(eBook PDF) Motivation: Theory,

Research, and Application 6th Edition

Go to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-motivation-theory-research-and-applicati
on-6th-edition/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

(eBook PDF) Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis

and Application 6th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-introducing-
communication-theory-analysis-and-application-6th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Theory and Research for Academic Nurse

Educators: Application to Practice

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-theory-and-research-for-
academic-nurse-educators-application-to-practice/

(eBook PDF) Understanding Motivation and Emotion 6th

Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-understanding-
motivation-and-emotion-6th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Commodity Risk Management: Theory and

Application

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-commodity-risk-
management-theory-and-application/
Microbiology: Laboratory Theory and Application 4th
Edition (eBook PDF)

http://ebooksecure.com/product/microbiology-laboratory-theory-
and-application-4th-edition-ebook-pdf/

(eBook PDF) Microbiology Laboratory Theory and

Application 4th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-microbiology-laboratory-
theory-and-application-4th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Measurement and Instrumentation: Theory and

Application 2nd Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-measurement-and-
instrumentation-theory-and-application-2nd-edition/

Introduction to Forensic Psychology: Research and

Application 5th Edition (eBook PDF)

http://ebooksecure.com/product/introduction-to-forensic-
psychology-research-and-application-5th-edition-ebook-pdf/

(eBook PDF) Introduction to Forensic Psychology:

Research and Application 5th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-introduction-to-
forensic-psychology-research-and-application-5th-edition/
 Cengage Advantage
' wm'
^ '-ft*

■ ••
\ *-* ,

•>
X

v;>
\W& - i
%■' //■ P-
•
V.-S

1 '%s* Pe' I - m<i

\ •»-. 4.

f K >• • mb
feglpSi ’4
1 <u ifjk
i
i
i•
- ‘4-
■ /
1
U
v
X V s
pgp !?r V-
-«|

■spmpB X
•x»
.' .x^PPr
' ■ :*%i
> SI.
:>• •' GVPP
-V .
'O»
fii
4-'
*-y
; N
• #?: v\

§#$
Pi-

■HKKywBaw.' ■ •
1 npHagp#,. * .: r :;V ■
s>

1
« r «-:x« *T

>;. A
•«

» -1!
1 “IPM* i

IP ' |.SfI f '• /! v.

-v

«iissl
m.§13A
tt-. k «•»
♦a*
>/■

>4
!

■sp
j: lit ■ dg; v:
■ :«

i : \ ' M
r IP
i
■'■'.{■ : P-Xv *•

■». 1«
■ %

;
 CONTENTS vii

William McDougall 37 Brainstem Neural Flip-Flops 77

Criticisms of the Early Instinct Theories 39 A Sleep Chemical 77
Classical Ethology 39 Possible Functions of Sleep 78
Ethological Terms 40 Stress 82
Intention Movements and Social Releasers 43 Definition of Stress 82
Motivational Conjlict 44 Systemic and Psychological Stress 82
Reaction Chains 44
Endocrine System Activity and Stress 83
Imprinting 45
Criticisms of the Classical Ethological Approach 46 The General Adaptation Syndrome 84
Diseases of Adaptation 85
Some Modifications to the Basic Ideas
of Ethology 47 Life Change, Stress, and Illness 86
Human Ethology 48 Criticisms of the Hardiness Concept 89
Additional Innate Behaviors 51 Other Buffers of Stress 90
Ethological Concepts Concerning Sex and Health Psychology 92
Aggression 53 Psychoneuroimmunology 92
Modem Ethological Approaches Conditioning of Immune Responses 93
57
Behavioral Ecology Psychosocial Factors and the Immune System 94
57
Cognitive Ethology 57 Placebo Effects 95
Evolutionaiy Psychology 58 Sexual Arousal 96
Summary 59 Stages of the Human Sexual Response Cycle 96
Key Tenns 60 Other Bodily Changes During Sexual
Behavior 96
Suggestions for Further Reading 60
Summary 98
Key Terms 99
Chapter 3
Physiological Mechanisms of Arousal 61 Suggestions for Further Reading 100
Introduction 61
Arousal Theory Chapter 4
62 Physiological Mechanisms of
The Reticular Activating System 64 101
Regulation
Hcbb’s Theor)> 65
What Do We Eat: Taste and Smell as
Psychophysiological Measures 67 101
Gatekeepers
Problems With Arousal Theor)> 67
Why Do We Eat? 102
Sleep 68
What Determines How Much We Eat? 102
General Properties of Sleep 68
Stages of Sleep Sensory Specific Satiety 102
69
Dreams Basic Metabolism 103
72
Sleep Deprivation 74 Local Theories 104
Physiology of Sleep 75 Central Theories 106
Brain Stem Mechanisms That Promote Arousal 75 Homeostatic Regulation 107
Neurotransmitters That Promote Arousal 75 Regulation of Hunger 107
Brainstem Regions That Promote NREM Sleep 76 Short-Tenn Regulation 108
Neurotransmitters That Promote Sleep 76 The Glucostatic Theory of Hunger 109
Brainstem Regions That Promote REM Sleep 76
 J
v'lii CONTENTS

Peripheral Detectors for Short-Term PART III THE BEHAVIORAL

Regulation 110 APPROACHES: LEARNING,
Long-Term Regulation 112
INCENTIVES, AND HEDONISM 147
Energy Regulation: Two Processes or One? 114
Nonhomeostatic Eating Behavior 1 15 Chapter 5
Failure of Regulation 1 16 Learned Motives: Classical,
Anorexia Netvosa 116 Instrumental, and Observational
Cross-Cultural Evidence of Anorexia 117 Learning 149
Neurobiology of Anorexia 118 Pavlovian Classical Conditioning 150
The Serotonin Hypothesis 118 Experimental Neurosis 152
Heredity Factors 119 Elimination of Motivated Behaviors Through
Conditioning 153
Brain Structures Involved in Anorexia 119
Interoceptive Conditioning 154
Bulimia Nervosa 120 Learned Aversions 156
Obesity 124 Learned Taste Aversions in Cancer Patients 158
Obesity Explanations 126 Instrumental Conditioning 160
The Role of Habituation in Obesity 128 Quantity, Quality, and Contrasts of
Obesity as Addiction 128 Reinforcement 161
Stress 129 Primary and Conditioned Reinforcement 163
Hunger Regulation Reconsidered 129 Generalized Conditioned Reinforcers 163
Regulation of Thirst 130 Tokens and Token Economies 164
Mouth Factors 130 Classical-Operant Interactions in Motivation 166
Extracellular and Intracellular Mechanisms 131 Acquired Fear 166
The Kidney Conditioned Emotional Responses (CERs) 168
131
0smometric Thirst 131 Learned Helplessness 169
Volumetric Thirst 133 Symptoms of Helplessness 170
Causes and Prevention of Helplessness 170
Nonhomeostatic Drinking 134
172
Inhibitory Control of Drinking 135 Observational Learning (Modeling)
Regulation of Sexual Motivation Modeling Processes: Attention, Retention,
135 173
Sex Hormones: Organization and Reproduction 173
Activation Modeling Processes: Vicarious Reinforcement
135
Sexual Dimorphism 136 Learning and Aggression
174
Hypothalamic Regulation of Sexual Classical Conditioning and Aggression ^
Behavior Instrumental Conditioning and Aggressi
137 176
Regulation of Aggressive Motivation
139 Modeled Aggression 177
‘he Limbic System Sexual Motivation and Learning 178
140
TyPes of Aggression
142 Learned Sexual Values 17 9
Summary
143 Summary iso
KeY Terms
145 Key Terms \2f>
| s»«,*f„Forthtr \Sf>
Web Resources 145 Suggestions for Further Reading
146 Web Resource
 CONTENTS Id i

Opponent-Process Theory: Hedonism

Chapter 6 225
Incentive Motivation 181 Revisited i
Drug Addiction: An Alternative to the i
Incentives as Energizers 182 226
Incentive-Sensitization View
Incentive Motivation (K) 183 221
Thrill Seeking
The Persistence of Behavior 185 228
Social Attachment
Incentives as Generators of Emotion 188 229
Summary
Mowrcr: Fear, Hope, Relief and 230
188 Key Terms
Disappointment 230
Suggestions for Further Reading
Incentives as Carriers of Information 189
Web Resources 231
Tolman: Cognitive Formulations 190
Predictability 191
The Overmier and Lowry Model 192 PART IV COGNITIVE APPROACHES
Klinger: Meaningfulness 194 233
TO MOTIVATION
Incentive Aspects of Sexual Motivation 196
Pheromones 196 Chapter 8
Cognitive Motivation: Expectancy-Value
Learned Sexual Stimuli 198 235
199 Approaches
Female Attractiveness 236
201 Tolman’s Purposive Behavior
Male Attractiveness 236
Characteristics of Molar Behavior
Incentive Motivation and Physical Purpose and Cognition 236
Addictions 202 239
Kurt Lewin’s Force Field Theory
Behavioral Addictions 203 240
203 The Person
Summary Motivational Properties of the Inner-Personal
Key Terms 204 Region (Tension) 240
Suggestions for Further Reading 205 The Psychological Environment 241
Web Resources 205 Expectancy-Value Theory' 243
Social Learning Theory' 243
Chapter 7 Expectancy-Value Theory and the Need for
Hedonism and Sensory Stimulation 206 246
Achievement
206 Revisions to Need-Achievement Theory 251
Hedonism
207 Attitudes, Behaviors, and Expectancy-Value 253
P. T. Young: Sign, Intensity, and Duration 254
The Theory of Planned Behavior
Sensory Stimulation and the Hedonic
Continuum 208 Comparing and Contrasting Three
Expectancy- Value Theories 25 7
The Motivational Influence of Sensations 209
257
Hedonic Value and Contact Receptors 210 Social Loafing
Expectancy- Value Theory and Social Loafing 259
Pain 210
264
Novelty, Curiosity, and Exploratory Summary
266
Behavior 212 Key Terms
213 Suggestions for Further Reading 266
Behaviors Released by Stimulation
267
The Need for Stimulation Web Resources
Attachment 216
Sensation Seeking 223
 CONTENTS

Chapter 9 Summary 329

Cognitive Consistency and Social Key Terms 330
Motivation 268 Suggestions for Further Reading 330
Cognitive Consistency Theory 269 Web Resources 330
Balance Theory 269
Problems With Balance Theory 270 Chapter 11
Cognitive Dissonance 271 Cognitive Motivation:
Research on Dissonance 272 Competence and Control 331
When Prophecy Fails 275
Challenges to Dissonance Theory 276
Carl Rogers and Positive Regard 332
The Fully Functioning Individual 333
Self-Perception Theory 276
Dissonance or Self-Perception? Criticisms of Rogers’s Approach 333
277
A Problem for Consistency Theories 278 Abraham Maslow and Self-Actualization 334
Soriai Motivation Hierarchy of Needs 335
278
Social Facilitation and Inhibition: Coaction A Revised Hierarchy of Needs 340
and Audience Effects 279 Competence 341
Social Influence 281 Personal Causation 342
Conformity 281 Bandura’s Social Cognitive Theoiy of Human
Factors That Affect Conformity Motivation 283 Agency 343
Criticisms of Conformity Research 283 Self-Determination Theory 345
Why Do People Conform? 285 The Rise of Positive Psychology 348
Compliance 285 Summary 350
Obedience 288 Key Terms 351
Why a Motive to Obey? 290
Suggestions for Further Reading 352
Bystander Intervention 292
A Model of Intervention 293 Web Resources 352
Factors That Affect Helping Behavior 295
What Motivates Helping? 297 PART V EMOTION AND
Summary 300
MOTIVATION 353
Key Terms 301
Suggestions for Further Reading 301 Chapter 12
Web Resources 302 The Emotions as Motivators 355
Emotion From a Biological Perspective 356
Chapter 10 Darwin’s Principles of Emotion 356
Cognitive Motivation: Attribution Serviceable Associated Habits 356
Approaches 303 Antithesis 357
Direct Action of the Nervous System 357
Attribution Theory 304 Recognition of Emotional States 357
Heider’s Naive Psychology 305
The Jones and Davis Correspondent Other Formulations of Emotion After
Inference Theory Darwin 358
306
Kelley’s Covariation Theory The James-Lange Theory 358
308
Weiner’s Attributional Analysis of The Cognitive-Physiological Theor)' of
Achievement Behavior Emotion 361
311
Biases in Attribution Ethology 363
314
pplication of Research on Attributions 323

i
 CONTENTS xi
Brain Mechanisms of Emotion 366 Summary
The Amygdala, Orbital Frontal Cortex, and Key Terms 388
Cingulate Cortex 366 390
Suggestions for Further Reading
Emotion from a Learning Perspective 369 Web Resources 390
Classical Conditioning and Emotion 369 391
Operant/Instrumental Conditioning and
Emotion 369 PART VI ENDVIEW
Emotional Modeling 370 393
The Preparedness of Emotional Learning 372 Chapter 13
Emotion from a Cognitive Perspective 373 Conclusions
395
Attribution of Emotion 374
Emotion as Primary and Universal 376 References 399
The Tomkins Model 377 Name Index 447
Izard’s Differential Emotions Theory 378
Subject Index 465
The Circumplex Model of Affect 380
Facial Expression and Emotion 384

e have found the study of motivation to be
W one of the most fascinating and complex topics
in psychology. It is fascinating because people want
to know why they behave die way they do—to
understand the processes that activate their behavior.
It is complex because it cuts across many specialty
areas within psychology and draws from each of
them. Thus you will find in this book physiological,
learned, and cognitive explanations of behavior.
Our motives for writing this text are also com­
plex. First, we feel that a motivation text should
cover in detail the major approaches suggested by
theorists of varying specialties and backgrounds. A
book designed for a first course in motivation ought
to put forward, as far as possible, an unbiased view
of motivational theory. Therefore, we have tried to
present the material in this text as objectively as
possible, including both the advantages and disad­
vantages of each of the approaches discussed.
It is also our belief that students should be pre­
sented with the basic ideas within a given area, as
well as some conclusions about those ideas. Students
too often become “lost in the data” and miss the
major points. For this reason, we have purposely
avoided an encyclopedic presentation of the major
areas. Instead, we have focused on the kinds of
research conducted to test the major ideas; both
older “classic” studies as well as newer studies. As
we see it, a textbook on motivation should provide
the basic information necessary for a good back­
ground in motivational processes, while at the same
time allowing instructors the freedom to present
additional material of their own choosing related to
the various areas. This book is intended to provide
the basic information instructors can build upon.
Preface
Motivational theory is sometimes difficult for
students because it requires ways of thinking that
are often quite far removed from everyday experi­
ence. For this reason, we have strived to use exam­
ples drawn from day-to-day life whenever possible.
We have also tried to keep the language simple and
direct.
This book is divided into three major areas:
approaches to motivation that emphasize its biolog­
ical components, approaches that emphasize its
learned components, and approaches that empha­
size its cognitive components. Within each of
these areas we have tried to present the material
in such a way that understanding the later chapters
does not depend on having read the earlier chap­
ters. The independence of the chapters allows each
instructor to select whichever ones best fit with his
or her particular approach to motivation. This inde­
pendence also means that chapters can be assigned
in any order that is deemed appropriate.
It hardly seems possible that more than thirty
years have passed since publication of the first
edition of this text and yet our understanding
of motivational processes has changed greatly
during that period of time. The sixth edition
represents a refinement of the progression of
topics found in the earlier editions. As was the
case with earlier editions, the sixth edition has
been updated with new information that has
become available since the printing of the fifth
edition. The sixth edition now contains approxi­
mately 1425 references. About 15% of these
references are new to the 6th edition and include
updated information as well as several new topics
that have been added.

Changes in This Edition
There have been many additions to the sixth edi­
tion even though the basic flow of topics remains
the same. For example, Chapter 1 presents informa­
tion on research methods in motivation and then
provides a rationale for most if not all motives in
humans as well as animals. That theme is evolution.
An argument is made for the replication of one’s
DNA as the primary operating principle behind
motivated behaviors. Thus motives such as hunger,
thirst, and sex as well as the need to achieve, gain
power, affiliate, and so forth are seen as adaptive
behaviors that increase the chances of successfully
replicating one’s genes into the next generation.
Indeed, one could argue that the things that moti­
vate us to behave exist because they have had sur­
vival value.
Chapter 2, while retaining most of the earlier
information on the genetics of motivation, exam­
ines newer information from the burgeoning field
of Evolutionary Psychology such as innate attrac­
tion signals in humans. Chapter 3 on Arousal
updates the information on sleep and stress and
includes new information on why we dream
(e.g., Threat Simulation Theory and Virtual
Rehearsal Theory). New to this chapter are data
showing that the brain transitions from waking to
sleep and from non-rapid eye movement sleep to
rapid eye movement sleep much as a flip/flop switch
operates. New evidence also provides strong support
for the role of sleep in memory formation. Also new
to this chapter is a section devoted to examining the
role of placebo effects on behavior. Chapter 4 on
Physiological Mechanisms of Regulation updates
research on hunger, thirst, sex, and aggressive
motives covering such recent topics as the role of
ghrelin in signaling hunger, and the role of the
pancreatic signals of insulin and amylin in glucose
availability. Much new information is also noted
concerning the role of hypothalamic neurotransmit­
ters in the control of food intake. A new section on
the role of habituation processes in obesity has also
been added, as has a new section on the role of
stress in obesity. Chapter 5 on the role of learning
PREFACE xiii
in motivation includes many of the classic studies
that have shown how learning influences motiva­
tion, and, in addition, examines information about
the role of learning in sexual motivation and
aggressive motivation. Chapter 6 on incentive
motivation adds a new section on the role of pher­
omones in incentive motivation and new research
on sexual attraction signals. Chapter 7 on hedonism
includes new research on gender and pain, the
modulating effects of both learning and emotion
on pain, and the role of endogenous opiates in
pain. Chapter 8 updates research on locus of con­
trol, social learning theory, achievement motivation,
and a new section on the Theory of Planned
Behavior. New research on social loafing under
various conditions is also explored. Chapter 9 on
cognitive consistency and social motivation has
been updated and the two major concepts pre­
sented in reverse order from that in the fifth edi­
tion. They were switched because some have
explained many of the social motivation topics
(e.g., conformity, compliance) using a motive for
cognitive consistency. Thus, it made sense to discuss
consistency motivation first and then show how the
motive for consistency is related to social motiva­
tion. Chapter 10 updates research on attribution
(e.g., self-serving bias, false consensus effect, the
actor-observer effect, fundamental attribution
error). Finally, new information is included on attri­
bution and achievement, and research showing
how an entity versus incrementalist approach can
explain some social behaviors. Chapter 11 presents
a new hierarchy of needs proposed by Kenrick et
al. (2010) that updates and revises Maslow’s original
model. Bandura’s concept of personal efficacy is
shown to be related to the development and main­
tenance of healthy behaviors, and a fuller discussion
of positive psychology theory and research is
included. In the last several years, there has been
a renewed interest in the topic of emotion, and
Chapter 12 reflects this new interest. In particular,
progress has been made in understanding how the
brain integrates the components of an emotional
response. Updated coverage of the importance of
the amygdala and the prefrontal cortex in this
 xiv PREFACE
integration can be found in the sixth edition as well
as an updated version of Izard’s Differential Emo­
tions Theory and the most recent circumplex
model of emotions.
The sixth edition builds upon the structure of
the fifth edition. Thus the instructor familiar with
the fifth edition will find the sequence and topics of
the sixth edition similar but updated with more
recent research.
A unifying concept added in the fifth edition was
the role of evolution in motivation. That approach is
maintained and strengthened in the sixth edition. We
have refined this thematic approach, suggesting that
most (and perhaps all?) motivation can be ultimately
understood as promoting the survival of all animals,
including humans. An additional concept carried over
from earlier editions is that many motives are best
understood as complex interactions among processes
that then produce behavior. For example, sexual
behavior is best understood as having genetic, arousal,
regulatory, incentive, and learned components.
Attempting to study sexual behavior without consid­
ering this combination of factors leads to an incom­
plete understanding of sexual motivation. Therefore,
information about sexual motivation is found in sev­
eral chapters. Aggressive behaviors, and ultimately all
motives, are probably also best understood as resulting
from a similar interaction of factors.
As in the fifth edition, key terms are boldface in
the text and summarized at the end of each chapter
with the page number where that particular term
was explained. Thus, the major ideas within the
chapter are readily available to the student and
can aid in studying, while the page numbers pro­
vide easy access to those parts of a chapter where
that key idea was discussed, providing a context for
learning the material.
The sixth edition also encourages exploration of
motivational topics beyond those found in the text
itself. Suggestions for further reading are found at the
end of each chapter, often on topics that students
will find of interest. Additionally, for most chapters,
there are Web Resources with addresses to Web sites
that provide additional information on some of the
topics related to that chapter.
Acknowledgments
As is the case with any endeavor of this size, many
people have contributed time, effort, and expertise to
this project. We would particularly like to thank the
reviewers for this and previous editions for their con­
structive and thought-provoking suggestions. These
reviewers are Terry F. Pettijohn, Ohio State Univer­
sity; Steve Bounds, Arkansas State University; Samuel
Clay, Brigham Young University—Idaho; Nicolle
Matthews, Northeastern, University of Phoenix,
Curry College and University of Massachusetts—
Dartmouth.
We are also grateful to Towson University for
supporting this project and providing the necessary
materials for developing the manuscript of the sixth
edition. To the many students in our classes who
have been subjected to varying renditions of this
material, we say thank you. You helped us deter­
mine what would work and what would not. Many
colleagues have shared books, articles, and exper­
tise. We thank all of them for their help.
The staff at Wadsworth provided excellent
suppoit in the production of the sixth edition. In
particular, Tim Matray, Acquisitions Editor; Nicole
Richards, Editorial Assistant; Jessica Alderman, Assis­
tant Editor; Pam Galbreath, Art Director; Michelle
Clark, Production Manager; Mary Noel, Media Edi­
tor and others on the Psychology team have been
extremely helpful and supportive throughout the
entire project. Finally, we must express our greatest
appreciation to our families, who have now endured
the writing process yet another time. For Herbert
Petri, his wife Jan has always been there to provide
support and encouragement when called upon. For
John Govern, Monica Greco has done the same. It is
our hope that both students and faculty alike will
find the sixth edition of this text interesting and
informative.
Herbert L. Petri
John M. Govern
PART I OVERVIEW

CHAPTER 1
Overview: Conceptualizing and
Measuring Motivation and the
Role of Evolution in Motivation
 CHAPTER 1

rs f fw
a *
, «3?jf
Vt

gf V£*/; '
■e*

-,N
. >r V '! 4^
?
verview: Conceptualizing and Measuring
m
Motivation and the Role of Evolution in Motivation t5

CHAPTER tEVIEW Introduction

This chapter is concerned with the Each of us has an intuitive understanding of what it means to be
following questions: motivated. We know that at some times we want to do some­
thing and at other times we do not. Essentially we know what it
1. What is motivation? feels like to be motivated. Subjectively, we often talk about our
2. What are the philosophical and motives as wants, needs, drives, or desires.
physiological roots of In our day-to-day living we also often talk about being
motivation? unmotivated, that is, not wanting to do something. However,
when one examines these situations carefully, it usually appears
3. How is motivation studied? that it is not so much that we are unmotivated (although it
4. What is evolution, and how is it sometimes feels that way) as it is that we do not want to behave
related to motivation? in a particular way. For example, a student might say “I’m totally
unmotivated. I can’t force myself to open the book and read the
5. How do the sexual strategies of I chapter tonight.” If 10 minutes later the same student is asked by
men and women differ? friends to go out for pizza and beer, the formerly unmotivated
6. What features do we find student may now be motivated to engage in this alternative to
desirable in a mate? 1 study. Even though we feel totally unmotivated, it is actually the
case that we are motivated to do something other than what we
7. What is the plan of this book? need to do (such as studying). So, the concept of motivation
would seem best understood not as an on-again, off-again
!
mechanism but rather as a constant flow of behavior that can
be directed in many different ways (Birch, Atkinson & Bongort,
1974). Such an analysis suggests that we should be more inter­
ested in how motivation is directed first toward one behavior,
then toward another than to try to analyze it as present
-v \V. ••.yp- or absent.
' ■ T' ^ But from what do we derive our motivation? Let’s use as a
working example the hypothetical behavior of a person we will
■. v. call Angie.
?

-
. 3

V. .•
4 PARTI OVERVIEW
Angie's Problem
Angie has a problem. She is constantly anxious. As a
young child, she used to get stomachaches before
she performed on stage at dance recitals. As a teen­
ager, she was moody and anxious about how others
saw her. Her self-esteem could be crushed by minor
comments made by friends about her looks. In col­
lege she began developing panic attacks that came
on suddenly out of the blue. She became fearful
that she would have an attack when she had to
give presentations in class. As a result, she avoided
classes that required presentations. Angie’s problem
is more common than you might think. Anxiety
disorders are among the most common problems
seen by therapists. Fortunately, today there are
good ways of dealing with the kinds of problems
that Angie experiences.
From a motivational point of view, we can ask
what produces the kinds of anxiety experiences that
people like Angie have. Research on the biology of
behavior suggests that some people may have a
genetic predisposition to develop certain kinds of
disorders like Angie’s. However, whether or not
such a predisposition does get expressed often
depends upon the kinds of experiences one has
had. In other words, learned factors also play an
important role in the development of many
motives. Finally, the way in which we interpret
events around us will also influence our motives.
Angie’s problems with self-esteem may reflect a mis­
interpretation on her part of how people feel about
her. Given the considerations previously mentioned,
a therapist might prescribe medication to alleviate
some of the anxiety she constandy feels and at the
same time help her relearn and reinterpret events
around her by using cognitive-behavioral therapy.
The biological, behavioral, and cognitive
aspects of behavior previously mentioned are a
reoccurring theme throughout this text. Some
motives seem best explained biologically, others
appear to be primarily learned, while still others
are best viewed as cognitive in nature. In addition,
many motives appear to result from a combination
of biology, learning, and cognition. Let us look,
then, a little more closely at the concept of
motivation.
The Concept of Motivation
Motivation is the concept we use when we describe
the forces acting on or within an organism to initiate
and direct behavior. We also use the concept of
motivation to explain differences in the intensity
of behavior. More intense behaviors are considered
to be the result of higher levels of motivation.
Additionally, we often use the concept of motiva­
tion to indicate the persistence of behavior. A
highly motivated behavior will often be persistent
even though the intensity of the behavior may be
low. For example, a hungry monkey occasionally
rewarded with a piece of banana for pressing a lever
on a variable interval (VI) schedule (a VI schedule
“rewards” a response unpredictably, constantly
changing the amount of time between one reward
and the next) will press the lever very presistently
but at a low rate of responding. Fast responding
does not pay off, but persistence does.
Does the study of behavior need a concept of
motivation? One reason often suggested by both
casual and scientific observation is that “something”
triggers behavior. Sometimes we behave in a certain
way and at other times we do not. What was dif­
ferent from the one time to the others? Presumably
motivation was present when we behaved, but was
absent (or, more correctly, a different motive was
active) when we did not. The concept of motiva­
tion helps to explain why behavior occurs in one
situation but not in others. To the extent that such
a concept increases our ability to understand and
predict behavior, the concept is useful. As readers
will discover throughout this book, many psychol­
ogists have found the concept of motivation useful.
The Measurement of Motivation
As scientists, we almost never measure motivation
directly. Instead we manipulate some stimulus (S)
condition and then measure some behavior in the
 CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW: CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING MOTIVATION
FIGURE 1.1 Stimulus-response analysis for motivation. Motivation is inferred when changes in responding follow
from changes in stimulus conditions.
form of a response (R). Suppose, for example, that
we take food away from a rat for 48 hours (a form
of deprivation) as our stimulus change (S) and
observe how fast that rat subsequently runs in a
maze (R) in order to get food at the goal box (see
Figure 1.1.). Further, suppose we observe that our
rat runs faster after 48 hours of deprivation than
when not deprived. In this hypothetical experiment
we manipulated hours without food and measured
speed of running, neither of which is motivation.
Motivation, however, can be inferred from the
change in behavior that occurred, and an indication
of its strength can be observed in the rat’s speed of
responding in the maze. Thus the concept of
motivation helps us understand the change in the
animal’s behavior (assuming that some other alter­
native cannot better explain the change), and we
might label the inferred motivational state as hunger.
The concept of motivation in this example serves as
an intervening variable.* An intervening variable
is a concept developed by a researcher that serves to
link a stimulus and a response and helps to relate the
*A variable is any factor that can have more than one value; for
example, we can be a little hungry, moderately hungry, or raven­
ously hungry.
5
s
§>
O
©
two. Thus, the concept of motivation serves to link
the stimulus change (deprivation) to the behavior
change (increased speed of running) and provides
one possible explanation for the relationship between
the stimulus and response, as shown in Figure 1.2.
The intervening nature of motivational pro­
cesses is one reason motivation is difficult to
study. We can only infer the existence of motiva­
tion by observing changes in the relationships
between stimulus conditions and responses. A sec­
ond difficulty stems from the temporary nature of
motivation. Psychologists typically describe the
temporary nature of motivation by pointing out
that motivation is a performance variable.
When enough motivation is present, behavior is
performed; when motivation is too low, behavior
is absent. Motivation as a performance variable is
often contrasted with learning, where more perma­
nent changes in behavior occur (although learning
obviously also influences performance). We leam
f
Stimulus change —*• Intervening variable —► Response 1
48 hrs of hunger faster
o
-
food deprivation motivation running i*
©
FIGURE 1.2 Motivation as an intervening variable.
 6 PARTI OVERVIEW
many things that are not immediately demonstrated
in behaviors, but the demonstration of learned
behavior depends, at least in part, upon adequate
motivation. Indeed every specialty area within psy­
chology analyzes situations that involve the combi­
nation of specific processes and the perfonnance of
these processes in behavior.
Characteristics of Motivation
We have discussed motivation as if we knew what
it is. As noted earlier, each of us has some intuitive
feeling for what is called motivation, and yet it has
proven rather difficult to define. Kleinginna and
Kleinginna (1981), for example, gathered 102
defining or criticizing statements concerning moti­
vation, so it is obvious that theorists differ in their
views of motivation. Though textbooks on the
topic differ somewhat in their definitions, one com-
monly held characteristic of motivation is its
activating properties.
Activation
The activating property of motivation, or activa­
tion, is most easily seen in the production of
behavior. Is the observed organism behaving in
some way? If it is, then at least some minimal
amount of motivation is assumed to be present. If
no overt behavior is observed, then the motiva­
tional level of the organism may be insufficient to
trigger behavior. While the occurrence of overt
behavior is generally taken as evidence for motiva­
tion, its absence does not necessarily mean that no
motivation is present. For example, consider a rab­
bit that freezes when a predator appears. Is the rab­
bit unmotivated by the presence of this threat?
Probably not. In fact, while overt behavior may
be virtually absent in this situation, behavioral
indexes such as heart rate, adrenaline output, and
so forth would probably be high. The moral is
clear—though motivation is considered to be
behaviorally activating, the behavior activated
may
not always be overt. We must therefore be very
cautious in assuming a lack of motivation when
no overt responding is apparent; perhaps we are
simply not measuring the response or responses
being activated. Fortunately, for many motivational
states, changes in motivation do lead to changes in
overt behavior.
A second characteristic often mentioned in
regard to the activating properties of motivation is
persistence. Hungry animals persist in their attempts
to get food. Similarly, humans often persist in
behaving in particular ways even when the chances
of success are vanishingly small. Observation of this
continued persistence has led many psychologists to
regard it as an index of motivation. This index,
however, is also not free of problems. How persis­
tent a behavior is depends at least in part on what
alternative behaviors are available. Suppose, for
example, that a hungry monkey has been taught
to press a lever for food. For several hours each
day, the monkey is placed in an experimental
chamber that contains only the lever. Of course
the monkey does not have to press the lever, but
there is little else for it to do, and if lever pressing
has been learned, it will tend to persist. On the
other hand, suppose the monkey is placed in a
chamber where several different responses in addi­
tion to lever pressing are possible. If these alterna­
tive responses lead to different outcomes (e.g., a
peek out a window or a sip of a sweet-tasting
fluid), lever pressing may become less persistent. In
multiple-response situations (as often occur in nat­
uralistic situations) continued persistence probably
does accurately reflect motivational strength, but,
as Beck (1983) points out, motivational research
has not typically examined persistence in situations
where more than one response is possible. Thus,
although persistence does seem to be one index ot
motivation, it is important to realize that other fac­
tors may also contribute to the persistence of
behavior.
Both casual observation and laboratory research
suggest that energetic behavior is more motivated
than hesitant behavior. One rat that runs faster than
another through a maze may also be more moti­
vated. Such an hypothesis is more likely to be true
if we also know that the two rats differ in how
hungry they are but not in how well they have
 CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW: CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING MOTIVATION
learned to run the maze. Vigor of responding,
then, is another characteristic typically associated
with the presence of motivation. But, as with the
other characteristics we have examined, vigorous
responses do not always mean high motivation. It
is possible, for example, to teach a rat that the cor­
rect response to obtain food is to push down a lever
with a certain amount of force. Suppose that we
designed an experiment where hungry rats had to
press the response lever with a good deal of force
for food pellets to be delivered. If someone were to
observe these “forceful” rats, he or she might con­
clude that the rats were highly motivated as they
banged away at the response lever. However, in
this instance the observer would be wrong because
the vigorous responding would not index motiva­
tion alone; factors such as learning to respond force­
fully would also be involved.
Overt responding, persistence, and vigor are
characteristics of the activation properties of moti­
vation, assuming that other factors can be ruled out
and are, under appropriate conditions, reasonable
indexes of the presence of motivation. Activation
is usually considered one of the two major compo­
nents of motivation; however, Birch, Atkinson, and
Bongort (1974) suggest that the activation of
behavior should not be a major concern of motiva­
tional analyses because organisms are continuously
active. These researchers propose that motivational
analyses should examine the conditions that lead
the organism to change from one activity to
another. In other words, the directionality of behav­
ior is what is important.
Direction
When we are hungry we go to the refrigerator, and
when we are thirsty we go to the water faucet.
How do we decide to direct our behavior in one
way rather than another? Questions of this type
involve a consideration of which mechanism (or
mechanisms) directs behavior. Although the specific
way in which this directionality is achieved is
debated by theorists, many psychologists have
argued that motivation is involved. Directionality,
then, is often considered an index of motivational
7
state. The direction that a particular behavior takes
is usually obvious, as in going to the refrigerator
when we are hungry; however, when several choices
are possible, directionality is sometimes not so clear.
Suppose that we have two bottles, each filled with a
solution of water and sucrose (table sugar) but with
different concentrations. Will a rat be more moti­
vated by one of the two concentrations? To deter­
mine which is the more motivating, we would run a
preference test. The rat is given the opportunity to
lick fluid from either botde, and we measure the
amount consumed. If we were to conduct such a
test, we would discover that the rat preferred the
more concentrated sugar solution (Young &
Greene, 1953), and we would have some evidence
that more concentrated solutions of sucrose are more
motivating. In some situations, preference testing is
the best way to determine which of several alterna­
tives is most motivating because indexes such as per­
sistence or vigor may not indicate differences.
Indeed, Beck (2000) considers preference to be the
most basic motivational index.
The Study of Motivation:
Categories of Analysis
As you proceed through the chapters of this text,
you will discover that motivation has been studied
from many different points of view. In general, we
can order these views along at least four dimensions,
each containing points representing opposing views,
as shown in Figure 1.3. Although these dimensions
overlap in some respects, the following analysis
attempts to provide a framework within which the
student can understand these differing points of
view. Certainly other frameworks are possible.
Nomothetic versus Idiographic
Research may be classified as falling along a contin­
uum that proceeds from strictly nomothetic
approaches at one extreme to strictly idiographic
approaches at the other. The nomothetic
approach involves the development of general or
 8 PARTI OVERVIEW
Attribution
Instinct
Nomothetic—X—: ---- Idiographic
Mechanist —x— :X— Cognitive
Innate
l
:X— Acquired
Internal XX‘ External
FIGURE 1.3 Categories of analysis. Four dimensions
along which analysis of motivation may differ. As
shown, motivation from an instinctive perspective is
nomothetic, mechanistic, innate, and in response to
both internal and external cues. Motivation from
the point of view of attribution theory is nomothetic,
cognitive, acquired, and also in response to both
internal and external cues.
universal laws {Mariam- Webster Online Dictionary).
Typically, research of this type studies groups of
people or animals and determines how they are
similar. For example, identifying brain structures
such as the hypothalamus that are involved in moti­
vation is nomothetic because research has shown
that the hypothalamus is involved in motivation
not only in a single rat but also in rats in general
and people too. Further, it is often assumed that the
general rules uncovered by studying one species
will also apply to other species. Although this
assumption is sometimes incorrect and is always
open to critical review, the nomothetic approach
attempts to discover general laws applicable to the
widest range of situations. In the study of motivation
the nomothetic approach predominates. In opposi­
tion to nomothetic analyses is the idiographic
approach, which proposes that we can understand
behavior by looking at how people differ from each
odier, that is, by examining those properties that
make each person unique. In motivation, the idio­
graphic approach is most clearly seen in the humanist
and actualization theorists (see Chapter ll).
Innate versus Acquired
Psychologists have debated for over 100 years the
contribution that innate versus acquired tendencies
make to behavior, and motivation, as a specialty
area within psychology has not escaped this conten­
tion. Early theorists such as McDougall (reprinted
in Russell, 1970) and James (1890) saw motivation
? as primarily controlled by innate motives they
- temied instincts. Although these early approaches
did not last, modem research on the innate compo­
5
nents of motivation is being pursued by animal
behaviorists, ethologists, and evolutionary psychol­
ogists. During the mid-20th century, psychology
was dominated by research on the factors involved
in learning. Theorists and researchers have studied
how behavior is acquired, and much of what has
been discovered is also applicable to the acquisition
of motive states. Perhaps the most important moti­
vational notion to develop from this work was the
concept of incentive motivation. We will examine
incentive motivation in Chapter 6; suffice it to say
here that analyses emphasizing both innate and
acquired motives continue today.
Internal versus External
Another dimension along which motivation
may be studied concerns the source of the
motivation—that is, internal versus external sources
of motivation. One prevalent approach has
involved the idea that different motive states can
be conceptualized as needs that, when active, pro­
mote behaviors to reduce those needs. Needs are
usually viewed as internal sources of motivation that
activate and direct behavior to items in the environ­
ment that alleviate some state of deprivation. In this
context, needs are often couched in physiological
terms (e.g., the need for food and water or the
avoidance of pain) although some theorists also
include social and psychological needs within their
frameworks (see, for example, Lewin, 1936, 1938).
In contrast to needs theorists, others emphasize
external sources of motivation provided by goals.
These theorists generally examine the motivating
effects of either various goal objects or social rela­
tionships. According to this point of view, motiva­
tion can be activated by changes in the external
environment. For example, helping behavior often
depends upon the number of other people present.
 CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW: CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING MOTIVATION
Research has shown (see Chapter 9) that the
presence of other people often inhibits helping
responses.
Mechanistic versus Cognitive
How do the processes that control motivation
work? Are they blind and mechanical, triggered
automatically by changes in internal or external
states, or are they controlled by rational, purposive
thought? As you can probably guess, theorists have
forcefully defended both sides. Some theorists argue
that motives such as hunger, thirst, and sex are trig­
gered automatically by changes in factors such as
blood sugar level, fluid balance, and hormonal con­
centrations. Other researchers point out that
learned motives may also generate behavior outside
of awareness. This mechanistic approach assumes
that changes in specific factors activate circuits that
in turn motivate the organism to engage in behav­
ior. Neither conscious awareness nor intent on the
part of the organism is assumed. Researchers who
embrace the mechanistic view are often interested
in internal need states and innate patterns of behav­
ior. In contrast, other researchers, more often inter­
ested in externally motivated states and acquired
motives, believe that motivational processes are
cognitive in nature. The cognitive approach
assumes that the manner in which information is
interpreted influences motive states. For example,
attributing failure at a task to its difficulty is likely
to have a different influence on future motivation
than attributing failure to lack of ability. The com­
plexity of motivation is such that it is probably safe
to assume that all approaches mentioned have some
validity. In certain situations, behavior seems best
understood as motivated by internal states that acti­
vate the organism to respond in genetically deter­
mined ways. Other behaviors seem clearly the result
of external information that is acted upon in light of
acquired experiences. Various combinations of
approaches fit our observations of still other beha­
viors. To summarize, at this time no one approach
would appear to be better than any other in explaining
motivation in its entirety. Some approaches explain
particular motive states better than others! however,
9
depending on the motive studied, the best explana­
tion may be nomothetic or idiographic, innate or
acquired, internal or external, mechanistic or cog­
nitive, or some combination of these.
Levels of Analysis
Before closing this discussion of the ways in which
motivation is analyzed, we should mention the dif­
ferent levels at which it may be studied. Because
motivation cuts across so many specialty areas
within psychology, the number of levels (and sub-
levels within levels) at which it is studied is quite
large. For the sake of brevity, we will group these
various levels into the four main categories of phys­
iological analysis, individual analysis, social analysis,
and philosophical analysis.
Physiological Analysis
Though physiological analyses of motivation have
been conducted using both humans and animals,
research with animals is the most prevalent. Typi­
cally, this level of analysis is concerned with the
brain’s control of motivated states. Researchers,
for example, are interested in the various brain
structures involved in the triggering of motivation,
the way in which motivationally important infor­
mation is processed by groups of cells, and the neu-
rotransmitters within the brain that are involved in
the alteration of motivational states. Thus we can
identify many sublevels within the physiological
analysis of motivation.
Studies of the role of the nervous system in
motivation often require electrical, chemical, or
surgical manipulation of carefully mapped brain
areas. For example, in a now classic study con­
ducted in 1954 by James Olds and Peter Milner,
thin wires called electrodes were introduced into
various pans of a rat’s brain. These electrodes were
designed so that portions of the brain could be
stimulated electrically by the experimenters.
The experimental situation was so arranged
that if the rats pressed a lever current would be
applied to the electrode. To everyone’s amazement,
10 PART I OVERVIEW
rats with electrodes implanted in the septal region
would press the lever many hundreds of times per
hour in order to receive this weak electrical current.
By conventional standards of conditioning, the
electrical stimulation would have to be judged as
a powerful reward. One rat pressed the lever
more than 7,500 times in a 12-hour period while
another responded 1,920 times in one hour. When
the electrical current was turned off, bar pressing
quickly ceased; when it was turned on again, bar
pressing quickly resumed. The rats appeared to be
highly motivated to obtain the electrical stimulation
and worked for long periods of time to obtain it.
The subjective impression one gained from observ­
ing these self-stimulating rats was that the electrical
stimulation was quite pleasurable.
Since the discovery of self-stimulation sites in
the brain by Olds and Milner, hundreds of addi­
tional studies have been conducted. The effects
have proven to be much more complex than first
supposed; for our purposes in this chapter, how­
ever, this research indicates one method of gaining
knowledge about motivation. Direct manipulation
of the brain by electrical stimulation has shown us
that brain circuits exist that may be active when
reward occurs. Circuits that appear to have a pun­
ishing effect on behavior have also been noted (e.g.,
Delgado, Roberts, & Miller, 1954).
Electrical stimulation of the brain is only one of
several techniques used in the study of motivation
at the physiological level. Researchers can also
study motivation by chemically stimulating the brain
after inserting a minute tube (called a canula) into a
specific brain region, injecting a solution, and not­
ing how motivation changes as a result. Addition­
ally, researchers sometimes create a lesion within
the brain by surgically removing some portion of
it and observing how (or if) motivation is altered.
These techniques have revealed that a wide range
of motivated behaviors, including feeding, drink­
ing, sexual arousal, fear, and aggression, can be
altered by manipulation of specific brain areas.
Finally, we should note that it is possible to record
the brain’s natural electrical activity during various
motivated states. The general activity of large
groups of brain cells (called neurons) can be
recorded by an electroencephalograph (EEG),
while small groups of cells and even single neurons
can be recorded through the use of depth electro­
des. Positron-emission tomography (PET)
scans and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI,
fMRI) are also used to study the brain. Such studies
have been used to see what areas of the brain are
involved with various tasks. A PET scan measures
the metabolic activity of different brain regions, an
MRI enables one to visualize areas of the brain, and
an fMRI allows one to both visualize the brain
and detect differences in metabolism in various
parts of the brain (Carlson, 2007).
Though a particular researcher will often use
only one or two physiological techniques, data
gathered by all these techniques should be consis­
tent. If lesion techniques have shown that a brain
area is involved with feeding, then chemical or
electrical stimulation of this area in other expen-
mental subjects ought to elicit food-related activi­
ties. Similarly, recordings from this brain area
during feeding behavior should indicate altered
activity within these cells. Unfortunately, the con­
vergence of infonnation from different experimen­
tal techniques has not always been as consistent as
one would like. The reasons for this lack of consis-
-tency are complex and remain a problem for under­
standing motivation at a physiological level of
analysis.
Individual Analysis
The study of motivation at the level of the individ­
ual involves research aimed at understanding moti­
vational changes that occur to a person as a result ot
internal or external conditions. Analysis at this level
occurs about equally often in animal and human
research. In animal research deprivation is often
used to alter the motivational state of the organism;
for example, one might deprive a rat of food for
48 hours and observe how its behavior changes as
a result. In research conducted with humans,
researchers may attempt to induce a motivational
state through specific instructions. In some
 CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW: CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING MOTIVATION
achievement studies, for example, researchers stim­
ulated the need for achievement by telling the par­
ticipants that they had failed an important task
(McClelland, Clark, Roby, & Atkinson, 1949).
More simply, human participants are sometimes
asked, using a survey technique such as a question­
naire, to indicate their own motives as they per­
ceive them. One such technique developed by
Rotter (1966) has provided theorists with consider­
able insight into how people view themselves.
Even though research at this level is conducted
in order to provide insight into the important moti­
vational factors that influence the behavior of the
individual, most research of this type is actually
done with groups of individuals. Testing several
individuals increases the likelihood of finding an
effect and taking the nomothetic approach; it is
proper to presume that behavioral changes detected
in several individuals (if properly sampled) are also
present in people in general. An example of just
such an approach is early research conducted by
Bandura and his associates concerning how aggres­
sion may be learned in children (Bandura, 1973).
In a now well-known study, Bandura showed a
group of nursery-school children a film in which an
adult attacked a life-size Bobo doll in unusual ways.
For example, the adult it the Bobo doll with
a large mallet while saying such things as
“Socko!”and “Pow!” A second group of children
saw the same behaviors performed by a cartoon
character (actually an adult dressed up in a cat
suit). A third group observed the aggressive beha­
viors performed by a live adult while a fourth group
saw a live model behave in a calm, nonaggressive
manner toward the Bobo doll. Shortly afterward,
the children were led to a room containing several
different toys, among them the Bobo doll. The
children’s behavior was observed both for the
novel forms of aggression depicted by the adult
and for overall aggression. Results of the experi­
ment showed that the live model’s behavior was
imitated more often than the filmed or cartoon
model’s behavior. However, significant imitation
of the aggressive behavior of both the filmed
model and the cartoon character also occurred. Of
11
particular interest was the finding that the children
not only modeled the observed aggressive behaviors
but they also performed many aggressive behaviors
of their own. The group that had observed the
nonaggressive model, however, showed little
aggressive behavior. Bandura’s research is important
for an understanding of motivation at the level of
the individual because it strongly suggests that some
motivated behaviors are learned, quite simply,
through observation. Thus, if our parents or peers
behave aggressively, we will learn to behave this
way also. If, on the other hand, the models we
observe show us that they are motivated to work
hard, pursue excellence, and be successful, we are
likely to be motivated in similar ways.
Social Analysis
A moment’s reflection should quickly reveal that
our behavior often differs when we are in the com­
pany of others. Behavior in particular situations
such as the classroom is generally predictable too:
students take notes, ask questions, and sometimes
fall asleep; professors lecture, answer questions,
and tend to write illegibly on the chalkboard.
These same individuals, however, behave rather
differently at parties. Students and professors may
drink alcoholic beverages, argue politics, and play-
idiotic games that they would not even consider in
other circumstances. Our motivations for engaging
in these rather different sets of behavior are often
studied by social psychologists. These psychologists
tell us that our behaviors are considerably influ­
enced by both situational factors (such as
whether we are in the classroom or at a party)
and by the presence of others. As just one exam-
pie, confomiity studies conducted by Solomon
Asch in the mid-20th century (1952, 1965) showed
that approximately 80% of the participants he tested
confonned to a group decision at least once even
though that decision was clearly wrong. Recent
studies have confinned that the level of conformity
shown by people has not changed much today
(Bond & Smith, 1996). When interviewed after
the experiment, many participants indicated that
M
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of A little gipsy lass
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.

Title: A little gipsy lass

A story of moorland and wild

Author: Gordon Stables

Illustrator: W. Rainey

Release date: September 29, 2023 [eBook #71755]

Language: English

Original publication: Edinburgh: W. & R. Chambers, Limited, 1907

Credits: Al Haines, Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LITTLE

GIPSY LASS ***
The girl simply lifted the latch and entered without ceremony.
LASS. Page 20.

A Little Gipsy Lass

A STORY OF MOORLAND AND WILD

By

GORDON-STABLES, M.D., C.M., R.N.

Author of
'Peggy M'Queen,' 'The Rover Caravan,' &c.

WITH SIX ILLUSTRATIONS

by

William Rainey

LONDON: 47 Paternoster Row

W. & R. CHAMBERS, LIMITED
EDINBURGH: 47 Paternoster Row
1907

Edinburgh:
Printed by W. & R. Chambers, Limited.
 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. LOTTY LEE 1
II. HOW ANTONY HAPPENED TO BE THERE 11
III. IN GIPSY CAMP AND CARAVAN 18
IV. 'EVER BEEN AN INFANT PRODIGY?' SAID LOTTY 34
V. THE QUEEREST SHOW.—A DAY IN THE WILDS 47
'THERE IS THAT IN YOUR EYE WHICH CRONA
VI. LOVES' 59
VII. POOR ANTONY WAS DROWNING! 69
VIII. THE MYSTERY OF THE MERMAN 79
IX. 'THE NEW JENNY WREN' 90
X. A LETTER AND A PROPOSAL 99
XI. BLOWN OUT TO SEA 111
XII. 'OUT YONDER, ON THE LEE BOW, SIR' 121
XIII. ON BOARD THE 'NOR'LAN' STAR' 132
XIV. A LITTLE STRANGER COMES ON BOARD 142
XV. 'I WANT TO DREAM THAT DREAM AGAIN' 154
XVI. SAFELY BACK TO ENGLAND 163
XVII. LIFE ON THE ROAD IN THE 'GIPSY QUEEN' 172
XVIII. SNOW-BOUND IN A MOUNTAIN-LAND 182
XIX. SPORTING-TIME IN WOODS AND WILDS 193
XX. IN THE DARK O' THE NEAP 204
XXI. THE WRECK OF THE 'CUMBERLAND' 214
XXII. THE AMBITIONS OF CHOPS JUNIOR 226
XXIII. 'WELL, CHOPS, TO RUN AWAY' 236
XXIV. 'I SAVED IT UP FOR A RAINY DAY' 248
XXV. 'WE'VE GOT A LITTLE STOWAWAY HERE, GUARD' 260
XXVI. THAT CROOKED SIXPENCE 272
XXVII. 'GAZE ON THOSE SUMMER WOODS' 283
XXVIII. 'HO, HO, HO! SET HIM UP' 290
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
The girl simply lifted the latch and entered without ceremony Frontispiece.
Then that huge brown bear began to dance 50
He found himself in the water next moment ... with the Jenny
Wren on her side 71
And they had special tit-bits which they took from her hands 92
Presently the black hull of the bark was looming within fifty
yards over her 129
'Father, father,' she cried, 'I cannot, will not do this' 224
 BOOKS FOR GIRLS

By May Baldwin.

MYSIE: A Highland Lassie 5/-

With Eight Illustrations by A. S. Boyd.
PEG'S ADVENTURES IN PARIS 5/-
With Eight Illustrations by W. Rainey.
THE SUNSET ROCK 5/-
With Eight Illustrations by Harold Copping.
DORA: A High School Girl 3/6
With Six Illustrations by Mabel L. Attwell.
THE GIRLS OF ST GABRIEL'S 3/6
With Six Illustrations by Percy Tarrant.
THAT AWFUL LITTLE BROTHER 3/6
With Six Illustrations by Chas. Pears.
SIBYL; or, Old School Friends 3/6
With Six Illustrations by W. Rainey.
A PLUCKY GIRL; or, The Adventures of 'Miss Nell.' 3/6
With Six Illustrations by Jessie Macgregor.
A POPULAR GIRL; or, Boarding School Days 3/6
With Six Illustrations by Jessie Wilson.
THAT LITTLE LIMB 2/-
With Four Illustrations by Mabel L. Attwell.

W. & R. Chambers, Limited, London and Edinburgh.

A Little Gipsy Lass.

 CHAPTER I.

LOTTY LEE.

T HE young man stood on the deserted platform of the small, north-

country station, just where the train had left him, on that bright August
evening. Yonder she was speeding east-wards against the breeze.
Against the breeze, and along towards the cliffs that o'erhung the wild,
wide sea, the end of the last carriage gilded with the rays of the setting sun,
the smoke streaming backwards and losing itself over the brown-green
woods that stretched away and away till lost in a haze at the foot of the
hills.
He hailed a solitary porter.
'This isn't a very inviting station of yours, Tom, is it?'
'An awful good guess at my name, sir,' said the man, saluting.
'Your name is Tom, then?'
'No, sir—George,' he smiled. 'But any name does; and as for the station,
weel, it's good enough in its way. We only tak' up or pit doon by signal. But
you'll be English, sir?'
'That's it, George; that's just it. I'm only English. But, so far, I am in luck;
because I understand your talk, and I thought everybody here ran about raw,
with kilts on and speaking in Scotch.'
'So they do, sir, mostly; but I've been far south myself. No, sir, no left-
luggage room here; but if you're going to the inn I'll carry your
portmanteau, though ye'll no' find much accommodation there for a
gentleman like yourself. Besides, it's the nicht of the fair, and they'll be
dancin' and singin' in the road till midnicht.'
'But,' said the stranger, 'I'm bound for Loggiemouth, if I can only find the
way. I'm going to a gipsy encampment there—Nat Lee's or Biffins'. You
know Nat Lee?'
'Well, and curly-headed Lotty too. But, man, you'll have ill findin' your
road over the moor the nicht. It's three good Scotch miles, and your
portmanteau's no' a small weight—a hundred and twenty pounds if an
ounce.'
 This young man, with the sunny hair, square shoulders, and bravely
chiselled English face, seized the bag with his left hand and held it high
above his head, much to the admiration of the honest porter.
'You're a fine lad, sir,' said the latter. 'An English athlete, no doubt. Weel,
we all love strength hereabouts, and Loggiemouth itself can boast of bonny
men.'
'Here!' cried the stranger abruptly, as he looked to the west and the sun
that was sinking like a great blood-orange in the purple mist of the
woodlands, 'take that portmanteau, George, in your own charge. I suppose
you live somewhere?'
'I'll lock it up in the lamp-room, sir. It'll be safe enough there.'
'Well, thanks; and to-morrow I'll either stride over for it myself or send
some one. Now, you'll direct me to the camp, won't you?'
'Ay, ay, sir, and you've a good stick and a stout heart, so nothing can
come o'er ye. But what way did nobody meet you, sir?'
'Nat Lee said he would send some one, but—hallo! who is this?'
She ran along the platform hurriedly but smiling—a little nervously
perhaps, blinking somewhat moreover, for the sun's last beams lit up her
face and eke her yellow hair. Her colour seemed to rise as she advanced.
Blushing? No. Lotty Lee was barely twelve.
'Oh, please, sir, are you Mr Blake?'
'I am. And you?'
'Me? I'm only Lotty Lee, and that's nobody. But father sent me to meet
you, and lead you home to our pitch across the Whinny Moor. You couldn't
find the way by yourself, never, never, never!'
'Good-night, sir.—Good-night, Miss Lotty,' cried the porter, throwing the
portmanteau on his shoulder and marching off with it.
'Well,' said the young fellow, 'I have a sweet little guide anyhow; but are
you sure that even you can find the way yourself, Lotty?'
'Oh yes, Mr Blake, please.'
Hers was a light, musical, almost bird-like laugh.
She tossed back her head a little, and all those impossible little crumply
curls caught by the evening breeze went dancing round her brow and ears.
'If you have any—any big thing, I will carry it for you, sir.'
 It was his turn to laugh now. 'Why, Lotty,' he said, 'I shouldn't wonder if
I had to carry you before we get to camp.'
'Come,' she answered, with an uneasy glance at the west. She took his
hand as if he'd been a blind man. 'Father said I was to lead you, sir.'
'But I don't think he meant it in so literal a sense, Lotty. I think I can see
for quite half an hour yet.'
He kept that warm hand in his, nevertheless. So on they went, chatting
together gaily enough now, for she did not seem a bit afraid of her tall
companion.
'I would have been here much sooner, you know, but Wallace followed
me. Wallace is a very naughty boy sometimes, and father doesn't like him to
be out of camp at nights.'
'And where is the young gentleman now?'
'Oh, I had to take him back, and that is what kept me.'
It was getting early dark to-night, and one great star was already out in
the east. Whinny Moor was beginning to look eerisome enough. The
patches of furze that everywhere hugged the ground were like moving
shapes of strange and uncanny antediluvian monsters, and here and there
stood up the dark spectre of a stunted hawthorn-tree waving black arms in
the wind as if to forbid their approach.
Sometimes they had to creep quite sideways through the bushes of
sturdy whins and bramble; sometimes the moor was more open, and here
and there were little lakes or sedgy ponds of silver sheen, where black
things swam or glided in and out among the rustling rushes. Flitter-mice
darted over their heads or even between them, and from the forest now and
then came the doleful cry of the great barn-owl.
'On the whole,' said young Blake, 'I'm glad you came, Lotty. I doubt if
ever I could have made my way across this moor.'
'Nor through the forest yonder. Ah! the forest is much worse, Mr Blake.'
'Dark and dismal, I suppose?'
'It is dark; I don't know about dismal, Mr Blake. But I know all the road
through this moor; because when things come to the station father often
sends me for them.'
'At night?'
 'Oh yes, often at night. Only, there is a little winding path through among
the pine-trees, and one day Chops went in daylight and marked all the trees
in white paint for me. But father thrashed him for it, because white paint is
one of the show properties, and we mustn't waste the properties. But I cried
for Chops.'
'And who is Chops, Lotty?'
'Oh, Chops is the fat boy; he is a property himself, but nobody could
waste him.'
'No?'
'No; and Chops is fifteen, you know, and so good and so fond of me; but
he is so fat that he can't look at you, only just blinks over his cheeks. But
Chops is so kind to me—quite loves me. And so does Wallace. But I love
Wallace better than anybody else, and everybody else loves Wallace.'
'And Wallace and everybody love Lotty, I'm sure of that.'
'Oh, Wallace loves me, and would die for me any day. But, of course,
everybody doesn't. I'm only just a property, you know.'
'But your father and mother?'
Frank Antony Blake felt the small, soft hand tremble in his.
'There is no mother, sir. Never was a mother in my time. But father'——
The child was crying—yes, and sobbing—as if her heart would break.
Then, though Frank Antony was tall and strong for his eighteen years, he
didn't really know what to do with a girl who burst into tears at night on a
lonesome moor. He could remember no precedent. It mightn't be correct, he
thought, to take her in his arms and kiss her and try to soothe her, so he
merely said, 'Never mind, Lotty; never mind. It is sure to come all right
somehow.'
For the life of him, however, he couldn't have told you what was wrong
or what there was to come right. In the fast-waning light Lotty looked up at
him ever so sadly, and he could not help noticing now what he had not
noticed before—Lotty was really a beautiful child.
'You talked to me so kindly like,' she said, 'and hardly anybody does that,
and—and that was it. Don't talk to me kindly again, sir, ever, ever, ever!'
He patted her hand.
 'That's worse,' said Lotty, feeling she wanted to cry again, and she drew
the hand away. 'You'll have me crying again. Speak gruff to me, as others
do, and call me "Lot!"'
But at that moment Antony had a happy inspiration. He remembered that
in his big coat-pocket he had a large box of assorted chocolates, and here
close by on a bare part of the moor was a big white stone.
'Come,' he cried, 'there is no great hurry, and I'm going to have some
chocolates. Won't you, Lot?'
Down he sat on the big white stone, and Lotty stood timidly in front of
him. But Antony would not have this arrangement, so he lifted her bodily
up—'how strong he is!' she thought—and seated her beside him, then threw
a big handful of the delicious sweets into her lap.
She was smiling now. She was happy again. It was not the chocolates
that worked the change; but the chance companionship of this youth of
gentle blood, so high above her, seemed to have wakened a chord long, long
untouched in that little harp of a heart of hers.
Was it but a dream, or had there been once a time, long—ever so long—
ago, when voices quite as pleasant and musical and refined as Antony's
were not strange to her? And had she not, when young—she was twelve
now, and that is so old—lived in a real house, with bright cushions on real
sofas, and lamps and mirrors and flowers everywhere? No, that must have
been a dream; but it was one she often dreamt while she swung by night in
her cot, as the winds rocked the caravan and lulled her to sleep.
The autumn evening was very beautiful now; bright stars were shining
so closely overhead that it seemed as if one could almost touch them with a
fishing-rod. Besides, a big, nearly round moon had managed to scramble up
behind the bank of blue clouds in the east—a big, fat face of a moon that
appeared to be bursting with half-concealed merriment as it blinked across
the moor.
It wasn't the lollies that had enabled Lotty to regain her good spirits; but
she felt quietly happy sitting here on the stone beside this newly found
friend. Oh yes, he was going to be a friend; she felt certain of that already.
Young though Lottie was, she had a woman's instinct. Perhaps she
possessed a woman's pride as well, though only in embryo; for she felt half-
ashamed of her awkward, bare brown legs that ended not in shoes but rough
sandals, and of the pretty necklace of crimson hips and haws that she had
strung for herself only yesterday.
They had been sitting in silence for some time, both thinking, I suppose,
when Lotty's keen ear caught the weary call of some benighted plover.
'They'll soon be away now!' she sighed, more to herself than to her
companion.
'What will soon be away, Lotty?'
'Oh, the plovers and the swallows and the greenfinches, and nearly all
my pretty pets of springtime, and we'll have only just the rooks and the
gulls left.'
Antony laid his hand on hers.
'Lotty loves the wild birds, then?'
'I—I suppose so. Doesn't everybody? I wish I could go south with the
birds in autumn, to lands where the flowers are always blooming.'
'Who knows what is before you, child!'
The child interested him.
'Look, Lotty, look!' cried Antony next moment; 'what on earth can that
be?'
He was genuinely startled. About two hundred yards from the place
where they sat a great ball of crimson-yellow fire, as big as a gipsy pot, rose
slowly, waveringly, into the air. It was followed by five others, each one
smaller than the one above it. They switched themselves towards the forest,
and one by one they went out.
'It is only will-o'-the-wisps,' said Lotty, 'and they always bring good
luck. Aren't you glad?'
'Very,' said Antony.
Then, hand in hand, as if very old acquaintances indeed, they resumed
their journey. And, as they got nearer and nearer to the forest, the tall pine-
trees, with brown, pillar-like limbs, grew higher and higher, and finally
swallowed them up.
 CHAPTER II.

HOW ANTONY HAPPENED TO BE THERE.

A NTONY BLAKE—or Frank Antony Blake, to give him the benefit of

his full tally—was the only son and heir-apparent of Squire Blake of
Manby Hall, a fine old mansion away down in Devonshire; thousands
of acres of land—no one seemed to know how many—rolling fields of
meadow-lands divided by hedgerows and waving grain, woods and wolds,
lakes and streams, and an upland of heath and fern that lost itself far away
on the nor'-western horizon.
The mansion itself, situated on a green eminence in the midst of the
well-treed old park, was one of the stately homes of England; and though
antique enough to be almost grim—as if holding in its dark interior the
secrets of a gloomy or mayhap tragic past—it was cheerful enough in
summer or winter; and from its big lodge-gates, all along its gravelled
avenues, the wheel-marks bore evidence that Manby Hall was by no means
deserted nor the squire very much of a recluse.
The gardens of this mansion were large enough to lose one's self in,
silent save for the song of birds, with broad green walks, with bush and tree
and flower, and fountains playing in the centre of ponds only and solely for
the sake of the waterfowl or the gold and silver fish that hid themselves
from the sunshine beneath the green, shimmering leaves of lordly floating
lilies, orange and white.
A rural paradise was Manby Hall. Acres of glass too, a regiment of semi-
silent gardeners, and a mileage of strong old walls around that were gay in
springtime and summer with creeping, climbing, trailing flowers of every
shape and shade.
If there was a single grim room in all this abode it was the library, where
from tawny, leather-bound shelves the mighty tomes of authors long dead
and gone frowned down on one, as one entered through the heavily draped
doorways.
Whisper it! But Antony was really irreverent enough to say one day to a
friend of his that this solemn and classic library was a jolly good billiard-
room spoiled.
 Anyhow, it was in this room that Frank Antony found himself one
morning. He had been summoned hither by his father.
The squire was verging on fifty, healthy and hard in face, handsome
rather, with hair fast ripening into gray.
'Ha, Frank, my boy! come forward. You may be seated.'
'Rather stand, dad. Guess it's nothing too pleasant.'
'Well, I sent for you, Frank'——
'And I'm here, dad.'
'Let me see now. You're eighteen, aren't you?'
'I suppose so, sir; but—you ought to know,' replied Antony archly.
'I? What on earth have I to do with it? At least, I am too busy a man to
remember the ages of all my children. Your mother, now, might; but then
your mother is a woman—a woman, Frank.'
'I could have guessed as much, dad. But as for "all" your children, father,
why, there are only Aggie and I. That comprises the whole lot of us; not
very tiresome to count, I reckon.'
'There! don't be quizzical, boy. I sent for you—er—I sent for you to—
to'——
'Yes, father, sent for me to—to'——
'I wish you to choose a career, you young dog. Don't stand there and to—
to at me, else I'll—I don't know what I mightn't do. But stand down, sir—I
mean, sit down—and you won't look so precious like a poacher.'
Antony obeyed.
'You see, lad, I have your interest at my heart. It is all very well being an
athlete. You're a handsome young fellow too—just like me when I was a
young fellow. Might marry into any county family. But cricket and football
and rowing stroke aren't everything, Frank, and it is high time you were
looking ahead—choosing your career. Well, well,' continued the squire
impatiently, 'have you nothing to say?'
'Oh yes,' cried Frank Antony, beaming now. 'I put that filly at a fence to-
day, father, and'——
'Hang the filly! I want you to choose a career; do you hear?'
'Yes, father.'
 'Well, I'm here to help you all I can. Let us see! You're well educated; too
much so for the Church, perhaps.'
'Not good enough anyhow, dad, to wear a hassock. Whew! I mean a
cassock.'
'Well, there are the civil and the diplomatic services.'
Antony shook an impatient head.
'And you're too old for the army. But—now listen, Frank. I expect your
eyes to gleam, lad, when I mention the term: a parliamentary career! Think
of it, lad; think of it. Just think of the long vista of splendid possibilities that
these two words can conjure up before a young man with the blood of a
Blake in his veins.'
Frank Antony did not seem at all impressed; not even a little bit.
'I'm afraid, father, I'm a lazy rascal,' he said, almost pitying the
enthusiasm which he himself could not appreciate. 'I'm not so clever as my
dear old dad, and I fear the House would bore me. Never could make a
speech either, so'——
'Speech!' roared the squire, 'why, you'll never be asked to. They wouldn't
let you. They'd cough you down, groan you down, laugh you down.
Besides, clever men don't make speeches nowadays—only the fools.'
Young Antony suppressed a yawn.
'Very good, my boy, very good!'—his dad was shaking hands with him
—'and I honour you for your choice. And I'm of precisely the same opinion.
There's nothing like a seat in the House.'
'Rather have one on the hillside though, daddy, all among the grouse.'
His father didn't hear him.
'And now, Frank, I'm not an ordinary father, you know; and, before
entering the House, I don't see in the least why you shouldn't have your
fling for a year or two. I maintain that all young fellows should have their
fling. A hundred years or so agone I had my fling. Look at me now. Am I
any the worse? Well, I've just put a bit in the bank for you, lad, so go and do
your best.'
Frank was laughing merrily.
He put his hand in what he called his rabbit-pocket and handed out a
book: The Gamekeeper at Home. 'That is my lay, dad,' he said. 'I only want
to potter around and fish and shoot, or hunt in season. Don't like London.
Hate Paris. Not at home in so-called society. I'll just have my fling in my
own humdrum fashion, daddy, thank you all the same. I'll have my fling,
depend upon it.'
The young man was smiling to himself at some recollection.
'What is it, Frank?'
'Only this, dad. The black keeper—Tim, you know—weighs two
hundred and twenty pounds. The other day he was stronger than I. I threw
him last eve—Cumberland. This morning I lifted him with my left and
landed him on the west side of the picket-fence. How's that for a fling,
daddy?'
'Go on, you young rogue. Listen, I hear Aggie calling you!'
'Oh, but you listen to me, father. I really don't see enough life down
here.'
'Well, there's London, my lad. London for life!'
'No, no! For the next few months, with your permission, I'm going to
live a life as free as a swallow's. I'm going on the road in my own house-
upon-wheels. I'll see and mingle with all sorts of society, high and low, rich
and poor. I'll be happy in spirit, healthy in body, and by the time I come
back my mind will be quite a storehouse of knowledge that will better fit
me for Parliament than all the lore in this great library, father.'
'You're going to take up with gipsies, Frank?'
'Be a sort of gip myself, daddy.'
'Bother me, boy, if there isn't something really good in the idea. But how
are you going to set about it? Build a caravan for yourself?'
'Not build one, father. Nat Biffins Lee—a scion of the old, old gipsy Lee,
you know—owns a real white elephant'——
'Bless my soul! is the lad going mad? You don't mean seriously to travel
the country with a real white elephant, eh?'
'You don't understand, daddy. This Nat Lee has a splendid house-upon-
wheels which belonged to the Duchess of X—— She went abroad, and Lee
has bought it. But as it needs three powerful horses to rattle it along, it is
quite a white elephant to Nat. So I'm going up north to Loggiemouth in
Nairnshire, and if I like it I'll buy it. Is it all right?'
'Right as rain in March, boy. Go when you like.'