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2003 Habitual car use and resistance to change of travel mode. Bamberg et al.
2003 Habitual car use and resistance to change of travel mode. Bamberg et al.
1. Introduction
It has been argued that past behavior is the best predictor of future behavior.
However, this could reflect a statistical association. Past behavior may simply
be a proxy for the causal effects of other psychological factors. For example,
Ajzen’s (1991) theory of planned behavior (TPB) postulates that behavior is
guided by beliefs about the likely consequences of the behavior (attitude),
beliefs about the normative expectations of others (subjective norm), and
beliefs about the presence of factors that may facilitate or hinder perfor-
mance of the behavior (perceived behavioral control). In combination these
three factors lead to the formation of a behavioral intention which is the imme-
diate determinant of behavior. According to the theory, behavior is thus
assumed to be reasoned, controlled, or planned.
The TPB has been challenged by the argument that human behavior is
habitual or automatic (e.g. Aarts & Dijksterhuis 2000; Aarts et al. 1998;
Bagozzi 1981; Fazio 1990; Ouellette & Wood 1998; Ronis et al. 1989; Triandis
1977). Measures of past behavior have played an important role in attempts
to test the validity of this argument. If behavior is always reasoned, then
frequency of prior behavior should only have an indirect link to later behavior
since its effect would be mediated by intention and perceived behavioral
control. However, in regression analyses past behavior is typically found to
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improve the prediction of later behavior over and above intention and per-
ceived behavioral control (see Ouellette & Wood 1998, for a meta-analysis).
Findings of this kind are generally taken to mean that the behavior is habitual
so that it is, at least in part, under the direct control of the stimulus situa-
tion. Frequency of past behavior is thus an indicator of habit strength that
can be used as an independent predictor of later behavior.
Developing a habit has far-reaching consequences for cognitive functioning,
for instance, the ways situations are perceived and information processed.
Verplanken and Aarts (1999) provide empirical evidence that habit attenu-
ates the processing of information about the context in which choices are made
as well as information about choice options, thus information that is used
for judgments necessary to make informed choices. Habits seem to go together
with a cognitive orientation that makes an individual attend less to new infor-
mation and new courses of action, and is characterized by a preference for
relatively simple and heuristic-based choices.
Stable situational contexts are usually assumed to be a necessary prereq-
uisite for individuals to develop habits. In contrast, Verplanken et al. (1994)
and Verplanken and Aarts (1999) propose that once developed, habits can
generalize to many different situations. For such general habits, not even
situational invariance should be necessary. General habits are controlled by
goal-related cues that appear in many different situations. The response-
frequency measure of habit developed by Verplanken et al. (1994) is directly
based on this assumption of a context-independent general habit. Car use is
a prototypical example. As shown by Verplanken et al. (1997), a strong car
use habit makes travel mode choice script-based, so that minimal informa-
tion is needed to make it.
Verplanken and Aarts (1999) view habits as effective ways to reach
frequently aspired goals with rewarding consequences. However, they also
note “the dark side of a habitual mind set” (p. 125): Habits may turn into
suboptimal behaviors when new situations are encountered, in changing
environments, when goals change, or when new goals are adopted that are
incompatible with current habits. If this view is correct, it would have impor-
tant implications for attempts to change frequently performed, habitual
behaviors. Similarly, current models of persuasion and attitude change assume
that persuasive communication is only likely to result in attitudes that
are related to subsequent behavior if the individual is highly motivated
and able to process the information actively (e.g. Chaiken 1987; Petty &
Cacioppo 1986). Thus in the case of strong habits, providing persuasive
information would be an ill-fated strategy. For example, people with a strong
car-use habit should have low motivation to attend to and process informa-
tion about public transport. Even when persuasive communication changes
attitudes and intentions, in the case of individuals with a strong habit, these
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2. Method
2.2. Questionnaire
Most items included in the questionnaire were designed to assess the constructs
entailed by the theory of planned behavior. The travel mode alternatives con-
sidered were driving a car, using public transport, and riding a bicycle. With
respect to each alternative, respondents answered items designed to measure
attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and intention.
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Attitudes were assessed by means of the following two items: “For me,
to take public transport (use my car/bicycle) for daily travel from my current
place of residence would overall be good – bad” and “pleasant – unpleasant”.
Responses were obtained on 10-point graphic scales.
Items measuring subjective norm were formulated as follows: “Most people
who are important to me would support my using public transport (car/bicycle)
for daily travel from my current place of residence” and “Most people who
are important to me think that I should use public transport (car/bicycle) for
daily travel from my current place of residence.” Each of these items
was followed by a 10-point graphic scale with endpoints labeled likely and
unlikely.
To assess perceived behavioral control, respondents answered the following
two items: “For me to use public transport (car/bicycle) for daily travel from
my current place of residence would be easy – difficult” and “My freedom
to use public transport (car/bicycle) for daily travel from my current place
of residence is high – low”. They used 10-point graphic scales.
Participants also responded to the following two intention items by checking
10-point graphic scales: “My intention to use public transport (car/bicycle)
for daily travel from my current place of residence is strong – weak” and “I
intend to use public transport (car/bicycle) for daily travel from my current
place of residence is likely – unlikely”.
Finally, actual behavior1 was assessed by a one-day “mobility diary.” This
mobility diary consisted of a booklet with one page for each trip on a prior
specified day (Social Data 1993). For each trip respondents registered time and
starting location, purpose (work, shopping, or leisure), travel mode (car, bike,
walk, or public transport), destination, time of arrival, and estimated distance.
In addition to assessing the predictors in the theory of planned behavior,
the questionnaire also enquired into the respondents’ past behavior by asking
them to indicate how often they had used alternative travel modes for daily
travel from their current place of residence. Three travel modes were listed,
car, public transport, and bicycle. The response alternatives were always, often,
occasionally, seldom, and never.
The response-frequency measure of habit (Verplanken et al. 1994) was
also administered. Respondents were given the following instructions: “Listed
below are a few leisure-time activities that you may often perform. Assume
that you would like to spontaneously engage in one of these activities. Which
travel mode would you most likely use? Please respond quickly without much
deliberation.” The travel mode choices offered were car, public transport,
bicycle, and walking. Participants were asked to indicate which one they would
choose for the following 10 destinations or purposes: Summer excursion with
friends to a lake, visit a friend, visit your parents, engage in sports, stroll
through the city; evening visit to a bar, a trip on a nice day, routine grocery
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3. Results
Analysis of the one-day mobility diary used to measure the actual travel
mode choice showed that for the 169 participants who completed both ques-
tionnaires, public transport accounted for 12.8 percent of all trips reported at
the old place of residence. At the new place of residence, this proportion
increased significantly to 29.3 percent (p < 0.001). In contrast, the propor-
tion who drove car declined from 55.5 percent to 41.8 percent (p < 0.001). The
proportion of subjects who biked also changed significantly from 12.7 percent
to 5.8 percent. Only the proportion of trips for which respondents reported that
they walked remained unchanged (17.8 vs. 22 percent, p = 0.13).
As can be seen in Table 1, before the move/intervention there is no
significant difference in public transport use between the control and experi-
mental groups (p = 0.99). In contrast, after the move/intervention in the control
group there is only a small and insignificant increase of public transport use
(from 18.9% to 24.2%, p = 0.25), whereas in the experimental group public
transport use increased from 19.0% before to 46.8% (p < 0.001) after the move.
The difference in public transport use between control- and experimental group
is now statistically significant (p < 0.001).
Table 2 presents the means of the difference-scores (public transport –
((car + bicycle)/2]) of the items measuring the TPB-constructs before and after
the move for the control and experimental groups. As can be seen, after the
move in the control group there is no change in the difference scores, whereas
in the experimental group all difference scores change drastically in favor of
public transport.
Table 1. Effects of the change of residence and intervention on public transport use (N = 169).
Table 2. Difference scores of the TPB constructs before and after the move for the experi-
mental and control groups.
Note: The means of the indicators can theoretically range from –10 to +10. Negative values mean
that public transport is evaluated more negatively than the other alternatives.
* p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.
The data were submitted to structural equation analysis using the LISREL 8
computer program (Jöreskog & Sörbom 1993). Figure 1 displays the struc-
tural model parameters for public transport use as well as the amount of
explained variance in intention and behavior at the old place of residence.
Goodness-of-fit indices reached satisfactory levels (χ2(n = 241, df = 120) =
246.12, p = .000, RMSEA = 0.06, NNFI = 0.94, CFI = 0.95). As can be
seen, the components of the TPB accurately predict intentions and actual public
transport use. Attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control
accounted for 67% of the variance in intention, and intention and behavioral
control both have strong paths to public transport use (66% explained variance).
Past car use has strong direct negative effects on attitude, subjective norm, per-
ceived behavioral control, and intention but no additional direct effect on
behavior. In the second step the response frequency measure has negative
effects on attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control but no
direct effect on behavior. Furthermore, past car use has a strong effect on
the response frequency measure but this measure only partly mediates the effect
of past car use frequency.
Figure 2 displays the structural model parameters for public transport use
as well as the amount of explained variance in intentions and behavior, simul-
taneously estimated for the data before and after the move (n = 169). To
cross-validate the TPB model, the parameters of the measurement and struc-
tural model after the move were constrained equal to those before the move.
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Figure 1. Structural model with standardized path coefficients and explained variance in inten-
tions and behavior. Dependent variable is public transport use. The subscripts 1 refer to wave
1 before the move. A = attitude; SN = subjective norm; PBC = perceived behavioral control;
I = intention; B = behavior. The latent constructs A, SN, PBC, and I were estimated by using
the difference-scores (public transport – [(car + bicycle)/2]) of the respective two indicator items.
Figure 2. Structural model with standardized path coefficients and explained variance in inten-
tions and behavior. Dependent variable is public transport use. The subscripts 1 and 2 refer to
wave 1, before the move, and wave 2, after the move. A = attitude; SN = subjective norm;
PBC = perceived behavioral control; I = intention; B = behavior. The latent constructs A, SN,
PBC, and I were estimated by using the difference-scores (public transport – [(car + bicycle)/2])
of the respective two indicator items. * not significant.
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4. Discussion
of past car use or habit. At both time points the effect of past behavior and
the habit measure is completely mediated by intention and behavioral control.
Thus, the present data do not seem to support the hypothesis that the reaction
of car users toward the intervention is influenced by a general car use habit,
which is activated automatically by goal-related cues. The results are more
in line with the alternative hypothesis that even when a behavior is routine,
the introduction of new information by a new decision context and an inter-
vention can change the cognitive foundation of intention which changes the
intention that determines subsequent behavior.
However, it would be premature to conclude that habit does not influence
human behavior. A weakness of the present study consists in not comparing
the reaction of car users in a stable decision context with that of car users in
a new decision context. Thus one can argue that the new decision context
may have “paved the way” for the intervention by breaking the prior existing
car use habit. According to this view, only in stable decision contexts habits
should influence car users reaction to an intervention. Yet, the results of another
study (Bamberg et al. 2002) do not support this argument. That study analyzed
students’ reactions to a newly introduced free-ticket within a stable decision
context (same route from the apartment to university campus). Again, the inter-
vention caused a drastic increase in public transport use. But also in this
stable decision context neither past behavior nor the habit measure had a direct
effect on public transport use after the intervention. Instead, the results of
that study also confirmed the hypothesis that the intervention caused changes
in the cognitive foundation of intention and perceived behavioral control and
that these changes are responsible for the observed strong behavioral reaction.
But more studies are required to clarify whether the notion of habit con-
tribute to our understanding of what conditions determine the effectiveness
of interventions trying to change frequent travel behaviors.
A prerequisite for answering this question is a valid habit measure. One
can question the validity of the response-frequency measure. The procedure
asks respondents to indicate their intentions to perform a particular behavior
in different hypothetical situations. Perhaps the resulting measure taps a
generalized intention to perform the behavior in question than a habit. The
justification for assuming that it may represent something other than a
generalized intention is the instruction to participants to respond as quickly
as possible. It is an empirical question whether time pressure has any effect
on responses and, if so, whether the measure obtained under time pressure
is in fact an indicator of habit strength.
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Acknowledgement
Note
1. It is worth noting that the measure of behavior was obtained at the same time as the measures
of intention. Strictly speaking, therefore, measurement of intention and performance of the
intended behavior did not follow the logically required temporal sequence. This procedure
was necessitated by limitations on the feasibility to recontact respondents. However, travel
mode choice is quite stable over a short period of time (see Bamberg & Lüdemann 1996),
and there is no reason to expect that a slightly delayed measure of behavior would have
produced substantially different findings.
References
Daniel Rölle is a social scientist and Ph.D. candidate. At the moment he works as a
research associate in the Institute of Energy Economics and the Rational Use of Energy,
University of Stuttgart. His research interest is on factors explaining travel behavior,
especially on the link between the acceptability of some policy measures and the inten-
tion to change travel mode.
Christoph Weber received his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Hohenheim
(Stuttgart). He is now head of the department of Rational Use of Energy and Energy
Demand (REN) at the Institute of Energy Economics and the Rational Use of Energy
(University of Stuttgart). His main research interests include Energy Demand, Energy
Management and consumer behavior.