became
ambiguous. The inability to reintroduce centralized imperial government into the Islamic
thought-world may have been due to the passage of time or the inherent complexity of the task.
The Iranian practice of patrimonial monarchy influenced subsequent Islamic dynasties through
the political culture established by the Abbasids. This cultural influence, alongside Islamic
teachings, played a significant role in shaping how both government officials and regular
people viewed political authority, the relationship between rulers and the ruled, and the social
class structure.
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Al-Farabi And The Brethren Of Purity

There was a connection between philosophy and Shi'ism during this period. The Imami
Hamdanids established Houses of Wisdom in various cities and supported philosophers like al-
Farabi. Both Shi'ites and philosophers believed that true authority came from superior
knowledge.

This connection was particularly strong with the Isma'ilis. They shared a belief in intellectual
intuitions that only an elite group could fully grasp. These intuitions served as the foundation
for constructing a true understanding of the cosmos and human existence. Both philosophers
and Ismailis the goal of creation is the development of the ideal human person, the true Adam,
‘the perfect individual’.
This connection became most apparent in the "Epistles of the Brethren of Purity," an
encyclopedic work that combined philosophical theology with Isma'ili ideas. These epistles
aimed to promote Isma'ili teachings and were created by an intellectual branch of the Isma'ili
community. They believed that philosophy and prophecy both had divine origins and could
lead individuals to perfection in both faith and wisdom.

The Brethren saw history as a series of epochs, each introduced by a Prophet-legislator-Imam,

characterized by its own philosophy, religion, language, and science. Their role was to pass on
the accumulated wisdom of previous eras to the emerging Isma'ili age, which they considered
the legitimate heir to this knowledge.

Among the notable philosophers of this period, al-Farabi and Ibn Sina stood out. Al-Farabi,
likely an Imami Shi'ite of Turkish origin, produced significant works on politics and
philosophy. He had interactions with the Imami court of the Hamdanids and was active in
political matters. He authored works like "The Principles of the Opinions of the Inhabitants of
the Best (Virtuous/Excellent/Perfect) State," (al-Madina al-Fadila) "The Governance of the
State," (al-Madina al-Fadila) and "Aphorisms of the Statesman" (Fusul al-Madani).

Other philosophers, like Miskawayh, also discussed political topics, often in connection with
ethics. For instance, Miskawayh wrote a treatise on ethics while serving in various positions at
the Buyid court in Baghdad.

Methods Of Knowing
Al-Farabi and the Philosophers had a specific view regarding the relationship between
philosophy and revelation. They aimed to merge two different spheres of discourse: the Judaeo-
Islamic and the Platonic-Hellenic. Their fundamental belief was that God, the People, and the
Imam formed the foundation of both the cosmic and human existence. In their view, Neo-
Platonism explained how God, humanity, and the spiritual and material cosmos interacted with
each other. Philosophers like al-Farabi, the Brethren, and Ibn Sina saw this framework as a way
to interpret the Prophet's Message. In the realm of politics, they used philosophy to shed light
on Islamic Law, Leadership (imama), and the People, employing Hellenistic concepts. Their
goal was to understand and interpret these discourses through each other, without undermining
either, since the Platonic tradition had already evolved into ethical monotheism, linked to the
idea of a universal community based on divine decree.

However, these Islamic philosophers appeared to be unaware of certain aspects of the Hellenic
political thought tradition, and they often overlooked them. They primarily focused on Greek
ideas concerning the ideal society, the legislator's role in creating laws, the relationship between
rulers and laws, and how to make people accept correct opinions and behaviors. Concepts like
Aristotle's Politics, which advocated constitutional democracy, were not translated and didn't
receive their attention.

On the other hand, Islamic religious scholars valued knowledge (ilm) as the highest human
achievement and considered intelligence (aql) to be the supreme gift from God to humans. In
contrast to the Christian perspective, they placed faith (iman) lower in terms of epistemological
importance. The Islamic concept of 'Knowledge' was closely related to what Christians referred
to as faith, as it encompassed knowledge obtained through the Qur'an and Reports, correctly
understood via Jurisprudence. This facilitated the integration of philosophy into Islamic
thought.

Islamic philosophers also upheld reason as supreme, using syllogism, dialectic, and the insights
of a trained and purified mind. They believed that through reason, the best human intellects
could deduce the First Cause and the orderly structure of the cosmos by rationally examining
their experiences.

Ibn Sina took this notion of inspired intuitive but rational knowledge to new heights, asserting
that the human soul could have a direct 'metaphysical apprehension of being' independently of
sense perception. According to his ideas, higher levels of knowledge were reached through the
philosopher's reason connecting with the Active Intellect emanating from God. This concept
evolved into mystical theology and the 'philosophy of light,' moving away from empirical
knowledge toward mysticism.
The philosophers claimed that they could attain knowledge of the same truths as the Prophets
through demonstrative proofs, using both reason and revelation. They believed that philosophy
was a path to salvation and considered it "true education." For them, there was no disconnect
between what was stated in the Qur'an and what could be known through reason. Truth was the
central concept, and it could be reached through various avenues.
The primary sources of knowledge, according to the philosophers, were the Holy Qur'an, the
Prophet's Traditions, reason, and experience. Reason served as the link between God and
humanity, and it was considered the stamp of God's word and the token of His Prophet.
Wisdom, which encompassed truth, was highly valued and could be found in various sources.
This perspective offered an alternative epistemology and, consequently, an alternative source
of authority compared to that of the Jurists. Rational discourse, as per al-Farabi and most
philosophers, was a different way of understanding, explaining, and proving the truths of the
Qur'an.
There were variations in the philosophers' viewpoints. Some, like Abu Bakr al-Razi, believed
that one could know God through reason, rendering revelation and Prophecy unnecessary. They
even considered them harmful, as they caused wars and retarded knowledge. They should,
therefore, be rejected. In contrast, others, such as Abu Sulaiman al-Sijistani, thought that reason
would make revelation superfluous and acknowledged Prophecy as the true guide.

Al-Farabi argued that philosophy was not just an alternative but a superior way to comprehend
divine truths. He considered religion as an imitation of philosophy, and philosophy
demonstrated what religion symbolized. This idea implied that Prophets like Muhammad were
essentially high-level Philosophers. He suggested that religion and Prophecy were still
essential, primarily because only a few individuals could pursue the path of Philosophy.

The philosophers, following Aristotle's distinction, categorized philosophy into speculative

philosophy, which examined things as they truly were, and practical philosophy, which looked
at things from the perspective of what was noble or base and aimed to understand what made
humans happy or miserable. Practical philosophy included personal ethics, household
management (economics), and political knowledge. Political science, in particular, delved into
various types of political regimes, rulerships, and their preservation or transformation. It also
addressed the necessity of Prophecy and the role of the Law in maintaining human existence.

Al-Farabi emphasized the importance of political science as the master science of human
conduct, covering voluntary actions, moral purposes, true happiness, virtues, and vices. This
science required a comprehensive understanding of the human soul, integrating both moral and
practical aspects, and combining theoretical knowledge with empirical observation. However,
it's worth noting that philosophers did not engage in empirical studies of politics during this
period, leaving factual details to historians.

The objectives of political knowledge could only be achieved through rulership (ri’asa)’ and
politics (siyasa), involving both legislation and education. Government was seen as a craft, and
the role of a ruler encompassed preserving and improving the welfare of the subjects. This
required a combination of incentives and intimidation to govern effectively.
 JUMPING to BOOK 2 (this is where sir started from)

Al farabi is thye first muslim thinker to have left political writings, based upon Pluto. He
inspired later philosophers like Ibn Bajja, Ibn Rushd and Ibn Cena. Influenced by
Neoplatonism, Al-Farabi authored the "Book of Agreement" to reconcile the ideas of Plato and
Aristotle. His work aimed to harmonize the seemingly differing views of these Greek
philosophers while also bridging the gap between philosophy and Islamic revelation. e believed
that philosophy's goal was to perceive the creator, and the philosopher should strive to emulate
God's attributes as much as humanly possible. This concept of "imitatio Dei" constituted the
highest perfection and ultimate happiness for Al-Farabi. His political philosophy drew from
both Plato and Islamic tenets, incorporating belief in a Creator-God, reward and punishment,
and the hereafter. Al-Farabi believed that true happiness for people comes from a combination
of the rewards promised in Islamic law and becoming intellectual and morally better in their
actions through studying philosophy.
While he explained this happiness as intellectual and moral perfection, he also acknowledged
the importance of Islamic teachings about God, angels, and reality. Al-Farabi argued that
philosophy provided a way to clarify religious doctrines, and the harmony between philosophy
and revelation was not always easy to achieve. He believed in vindicating the truth of revelation
through philosophy, emphasizing that reason did not hold supremacy over revelation in his
thought.

Reconciling philosophy and revelation

Al-Farabi faced the challenge of harmonizing philosophy and revelation, believing that one
should not dominate the other. He saw himself as a Muslim first and a student of Plato,
Aristotle, and their followers second. In his view, philosophy guided the metaphysician toward
faith, progressing from physics to metaphysics, politics, and religious law. This distinction
between demonstrative and intuitive methods significantly influenced subsequent Islamic
religious philosophy.
His primary focus was on metaphysical and theoretical matters, not the practical aspects of
governance or reform. He contemplated humanity's ultimate purpose and how to attain it,
advocating for the rule of philosopher-kings or a partnership between philosophy and
government to achieve complete happiness. However, there's no evidence he actively pursued
the establishment of such a philosophical rule.

His significant works

Al-Farabi's political writings included three significant works.
1. The "Ideal State" (Al-madina al-fadila) drew inspiration from Plato's Republic and
Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, combining a political foundation with a theological
and metaphysical structure.
2. The "Book on Political Government"(siyasa al-madaniya) began with a discussion of
the soul and intellect and later explored man's role and perfection within the state.
3. His most crucial work, "Book on Attaining Happiness" (tahsil al-sa'dda), defined
happiness as the highest good, which people sought for its sake. Al-Farabi emphasized
 that achieving happiness was possible through knowledge (haqq yaqini) and education,
with a focus on intellectual perfection.
Apart from these, he provided a summary of Plato's Laws and wrote "Political Aphorisms" to
further discuss his political ideas.

The necessity of states

Why do we need states? Ibn Khaldun and the Falasifa thinkers, like Al-Farabi, shared a similar
answer: people can't survive alone; they can't provide for their basic needs like food, shelter,
and clothing, let alone everything required for their development. Humans depend on others
because they have various needs, and this necessity leads to the formation of communities.
The types of communities
Communities can be complete or incomplete, and their level of perfection depends on their
size. The smallest complete unit is the city, which is part of a nation, and the largest
encompasses the entire cultivated world, which Al-Farabi referred to as "ma’mura."
The requirement for political associations
The requirement for political associations is rooted in human nature. We're called "hayawan
insi" or "h. madani" (the political animal), and the science that explores the actions and habits
needed for human development is political science. This science helps us reach our goal of
perfection. Al-Farabi emphasized the need for many individuals to cooperate to meet each
other's various requirements, in contrast to Plato's idea of individuals having only one
occupation.
Al-Farabi's categorization of states by size might be influenced by Greek and Hellenistic
political thought. The concept of a small, self-sufficient city (madina) is akin to Plato's "polis."
The idea of the nation (umma) and the broader community may have been shaped by the
Islamic environment and the universal appeal of Islam's way of life. This mirrors the Islamic
empire's desire to increase its influence through holy war, known as jihad.

The meaning of “perfect” and “true happiness”

Al-Farabi outlined his vision of the perfect state as a place where citizens work together to
attain true happiness. This true happiness involves having a soul liberated from material
limitations and inclined towards the abstract, non-physical aspects of life. He believed that a
blend of political science and metaphysics could lead humans on a journey from understanding
the tangible world to the spiritual realm, where they seek the fundamental principles of
existence and reality. This knowledge aids individuals in differentiating between good and evil,
and equips them to develop their contemplative qualities, ultimately leading them to ultimate
happiness.

Achieving true happiness

To attain happiness, individuals, cities, and nations must prioritize education. Teaching
emphasizes theoretical virtues, while education integrates both instruction and setting an
example, resulting in ethical virtues and practical abilities. Al-Farabi's conceptualization of
virtues and arts served as a cornerstone for later scholars like Ibn Bajja and Ibn Rushd. They
drew from Aristotle's concepts of distinctions between rulers and the ruled, as well as master
and subordinate arts.

The analogy of state and human body

In both instances, there is a clear hierarchy, and all parts work together for a shared goal. Yet,
there's a fundamental difference: the body's organs naturally perform their functions, while
citizens in a state are guided by their intentions and decisions. Effective leadership or
governance is only feasible when an individual possesses the appropriate mindset, willpower,
and developed habits.

Al-Farabi's Contribution to Political Thought

In his pursuit to understand his own civilization, Al-Farabi faced the challenge of integrating
Greek philosophical concepts into the Islamic context, resulting in a unique synthesis that
would significantly influence subsequent Islamic philosophy. His political theory revolves
around the ideal ruler, combining elements from Plato's philosopher-king and the Islamic
prophet-lawgiver (Muhammad S.A.W). This blending of ideas stems from the need to
harmonize Greek and Muslim principles within the context of the Islamic state, which had a
distinct character of its own.

Al-Farabi's Theory of Prophecy

To understand the fusion of Plato's ideal ruler, the philosopher-king, with the ideal ruler in
Islam, often the prophet or lawgiver, we need to delve into Al-Farabi's theory of prophecy. The
ruler in his concept of the "Madina al-fadila" isn't merely the caliph, who is the successor and
representative of the prophetic lawgiver, Muhammad. Nor is this ruler a philosopher-king
simply transformed into a caliph. Instead, the qualities and duties of this ruler are the outcome
of a skillful blend, a synthesis, of both Platonic and Islamic principles, making it a unique and
harmonious combination of these two traditions. This theory of prophecy Is central to Al-
Farabi’s political philosophy.

The Ideal Ruler

Al-Farabi discerns two fundamental faculties in human beings: theoretical and practical reason.
These faculties are only fully realized through a process of emanation from the Active Intellect,
which bears a resemblance to Plato's concept of the "nous poietikos." This emanation is
described as a form of revelation (zvahy), and it holds a central role in molding the first ruler's
character and capacities.

Through this revelation, the first ruler undergoes a transformation, evolving from a philosopher
into a prophet or "warner," capable of leading people towards happiness. This unique
combination of philosophical wisdom and prophetic guidance elevates the first ruler to the
zenith of human perfection. Their soul becomes harmoniously united with the Active Intellect,
granting them the capability to govern not just the ideal city-state or nation but also the entire
inhabited world.

The Three Perfect States (and the ruler’s duty)

According to Al-Farabi, there are three possible perfect states: the ideal city-state, the ideal
nation, and the entire inhabited earth. Only a ruler endowed with the gift of prophecy, the
philosopher-prophet, is deemed fit to govern any of these perfect states. Al-Farabi believes that
such a ruler is uniquely qualified to help citizens realize their true human destiny, attain moral
and intellectual perfection, and connect with God through divinely revealed principles, known
as Sharia. Those under the rule of the first ruler are considered the "excellent, best, and happy
citizens."

Qualities of the Ideal Ruler

The Tahsil provides a comprehensive account of the qualities expected of the ideal ruler. Al-
Farabi emphasizes that the imam-king should study the speculative sciences, comparing the
king's role to that of a household master or a mentor to young individuals. Education is
paramount, as it is the path to perfection and happiness for citizens. Al-Farabi distinguishes
between two methods of education: one relies on logical evidence to teach abstract virtues,
while the other employs persuasion for teaching other virtues and practical skills. The ideal
ruler, or king, needs to excel not only in logical reasoning but also in persuasion and creativity.
Moreover, they must possess a deep understanding of theoretical sciences.
- Several paragraphs skipped

Qualities of True philosophers

True philosophers must possess 12 qualities. These essential characteristics are largely rooted
in Plato's principles, emphasizing justice (adala), knowledge (ilm), and physical fitness
(salama), among others. The critical addition in the Tahsil is that a true philosopher should
possess unwavering religious convictions and a firm belief in their religion's principles and
virtuous actions.
- For list of qualities, refer to sir’s notes.

Realism in the Ideal State

Al-Farabi, informed by both Plato and Aristotle, acknowledges the near-impossibility of
realizing the ideal state in practice. Like Plato, Al Farabi starts from the ideal state, whose first
ruler must possess twelve qualifications which are all derived from Plato. Aware of the near-
impossibility of finding such a perfect man, Al-Farabi is satisfied if the ruler has six or even
five of these qualities. He is succeeded by the second ruler who must fulfil six conditions. The
second ruler, often analogous to the caliph, must fulfill six specific conditions, including a
philosophical background, the ability to interpret laws, and competence in various aspects of
war. This second ruler's qualifications resemble the role of a caliph in substance.
The Fusul al-madanlya, another work by Al-Farabi, differs from the Madina fadila (al-Farabi’s
book – meaning Virtuous city) in that it emphasizes the Islamic pattern for rulers rather than
the Platonic one. The second ruler in the Fusul lacks philosophical qualifications, suggesting
that this text was perhaps intended for a Muslim audience, possibly including Al-Farabi's
patron, Saif al-Dawla (the ruler of Aleppo). It's noteworthy that Al-Farabi's omission of the
philosophical qualification in the "Fusul" is quite surprising, especially when considering his
explicit statement in the "Madina Fadila." In the "Madina Fadila," Al-Farabi clearly articulates
that a state lacks a true ruler if wisdom, or philosophy, is absent from its governance, even if
all other conditions are met. Without a philosopher's involvement in the government, the state
is bound to gradually deteriorate and fall into ruin. This underscores the idea that the ideal state
cannot endure without a philosopher playing a role in its governance, at the very least in an
advisory capacity. The absence of a philosopher's advisory role in the Fusul, as found in the
Madina fadila, underscores the more realistic approach adopted in the former text.
Additionally, the emphasis on the ruler's capacity to wage holy war (jihad) reflects the political
climate of the time, especially Saif al-Dawla's interest in jihad.

Evaluation of Imperfect States

Al-Farabi delves into the states that contrast with the ideal state ruled by the Prophet, a figure
embodying the roles of philosopher-king, lawgiver, and imam. These states are deemed
imperfect, not in the conventional sense, but qualitatively; they lack certain essential
characteristics that hinder the attainment of the highest good. These states receive more
extensive coverage in the Siyasa compared to the Madina fadila. The Tahsil, however,
exclusively focuses on genuine happiness within the ideal state. Instead of categorizing these
states based on political constitution, as Plato did, Al-Farabi utilizes terms from the Arabic
version of Galen's summary of the "Republic" without delving deeply into their political
structures.

The Notion of Ignorant States

Al-Farabi groups all these imperfect states under the label "ignorant states" (jahiliya). While
"ignorance" is understood similarly to Plato, as the opposite of knowledge, it may carry an
additional meaning reminiscent of Islamic jahiliya, denoting pagan idolatry, ignorance, and a
way of life regarded as evil. The inhabitants of these ignorant states do not grasp happiness as
envisioned in the ideal state. Their primary life goals, individually and collectively, revolve
around material pursuits such as health, wealth, sensory pleasures, power, or honor. Al-Farabi
divides these states into different categories based on the aims they pursue, with more divisions
than found in Plato's classification.

Al-Farabi’s Classification of Ignorant states

1. State of necessity – Daruriya
The first type is what Al-Farabi calls the "State of Necessity" (daruriya). In this state, the
residents primarily focus on meeting their basic needs such as food, water, shelter, and physical
satisfaction. They work together to fulfill these fundamental requirements.
2. Vile state – Nadhala - oligarchy
The next state is what Al-Farabi refers to as the "Vile State". In this state, the citizens are driven
by the pursuit of wealth and riches purely for their own personal gain.
3. Base and despicable state (no Arabic name) – specific kind of Oligarchy,
known as Plutocracy or Hedonism
In the "Base and Despicable State," the citizens primarily focus on indulging in sensory
pleasures, games, and various forms of entertainment.
4. Timocracy - Madina Karama
Timocracy includes a variety of honors. Citizens in these states assist each other in gaining
honor, glory, and fame. Honors fall into two categories: (i) personal recognition based on
individual virtues and (ii) honor attributed to wealth, victories, authority, or other distinctions.
Al-Farabi regards this state as the best among the "ignorant states," influenced, perhaps, by
Aristotle's ideas.
5. Tyranny – Taghallub
Tyranny (taghallub) derives its name from the citizens' aim: cooperating to achieve victory
over others and avoiding defeat. Tyranny presents even more variations than timocracy,
reflecting the tyrant's numerous desires. Internal tyranny refers to the exercise of absolute
control and domination over a ruler's own citizens, while external tyranny involves the
subjugation and oppression of another state or people. Tyranny is recognized as a mixed
imperfect state, incorporating elements of timocracy and oligarchy. This detailed examination
also distinguishes between internal and external tyranny, where the former is characterized by
a tyrant's mastery over his subjects and the latter involves the enslavement of another group or
nation.
6. Democracy (madina jama’iya)
Al-Farabi introduces "Democracy" (madina jamaHyd), characterized by the citizens' freedom
to act as they wish. In this state, equality reigns supreme, and no individual holds mastery over
another. Governance only occurs with the explicit consent of the governed. Democracy features
both positive and negative aspects, and it's possible that, over time, exceptional individuals
may emerge from this environment. These exceptional individuals, the "most excellent men,"
could include philosophers, orators, and poets, thus offering the potential to select elements for
the ideal state. Therefore, democracy serves as the source from which various "ignorant states,"
both good and bad, originate.
- Refer to book page 136 for further subtypes of ignorant states

Critical analysis
1. Philosophy's Role in Politics
Al-Farabi's writings highlight the importance of philosophy in politics. In his ideal state, the
ideal ruler needs both political authority and philosophical knowledge.
2. Inconsistencies and Omissions
There are inconsistencies and omissions in Al-Farabi's writings. Notably, his works don't
consistently mention prophetic qualities or revelation. This raises questions about how Al-
Farabi related to his Muslim background.
3. Focus on the Pursuit of Happiness
Al-Farabi's central concern is the pursuit of happiness in politics. However, different writings
emphasize different aspects of this pursuit. It's uncertain whether these variations result from
different times of writing.
4. Chronological Assumption
Assuming a chronological order of his works, it's suggested that Al-Farabi wrote "Madina al-
Fadila" first, followed by "Siyasa Madaniya," and finally "Kitab Tahsil al-Sa'ada."
5. The Lawgiver's Role
Al-Farabi appears more concerned with the philosophical nature of the lawgiver than the
revelation of laws. He stresses the lawgiver's qualifications and the ability to interpret the law,
especially its theoretical teachings.
6. Common Ground in Political Philosophy
Al-Farabi highlights the significance of law as a shared element between Greek and Islamic
philosophy in the context of politics.

Background and Context

Al-Mawardi's "Ordinances of Government" (al-ahkam al-sultaniyah) was written to establish
the authority of the Abbasid caliphs against the Buwaihid emirs who held practical control of
the state. During this time, Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna recognized the caliph's authority, even
though the emirs held real power. Al-Mawardi's work aimed to provide a theoretical foundation
for dividing authority between the caliph (religious affairs) and the emir (civil administration)
through negotiation.

The Unity of the Islamic State

Despite the emirs' control, they recognized the supreme spiritual and temporal authority of the
Abbasid caliph. This was because the Islamic state was viewed as a religious-political unity
bound by Muslim law. Rulers and subjects alike adhered to the principle that authority granted
by the consensus (ijma) of the Muslim community was the only legitimate authority. By
acknowledging the caliph's authority, rulers ensured their own legality and avoided the stigma
of rebellion or usurpation, preserving the unity of the Muslim community.

The Role of Sunni Jurists

Sunni jurists aimed to harmonize the existing political reality with Islamic law (Sharia). They
interpreted the Quran, Sunna, and Hadith in light of the political situation to maintain Muslim
community unity. This involved detailing the caliph's conditions, functions, and those of his
officers, both spiritual and temporal.

Importance of the Imamate

Al-Mawardi stressed the necessity of the imamate, arguing that it replaced prophecy in
defending the faith and administering the world. He asserted that 'ijma,' consensus, was needed
to make the contract between the umma (community) and the imam binding.

Revealed Law vs. Reason

Al-Mawardi made a crucial distinction between government based on reason and the higher
form of government grounded in revealed law. The former prevents injustice, discord, and
anarchy, while the latter ensures the enforcement of law and justice with confidence and
friendship. Revealed law, he argued, allowed rulers to manage religious affairs and prepare
people for the hereafter.
Qualities of an effective imam
To govern efficiently and protect the faith, an imam must meet seven conditions. First and
foremost is (i) justice ('adala), as the primary function is administering justice. The imam must
also possess (ii) deep knowledge of tradition, enabling independent decisions and ijtihad
(judgment on points of law). (iii) Physical and mental fitness, (iv) courage, (v) determination
to protect Islam's territory, and a (vi) Quraish lineage are other prerequisites for an effective
imam.

Election vs designation
Al-Mawardi and Al-Baghdadi argue in favor of choosing the caliph through an election by
qualified voters, in contrast to the ShVa's method of appointment. However, this view goes
against the way the Umayyads and Abbasids historically operated. The qualifications for
electors included justice and a good understanding of the essential requirements for a caliph.
Sunni legal scholars would still accept an election even if some of these qualifications were
missing, as long as there was at least one qualified voter present. They also sometimes approved
of the appointment of a successor, like a father choosing his son, based on past examples.

Historical Interpretation and Sources

These writers, even though their work might not meet today's standards for checking historical
and textual accuracy, give us a glimpse into how they saw the lives and actions of Muhammad,
his companions, and the early Islamic leaders. Their biographies and histories might include
information that doesn't match modern research methods. However, constitutional theorists
used this history as a basis for their ideas. They justified their view of history by referring to
both real and made-up traditions and stories. What might seem like religious falsehood or
political convenience should be seen in the context of their dedication to keeping the Muslim
community united under the leadership of the khalifa, whose religious importance grew as his
political influence decreased.

Legal Rather Than Philosophical Focus

These writers were not political philosophers; they belonged to one of the four recognized
schools of law. Politics entered the realm of Fiqh-books mainly due to its religious and legal
aspects, embedded in constitutional law. The caliphate, as the successor to Muhammad's
religious-social-political community, played a central role in the life of the umma. Muslim
constitutional law resulted from the interaction between the Shar' (the ideal, divinely revealed
law) and the historical and political reality of the Islamic empire, a mix of pre-Islamic Arabian,
Byzantine, Persian, and Roman elements.

Reliance on Historians
Jurists needed to justify two forms of caliphal succession, election, and designation, and they
relied on historians for support. These historians, much like the jurists, were not experts in
constitutional theory. Their writings lacked a firm foundation in the Sharia when they recorded
their chronicles and histories. It's important to recognize the partisanship of these historians, as
seen in their idealization of the first four "right-guided" caliphs and their open or concealed
hostility towards the Umayyads.
 1. Election
The principle of caliphal election finds its basis in the historians' accounts of the selection of
Abu Bakr and Uthman. According to these accounts, choice had to be confirmed by the people,
technically referred to as 'bay'a' or the electors' oath of loyalty, followed by public 'bay'a'
signifying community consensus. If two candidates were considered, electors took into account
the prevailing circumstances. Political unrest or external threats favored courageous and
determined candidates, while times of stability preferred learned candidates capable of
guarding against heresy and error, a primary caliphal duty.

2. Designation
Besides election, the office of caliph or imam can also be acquired through designation by the
reigning caliph. This is termed 'ahd, and the designated successor carries the title wall-l-ahd,
signifying "heir-presumptive." Historical precedent, rather than scriptural basis, justifies this
form of succession. Al-Mawardi cites two early examples from Islamic history: Abu Bakr's
designation of 'Omar, acknowledged by the Muslim community, and Uthman's succession to
'Omar. It is worth noting that the second example, typically seen as an election, is presented as
a designation by Al-Mawardi. These historical precedents serve as a basis for legitimizing
hereditary transfer within the Abbasid dynasty.
Qualifications and Precedents
To legalize hereditary succession, jurists, led by Al-Mawardi, stipulate safeguards. These
include the consent of the designated successor and compliance with the qualifications for the
imam's office. However, these safeguards are primarily theoretical and further serve to
legitimize hereditary succession.
Caliphal Designation by the Ruler
In cases where a caliph designates two heirs without specifying priority, the electors must
decide upon one after his death. This situation, which can be applied to both election and
designation, is exemplified by 'Omar's charge to companions to elect a successor. Al-Mawardi
seems to favor the principle of election proper.
Transition of Authority and Dynastic Considerations
After the death of the caliph and the succession of one of the heirs-presumptive, the new caliph
has the prerogative to appoint his own successors by designation. He is no longer bound by the
designation of his predecessor and is the supreme authority entitled to exercise the caliph's
powers.

The Ten Duties of the Caliph

1. Safeguarding the Faith
The primary duty of the caliph is to protect the faith, based on established principles and the
consensus of the early Muslims. This entails a deep understanding of Islamic tenets and
traditions and the ability to defend them against heretics.
2. Executing and Preserving Justice
The caliph must uphold justice, possessing good character, and be just, honorable, and right-
minded, while also litigating in accordance with shariah.
3. Defense of the Territory of Islam
The caliph is responsible for defending the Islamic territory, safeguarding the lives and
livelihood of Muslims. This duty encompasses fulfilling the material needs of the community
(kifaya).
4. Ensuring Just Punishment and Upholding Rights
He must ensure that punishment for offenses adheres to Allah's prohibitions and that the rights
of his subjects are protected.
5. Military Action and Jihad
The caliph holds the responsibility for military matters, which encompasses maintaining border
garrisons and waging jihad against those who do not embrace Islam, either with the intention
of their conversion to Islam or acknowledging them as protected non-Muslim subjects
(Dhimmis).
6. Religious Obligations
This duty includes the just distribution of booty acquired through jihad and the giving of alms
and charity (sadaqat).
7. Sound Financial Administration
The caliph must manage finances prudently and appoint competent and loyal officials.
8. Personal Supervision of Public Affairs
He is obliged to personally oversee public affairs, engage in governance (siyasa) of the nation
(umma), and defend the religion (din).
9. Relying on Divine Guidance
Drawing from the Quran, the caliph is reminded not to follow his passions but to decide justly
between people.
10. Unity of Religion and Politics
These ten duties are inherently religious, interconnected, and deeply rooted in the divine
institution of the khalifa or imam. They underscore the unity of religion and politics,
emphasizing a life centered on God.

Forfeiture of the Office / Deposition of Imam

Al-Mawardi also discusses the conditions for the forfeiture of the office of imam, which include
physical or mental unfitness. He reiterates the importance of the caliph's ability to interpret the
faith correctly, freedom of movement, and freedom from restraint or violence, factors
influenced by the contemporary political context.
Accession of power
In the context of accession to power, it is unanimously agreed that an office-holder gains
authority only when confirmed in office by the consensus (ijma') of the community. This
consensus is believed to be divinely guided, and the choice and recognition of the community
are deemed infallible. A saying attributed to Muhammad underscores this principle: "My
community will never agree upon an error." This consensus-based confirmation of authority is
a point of convergence among all Islamic schools of thought. Notably, both Shafi'i and Hanbali
expositions of constitutional law share similarities, as demonstrated in the treatise of Ibn Abi
Ya'la b. al-Farra (990-1065), which bears the same title as Al-Mawardi's work.

- Question: What is philosophy? How did it evolve over time?

Philosophy is the systematic exploration of fundamental questions about reality, knowledge,
ethics, and the human experience. It involves the critical examination of key concepts and
principles underlying various areas of human inquiry. Philosophy seeks to provide well-
reasoned answers to questions that often lack straightforward empirical solutions.
The historical development of philosophy can be outlined as follows, with a specific focus on
the contributions of Muslim philosophers:
Ancient Philosophy: The origins of philosophy can be traced to various ancient civilizations,
including Greece, China, and the Islamic Golden Age. During this period, Muslim philosophers
like Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina (Avicenna), and Al-Mawardi made significant contributions to
philosophical thought. They engaged in discussions on topics such as the nature of knowledge
and the fundamental aspects of reality.
Medieval Philosophy: In the Middle Ages, philosophy became intertwined with religious
thought. Figures like Augustine and Thomas Aquinas integrated philosophy with theological
concepts, addressing questions concerning the compatibility of faith and reason. In the Islamic
world, philosophers like Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina continued to explore philosophical inquiries,
contributing to the rich tradition of Islamic philosophy.
Renaissance to Contemporary Philosophy: The Renaissance witnessed a revival of interest
in classical philosophical ideas, and later philosophers such as René Descartes, John Locke,
and Immanuel Kant developed new perspectives on epistemology and metaphysics.
Throughout these periods, Muslim philosophers also made significant intellectual
contributions. Ibn Khaldun, for instance, played a vital role in shaping social and political
thought.

- Question: Discuss the historical evolution of Muslim philosophical thought.

The historical evolution of Muslim philosophical thought is a rich and complex journey that
spans centuries and encompasses a wide range of philosophical ideas and traditions. Here is an
overview of the key stages in the development of Muslim philosophical thought:

Early Islamic Period (7th to 10th Century):

• During the early Islamic period, Muslim scholars sought to harmonize Greek, Hellenistic,
and Persian philosophical traditions with Islamic theology. This period is often associated
 with the translation movement, where many Greek philosophical texts, especially those of
Aristotle and Plato, were translated into Arabic.
• Al-Kindi (c. 801–873) is considered one of the earliest Muslim philosophers. He worked
to reconcile Greek philosophy with Islamic beliefs, particularly in the fields of
metaphysics, ethics, and the philosophy of science.
• Al-Farabi (c. 872–950) was instrumental in the development of Islamic philosophy. He
drew heavily from the works of Aristotle and Plato and wrote extensively on political
philosophy, ethics, and metaphysics.
• Avicenna (Ibn Sina, c. 980–1037) was one of the most influential Muslim philosophers.
His work, "The Book of Healing" and "The Canon of Medicine," covered a wide range of
topics, including metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, and natural philosophy. Avicenna's
ideas greatly influenced both Islamic and Western philosophy.

The Golden Age of Islamic Philosophy (9th to 12th Century):

• This period saw the emergence of various philosophical schools within the Islamic
world, including the Peripatetic (Aristotelian), Illuminationist, and Ismaili schools.
These schools developed distinct approaches to philosophical questions.
• Al-Ghazali (c. 1058–1111) is renowned for his work "The Incoherence of the
Philosophers," in which he criticized certain aspects of Greek philosophy, particularly
the belief in causality, and sought to reconcile philosophy with Islamic faith.
• Averroes (Ibn Rushd, c. 1126–1198) was a prominent figure in the Aristotelian tradition
and wrote extensive commentaries on Aristotle's works. His commentaries had a
significant influence on Western philosophy.

Later Developments (13th Century Onward):

• The decline of philosophical inquiry in the Islamic world began in the late medieval
period, partly due to theological opposition and political changes.
• Islamic philosophy continued to be studied and discussed, but it became increasingly
influenced by mystical and Sufi thought.
• The 19th and 20th centuries witnessed a revival of interest in Islamic philosophy, with
scholars like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh exploring the
compatibility of Islamic thought with modernity.

- Question: Why is it important to study Muslim political thought from

comparative perspective?
Studying Muslim political thought from a comparative perspective is important for several
reasons:
1. Cultural Understanding: Comparative study of Muslim political thought allows
individuals to gain a deeper understanding of the cultural and historical contexts that
have shaped Islamic political ideas. It provides insight into the values, beliefs, and
traditions that influence the political behavior of Muslim-majority countries and
communities.
2. Cross-Cultural Insights: Comparative analysis helps us identify commonalities and
differences between Muslim political thought and political thought from other cultures
and traditions. This can reveal shared values, concerns, and challenges that transcend
cultural boundaries.

3. Promoting Tolerance and Respect: Comparative study fosters tolerance and respect
by highlighting the diversity of political thought within the Muslim world. It challenges
stereotypes and reduces the risk of oversimplification or misrepresentation of Muslim
political beliefs.

4. Enhancing International Relations: Understanding the political ideologies and

motivations of different Muslim-majority nations is essential for diplomacy,
international relations, and conflict resolution. Comparative political analysis can aid
in forming effective foreign policies and strategies.

5. Global Governance and Peace: In an interconnected world, understanding the

political thought of Muslim-majority countries is crucial for addressing global
challenges like terrorism, human rights, and religious extremism. Comparative analysis
can contribute to peace and stability by promoting dialogue and cooperation.

6. Legal and Constitutional Development: Many Muslim-majority countries grapple

with the task of reconciling Islamic law (Sharia) with modern legal and constitutional
systems. Comparative studies can shed light on how various nations navigate this
complex relationship, leading to legal and constitutional innovations.

7. Academic Enrichment: Comparative political thought enriches the field of political

science and philosophy by broadening the range of ideas and perspectives available for
study. It encourages interdisciplinary research and collaboration.

8. Insights for Social Change: Comparative analysis of Muslim political thought can
inform efforts to promote political reforms, human rights, and social change within
Muslim-majority nations by identifying areas where tradition and modernity intersect
or clash.

9. Global Citizenship: In an increasingly globalized world, understanding the political

thought of different cultures, including Muslim-majority societies, is essential for
global citizenship and promoting peaceful coexistence.
 10. Counteracting Misconceptions: Comparative studies help counteract
misunderstandings and prejudices by offering nuanced insights into the diverse political
ideologies present in the Muslim world. This can contribute to more informed and fair
public discourse.

- Question: What is Ummah? State its salient features.

The term "Ummah" (Arabic: ‫ )أمة‬holds significant importance in Islam and refers to the global
community of Muslims. The concept of the Ummah encompasses various features that define
its nature and role within the Islamic faith:
1. Unity of Belief: The Ummah represents a community of individuals who share a
common belief in the oneness of God (Allah) and the prophethood of Muhammad. This
shared faith is a foundational feature of the Ummah.

2. Religious Solidarity: Muslims within the Ummah are bound by a sense of religious
solidarity. They are expected to support and assist one another in upholding Islamic
principles, values, and practices.

3. Ethical and Moral Guidelines: The Ummah adheres to a set of ethical and moral
guidelines derived from the Quran and Hadith (sayings and actions of the Prophet
Muhammad). These guidelines shape the behavior and interactions of its members.

4. Sense of Brotherhood: The concept of brotherhood/sisterhood is central to the

Ummah. Muslims are encouraged to treat fellow Muslims as brothers and sisters,
regardless of their ethnic, cultural, or national backgrounds.

5. Social Justice: The Ummah is encouraged to promote social justice and equality. This
includes caring for the less fortunate, supporting those in need, and working towards
the betterment of society as a whole.

6. Universal Brotherhood: The Ummah transcends geographical and national

boundaries. Muslims around the world are considered part of a single global
community, and their shared faith binds them together.

7. Collective Responsibility: Muslims are responsible for each other's well-being. The
Ummah has a collective responsibility to address the needs and concerns of its
members, both on an individual and communal level.
 8. Political and Legal Implications: The concept of the Ummah has political and legal
implications in some Muslim-majority countries. It can influence the development of
political structures, legal systems, and governance based on Islamic principles.

9. Spiritual Connection: The Ummah is spiritually connected through shared religious

practices, such as daily prayers, fasting during Ramadan, and the annual pilgrimage to
Mecca (Hajj).

10. Common Religious Festivals: Muslims within the Ummah celebrate common
religious festivals, such as Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, which serve to strengthen the
sense of community and shared faith.

11. Cultural and Linguistic Diversity: While the Ummah is defined by its religious unity,
it encompasses diverse cultures, languages, and traditions. This diversity enriches the
global Muslim community.

12. Interconnectedness: In the modern era, the Ummah is interconnected through

technology, media, and communication channels, allowing for the rapid exchange of
ideas and information among Muslims worldwide.

- Question: Explain patrimonial monarchy and discuss its linkage to the

caliphate.
Patrimonial monarchy is a form of government in which political power and authority
are concentrated in the hands of a ruler or monarch who often regards the state as his
personal property. This type of monarchy is characterized by a highly centralized and
autocratic system in which the ruler exercises significant control over the government,
resources, and administrative apparatus. The ruler often sees the state as an extension
of his own patrimony, with its wealth and power passed down within a family or
dynasty.
Now, let's discuss the linkage between patrimonial monarchy and the historical concept
of the caliphate:
1. Historical Context: The caliphate, particularly in the early history of Islam, can
be seen as a form of religious and political leadership. The first four caliphs after
the death of the Prophet Muhammad (known as the "Rightly Guided Caliphs")
held both spiritual and political authority over the nascent Muslim community.

2. Caliph as a Religious and Political Leader: The caliph, in the early Islamic
tradition, was considered the political successor to the Prophet Muhammad and
 served as both a religious and political leader. The caliph was expected to uphold
and implement Islamic law (Sharia) and provide leadership for the Muslim
community (Ummah).

3. Evolution of the Caliphate: Over time, the caliphate evolved, and different
dynasties and empires came to power, such as the Umayyads and Abbasids.
While they still held the title of caliph, their rule often began to resemble
patrimonial monarchies in practice. The focus on religious and moral leadership
waned, and the caliphs often exercised centralized political power.

4. Patrimonial Elements in Later Caliphates: As Muslim empires expanded and

became more complex, the caliphs accumulated wealth, resources, and authority,
which exhibited characteristics of patrimonial monarchy. The state apparatus
was sometimes run as an extension of the ruling family's personal wealth and
power, with dynastic successions common.

5. Decline of the Caliphate: The caliphate as a political institution declined over

time, especially with the fall of the Abbasid Caliphate and the emergence of
various Muslim dynasties and empires across the Islamic world. The concept of
a single caliph who held both religious and political authority gave way to
regional and local rulers, and the institution of the caliphate became more
symbolic in nature.

6. Historical Variations: It's important to note that the caliphate had variations in
its implementation, and not all caliphs or Muslim rulers governed in a
patrimonial or autocratic manner. Some adhered more closely to the principles
of consultation (Shura) and the rule of law as prescribed in Islamic tradition.