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 •
I ••
 PART 3: PART4: FURT HER RESOURCES R-1
CREDITS C- 1
The Formation of Interactions across SUBJECT I NDEX 1-1
Religious Civilizations the Globe
600-1450 CE 212 1450-1750 356

10. Islamic Civilization and 16. The Western European Overseas

Byzanti um, 600-1300 CE
2 14
11. Innovation and Adaptation in
the Western Christian World,
600-1450 CE
244
12 . Sultanates, Song, and the Mongol
Super Empire, 600-1600 CE
270
13. Religious Civilizations Interacting:
Korea, Japan, and Vietnam,
550-1500 CE
29 2
14. Patterns of State Formation
in Africa, 600-1450 CE
316
15. The Rise of Empires in the
Americas, 600-1550 CE
337
Expansion and the Ottoman-
Habsburg Struggle, 1450-1650
35 8
17. The Renaissance, New Sciences,
and Religious Wars in Europe,
1450-1750
380
18. New Patterns in New Worlds:
Colonialism and Indigenous
Responses in the Am ericas,
1500-1800
40 6

vii
 MA PS XVI
STUDYING W ITH MAPS XVII
PREFACE XVIII
NOTE ON DATES AND SPEL LINGS XXVI
ABOUT THE AUT H ORS XXVII

From Human Origins to Early

Agricultural Centers
PREHISTORY- 600 BCE 2

Chapter 1 The African Origins of Humanity 4

Prehistory- 10,000 BCE

The Origins of Humanity 5
Hominins: No Longer Chimpanzees, but Not Yet Human 5

Human Adaptations: From Africa to Eurasia and Australia 9

Features:
The African Origins of Human Culture 9
Patterns Up Close: Migration from South Asia to Australia 12
The Disappearance of
Neanderthals 20
Migrat ion from Asia to Europe 15

Against the Grain: The Ice Age Crisis and Human Migration to the Americas 17
The Hobbits of
Flores Island 25
The Ice Age 17

Putting It All Together 24

Chapter 2 Agrarian- Urb an Centers of th e Middle East

11,500- 600 BCE and Eastern Mediterranean 27

Agrarian Origins in the Fertile Crescent, ca. 11,500- 1500 BCE 28

Sedentary Foragers and Foraging Farmers 28
The Origin of Urban Centers in Mesopotamia and Egypt 31

Features: Interactions among Multiethnic and Multireligious Empires,

Patterns Up Close: ca. 1500- 600 BCE 40
Babylonian Law Codes 36 The Hittite and Assyrian Empires, 1600-600 BCE 41
Against the Grain: Small Kingdoms on t he Imperial Margins, 160~00 BCE 43
Akhenaten the
Transgressor 51 Religious Experience and Cultural Achievements 46

Putting It All Toget her 49

Chapter 3 Sh ifting Agrarian Centers in India 53

3000- 600 BCE

The Vanished Origins of Harappa, 3000- 1500 BCE 54
The Region and People 54

viii
 Adapting to Urban Life in t he Indus Valley 57
The Collapse of t he Cit ies 60

Interactions in Northern India, 1500- 600 BCE 61

The Vedic World, 17 50--800 BCE 62
St atecraft and the Ideology of Power, 800-600 BCE 64
Features:

Patterns Up Close:
Indian Society, Culture, and Religion, 1500- 600 BCE 66
The Caste System 68 Society and Family in Ancient India 66
Against the Grain: Cult ural Interactions to 600 BCE 70
A Merchants' Empire? 73
Putting It All Together 72

Chapter 4 Agrarian Centers and the Mandate of

5000-481 BCE Heaven in Ancient China 75

The Origins of Yellow River Cultures, 5000- 1766 BCE 76

Geography and Climate 76
The Origins of Neolit hic Cult ures 77
The Age of Myth and t he Xia Dynasty, 2852-1766 BCE 80

The Interactions of Shang and Zhou History and Politics,

1766- 481 BCE 82
The Shang Dynasty, 1766-1122 BCE 82
The Mandate of Heaven : The Zhou Dynasty to 481 BCE 84

Economy, Society, and Family Adaptation in Ancient China 86

Shang Society 87

Features: Interactions of Zhou Economy and Society 87

Patterns Up Close: Gender and t he Fam ily 89
The Chinese Writing
System 92 Interactions of Religion, Culture, and Intellectual
Against the Grain: Life in Ancient China 90
Women's Voices 95 Oracle Bones and Early Chinese Writ ing 90
Adaptations of Zhou Religion, Technology, and Cult ure 91

Putting It All Together 93

Chapter 5 Origins Apart: The Americas and Oceania 97

16,000-600 BCE
The Americas: Hunters and Foragers, 16,000- 600 BCE 98
The Environment 99
Human Migrations 102

Agriculture, Villages, and Urban Life 1 03

The Neolit hic Revolution in the New World 104
x Contents
Features:
Patterns Up Close:
The Origin of Corn 108
Agai nst the Grain:
Thor Heyerdahl 118
Chapter 6
600 BCE- 600 CE
Features:
Patterns Up Close:
The Mayan Ball Game 134
Against the Grain:
Nazca Lines and
Speculation 143
Chapter 7
550 BCE- 600 CE
Feature s:
Patterns Up Close:
The Plague of Justinian 156
Against the Grain:
Women in Democratic
Athens 167
The Origins of Urban Life 105
The First Mesoamerican Settlements 108
The Origins of Pacific Island Migrations 113
Lapila and Cultural Origins 114
Creat ing Polynesia 115
Putting It All Together 115
The Age of Empires and Visionaries
600 BCE -600 CE 120
Ch iefdoms and Early States in Africa and the Americas 12 2
Agriculture and Early African Kingdoms 123
Saharan Villages, Towns, and Kingdoms 123
The Kingdom of Aksum 126
The Spread of Villages in Sub-Saharan Africa 127
West African Savanna and Rain-Forest Agriculture 127
The Spread of Village Life to East and South Africa 129
Patterns of African History, 600 BCE-600 CE 131
Early States in Mesoamerica: Maya Kingdoms and Teotihuacan 131
The Maya Kingdoms in Southern Mesoamerica 132
The Kingdom of Teotihuacan in the Mexican Basin 136
The Andes: Moche and Nazca 139
The Moche in Northern Peru 139
Paracas and the Nazca in Southern Peru 140
Putting It All Together 141
Interaction and Adaptation in Western Eurasia:
Persia, Greece, and Rome 145
Interactions between Persia and Greece 146
The Origins of the Achaemenid Persian Empire 146
Greek City-States in the Persian Shadow 148
Alexander's Empire and Its Successor Kingdoms 150
Interactions between the Persian and Roman Empires 151
Parthian Persia and Rome 151
The Sasanid Persi an and Late Roman Empires 1 54
Adaptations to Monotheism and Monism in the Middle East 158
Challenge to Polytheism: The Origins of Judaism, Zoroastrianism,
and Greek Philosophy 159
Toward Religious Communit ies and Phi losophical Schools 161
 Contents xi

The Beginnings of Science and the Cultures of

Kings and Citizens 1 63
The Sciences at the library of Alexandria 163
Royal Persian Cult ure and Arts 163
Greek and Roman Civic Cult ure and Arts 164

Putting It All Together 166

Chapt er 8 Empires and Visionaries in India 169

600 BCE- 600 CE

Patterns of State Formation in India: Republics,
Kingdoms, and Empires 170
The Road t o Empire: The Mauryas 170
The Cl assical Age: The Gupta Empire 174
The Sout hern Kingdoms, ca. 300-600 CE 175

The Vedic Tradition and Its Visionary Reformers 176

Features: Reformi ng t he Vedic Tradit ion 176
Patterns Up Close: The Mat urit y of Hinduism: From the Abstract to the Devotional 180
The Global Trade of Indian
Pepper 184
Stability amid Disorder: Economy, Family,
Against the Grain: and Society 182
India's Ancient
Republics 189
Tax and Spend: Economy and Society 182
Caste, Fami ly Life, and Gender 183

Strength in Numbers: Art, Li terature, and Science 186

Putting It All Together 187

Chapt er 9 Chin a: Im perial Unification an d Perfecting

722 BCE- 618 CE the Moral Order 190

Visionaries and Empire 1 91

Confucianism, Legalism, and Daoism 191
The Qin Dynasty 194
The Han Dynasty 196

Features:
The Domestic Economy: Society, Family, and Gender 201
Industry and Commerce 201
Patterns Up Close:
The Stirrup 198 Gender Roles 204

Against the Grain:

Yang Zhu and Mo Di 210 Intellectual Trends, Aesthetics, Science, and Technology 206
Confucianism, Education, and History during t he Han 206
Buddhism in China 207
Intellectual Li fe 208

Putting It All Together 209

xii Contents

The Formation of Religious Civilizations

600- 14 5 0 CE 212

Islamic Civilization and Byzantium 214

Chapter 10
The Formation of Islamic Religious Civilization 215
600- 1300 CE
The Beginnings of Islam 2 15
Islamic Theology, Law, and Politics 217

Eastern Christian Civilization in Byzanti um 222

Byzant ium's Difficult Beginnings 223
The Seljuk Invasion and t he Crusades 227

Islamic and Eastern Christian Civilizations at Their Height 23 1

State and Society in Mamluk Egypt 231
Feature s: Byzant ine Provi ncial and Central Organizat ion 232
Patterns Up Close: Commercial Relations from t he At lantic to t he South China Sea 234
Byzantine Icons and Islamic
Miniatures 238 Religion, Sciences, and the Arts in Two Religious Civilizations 236
Against the Grain: Islamic Cu lture: Intellectual and Scient ific Expressions 236
Did I bn Taymiyya .. Have a Artist ic Expressions in Islamic Civilization 237
Screw Loose"? 242
Learning and t he Arts in Byzant ium 240

Putting It All Together 240

Chapter 11 Innovation and Adaptation in th e

600- 1450 CE Western Christian World 244

The Formation of Christian Europe, 600- 1000 245

Frankish Gaul and Lat in Christianity 245

Recovery, Reform, and Innovation, 1000- 1300 250

Feature s:
Patterns Up Close:
The Gothic Cathedral 260
Against the Grain:
The Cathar Heresy 268
The Polit ical Recovery of Europe 250
The Economic and Social Recovery of Europe 251
Religi ous Reform and Expansion 254
Intellect ual and Cultural Developments 258
Crisis and Creativity, 1300- 1415 260
The Calamitous Fourteent h Cent ury 261
Signs of a New Era in the Fifteenth Century 265

Putting It All Together 267

Chapter 1 2 Sultanates, Song, an d the Mongol Sup er Empire 270

600- 1600 CE
India: The Clash of Cultures 27 1
Buddhist and Hindu India after the Guptas 271
Islam in India, 711-1398 272
Toward t he Mughal Era, 1398-1450 274
 Contents xiii

Interactions and Adaptations: From Buddhism to

Features: Neo-Confudan Synthesis in China 276
Patterns Up Close: Creat ing a Religious Civilization under t he Tang 276
Gunpowder 280 The Song and Yuan Dynast ies, 960-1368 279
Against the Grain: The Ming to 1450: The Quest for Stability 284
Empress Wu 290 Society, Family, and Gender 285
Percept ions of Perfect ion: Intellect ual, Scient ific, and Cult ural Life 287

Putting It All Together 289

Chapter 13 Religious Civilizations Interacting:

550- 1500 CE Korea, Japan, and Vietn am 292

Korea to 1450: Innovation from Above 293

People and Place: The Korean Environment 293
Conquest and Competit ion: Hist ory and Polit ics t o 1450 294
Economy, Society, and Family 297
Religion, Cu lture, and Int ellect ual Life 299

Japan to 1450: Selective Interaction and Adaptation 300

The Island Refuge 300
Adaptat ion at Arm's Length: Hist ory and Polit ics 300
Economy, Society, and Family 305

Features: Religion, Cu lture, and Int ellect ual Life 306

Patterns Up Close:
Vietnam: Human Agency and State Building 308
Printing 298
The Setting and Neolith ic Cultures 308
Against the Grain:
Zen and Bushido 314 Economy, Society, and Family 31 1
Religion, Cu lture, and Int ellect ual Life 31 1

Putting It All Together 312

Chapter 14 Patterns of State Formation in Africa 316

600- 1450 CE
Christians and Muslims in the Northeast 317
Nubia in t he Mi ddle Nile Valley 317
Et hiopia in t he Eastern High lands 320

Adaptation to Islam: City-States and Kingdoms in

East and Southern Africa 322
The Swahili City-States on the East African Coast 323
Features: Traditional Kingdoms in Sout hern and Cent ral Africa 324
Patterns Up Close: Central African Chiefdoms and Kingdoms 327
The Sculptures of lie 332
Cultural Encounters: West African Traditions and Islam 328
Against the Grain:
Sundiata's Rise to The Kingdom of Ancient Ghana 328
Power 335 The Empire of Mali 330
Rain-Forest Kingdoms 332

Putting It All Together 333

xiv Contents

Chapter 15 The Rise of Empires in the Americas 337

600-1550 CE
The Legacy of Teotihuacan and the Toltecs in Mesoamerica 338
Milit arism in the Mexican Basin 338
Lat e Maya States in Yucatan 339

The Legacy of Tiwanaku and Wari in the Andes 341

The Expanding State of Tiwanaku 341
The Expanding City-St at e of Wari 343
Features:
Patterns Up Cl ose: American Empires: Aztec and Inca Origins and Dominance 344
Human Sacrifice and The Aztec Empire of Mesoamerica 344
Propaganda 352 The Inca Empire of the Andes 346
Against the Grain:
Amazon Rain Forest Imperial Society and Culture 350
Civi lizations 355 Imperial Capit als: Tenocht it lan and Cuzco 350
Power and Its Cultural Expressions 351

Putting It All Together 353

Interactions across the Globe

1450- 1750 356

The Western European Overseas Expansion

and the Ottoman- Habsb urg Struggle 358
Chapter 16
1450- 1650 The Muslim- Christian Competition in the East and West, 1450- 1600 359
Iberian Christian Expansion , 1415-1498 359
Rise of the Ottomans and Struggle wit h t he Habsburgs for Dominance, 1300-1609 363

Features: The Centralizing State: Origins and Interactions 371

Patterns Up Close: St at e Transformat ion, Money, and Firearms 371
Sh ipbuilding 364
Imperial Courts, Urban Festivities, and the Arts 374
Against the Grain:
Titting at Windmi lls 379 The Ottoman Empire: Palaces, Fest ivit ies, and the Arts 374
The Spanish Habsburg Empire: Popular Fest ivities and t he Arts 375

Putting It All Together 377

Chapter 17 The Renaissance, New Sciences,

1450-1750 and Religious Wars in Europe 380

Cultural Transformations: Renaissance, Baroque, and New Sciences 381

The Renaissance and Baroque Arts 381
Features: The New Sciences 383
Patterns Up Close: The New Sciences and Their Social Impact 386
Mapping the World 390 The New Sciences: Phi losoph ical Int erpretations 389
Against the Grain:
The Digger Movement 404 Centralizing States and Religious Upheavals 390
The Rise of Centralized Kingdoms 390
 Contents xv

The Protestant Reformat ion, State Churches, and Independent

Congregations 393
Religious Wars and Political Restorat ion 395

Putting It All Together 403

Chapter 18 New Pattern s in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous

1500-1800 Responses in the Americas 406

The Colonial Americas: Europe's Warm-Weather Extension 407

Features:
The Conquest of Mexico and Peru 407

Patterns Up Close: The Establishment of Colonial Instit ut ions 411

The Columbian
Exchange 420 The Making of American Societies: Origins and Transformations 419
Exploitation of Mineral and Tropical Resources 4 19
Against the Grain:
Juana Ines de la Cruz 430 Social Strata, Castes, and Ethnic Groups 422
The Adaptati on of t he Americas to European Cult ure 426

Putting It All Together 428

FURTHER RESOURCES R-1

CREDITS C-1
SUBJECT INDEX I -1
 Maps
Map 1.1 Early Human Origins to 3 Million Years Ago 7 Map 10.2 The Islamic Commonwealth, ca. 1022 CE 222
Map 1.2 Human Migration Out of Africa 12 Map 10.3 The Byzanti ne Empire, ca. 1025 CE 225
Map 1.3 The Ice Age 18 Map 10.4 The Crusader Kingdoms, ca. 1140 CE 229
Map 1.4 Human Migration to the Americas 22 Map 10.5 The Afro-Eurasian World Commercial
Map 2.1 Farming and Settlement in the Ancient Middle System, ca. 1300 235
East and Eastern Mediterranean 29 Map 11.1 The Empire of Charlemagne 248
Map 2.2 Urban Centers in Mesopotamia and Egypt, Map 11.2 Mediterranean Trade in the
5500-3500 BCE 32 Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries 253
Map 2.3a The Akkadian Kingdom 35 Map 11 .3 The First Crusade, 1095-1099 258
Map 2.3b Kingdom of Babylonia 35 Map 11.4 The Sp,ead of the Black Death in Europe 263
Map 2.4 Old Kingdom Egypt, ca. 2613- 2160 BCE 39 Map 11 .5 The Great Western Sch ism, 1378-1417 265
Map 3.1 India: Physical Features and Map 12.1 Harsha's Empire, ca. 645 CE 272
the Monsoon Cycle 55 Map 12.2 Eurasian Trade Routes, ca. 1000 CE 274
Map 3.2 Harappan Civilization, ca. 2300 BCE 57 Map 12.3 India under the Sultanate of Delhi 275
Map 3.3 Mohenjo-Daro 58 Map 12.4 East and Central Asia, 6 18-960 277
Map 3.4 Northern India, ca. 600 BCE 67 Map 12.5 The Mongol Empire 284
Map 4 .1 Early Ch ina: Geography and Cl imate 78 Map 13.1 Korea: Topography and Precipitation 295
Map 4 .2 Shang China 83 Map 13.2 Korea under the Koryo, 936- 1392 297
Map 4 .3 Zhou China 85 Map 13.3 Japan: Topography and Climate 301
Map 5.1 The Environment of the Americas 100 Map 13.4 Heian Japan 303
Map 5.2 Early Urban Centers in the Andes 106 Map 13.5 Southeast Asia: The Physical Setting 309
Map 5.3 Major Corn -Producing Regions Map 14 .1 Long-Distance Trade in Northeast Africa
of the World 109 and the Middle East, 800-1200 3 19
Map 5.4 Adena and Hopewell Cultures 112 Map 14 .2 The Ethiopian High lands, ca. 1450 322
Map 5.5 The Colonization of the Pacific 113 Map 14 .3 Swahil i City-States, ca. 1400 325
Map 6.1 The Kingdoms of Meroe and Aksum, Map 14 .4 The Luba Kingdom, ca. 1400 328
ca. 650 BCE- 600 CE 125 Map 14 .5 West African States, 600- 1450 330
Map 6.2 Villages and Settlements in Sub·Saharan Map 15.1 North America and Mesoamerica,
Africa, 600 BCE- 600 CE 129 ca. 1100 340
Map 6.3 Mayan Civi lization, ca. 200 BCE- 800 CE 132 Map 15.2 Trwanaku and Wari, ca. 1000 343
Map 6.4 Teotihuacan, ca. 100 CE- 500 CE 138 Map 15.3 The Aztec Empire, ca. 1520 346
Map 6.5 Andean Centers, 600 BCE-600 CE 140 Map 15.4 The Inca Empire, ca. 1525 348
Map 7.1 Achaemenid Persian Empire 147 Map 15.5 Tenochtitlan and the Mexican Basin 350
Map 7.2 Greece i n t he Sixth Century BCE 149 Map 16.1 Africa, the Mediterranean, and the Indian
Map 7.3a,b Alexander's Empire (a) and Successor Ocean, 1415-1498 361
Kingdoms after the Breakup of Map 16.2 The Ottoman Empire, 1307- 1683 367
Alexander·s Empire (b) 152 Map 16.3 Europe and the Mediterranean, ca. 1560 368
Map 7.4 The Plague of Justinian 156 Map 16.4 Ottoman- Portuguese Competition in the
Map 7.5 Nomadic Invasions and Barbarian Migrations Indian Ocean, 1536-1580 370
into the Roman Empire, 375-450 CE 158 Map 17.1 Centers of Learning in Europe,
Map 8.1 Northern India, ca. 400 BCE 171 1500- 1770 387
Map 8.2 The Mauryan Empire under Ashoka, Map 17.2 European Warfare, 1450-1750 392
273-231 BCE 173 Map 17.3 The Protestant Reformation, ca. 1580 395
Map 8.3 The Gupta Empire 175 Map 17.4 Europe in 1648 400
Map 8.4 The Spread of Buddhism to 600 CE 181 Map 17.5 The Expansion of Russia, 1462- 1795 402
Map 8.5 Asian Trade Routes, ca. 100 CE 185 Map 18.1 The European Exploration of the Americas,
Map 9.1 The Qin Empire 195 1519- 1542 4 10
Map 9.2 The Han Empire 197 Map 18.2 The Colonization of Central and South America
Map 9.3 China in 589 CE 200 to 1750 4 13
Map 9.4 Industry and Commerce under the Han 202 Map 18.3 The Colonization of North
Map 9.5 The Si lk Road, ca. 150 CE 204 America to 1763 4 17
Map 10.1 Arab Conquests to 750 218 Map 18.4 The Columbian Exchange 421

xvi
Studying with Maps
MAPS
World history cannot be fully understood wit hout a clear comprehension of the c hronologies and
parameters within wh ich different empires, states, and peoples have changed over time. Maps
facilitate t his understanding by illuminat ing the significance of time, space, and geography in
shaping the patterns of world history.

Global L o c a t o r - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ~
Many of the maps in Patterns of World History
include global locators that show the area being
depicted in a larger context.

Projection - - - - - - - - --,----:--fii;;;.;f)-'7~::::::::t:;~;:-,i
A map projection portrays all or part of t he earth, E "--',..,

which is spherical, on a flat surface. All maps,

t herefore, include some distortion. The projec-
t ions in Patterns of World History show the earth
at global, cont inent al, regional, and local scales.
Arna ()n

Topography - - - - - - --+- - --=.:i!ip~ ~~ 8 0 1 ' 11

Many maps in Patterns of World History show ;_~----f----"~--1

relief-the cont ours of the land. Topography is an
important element in studying maps, because the
physical terrain has played a crit ical role in shap-
ing human history.
P AC/F l
....N
Scale Bar ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+-~~~~~~

Every map in Patterns of World History includes

a scale that shows distances in bot h miles and •••
kilometers, and in some instances, in feet as wel l. Om,l u
"' .,.
Map Key --------------i rlh; : e~l~n:,:.=;E
:.~,l:,.: --:: ca:.-~l~S:;2-;S-;c::.:----i "
Maps use symbols to show the location of fea-

-
I n.'.11 cxpuuion

To 14311
t ures and to convey information. Each symbol is
I ii Undn l'll,h"""ti. ldS-146.\
explained in the map's key. Undn PllchKttti and TupK
D Yup;mqui, 146~1,lil

B
Under Tu.p:u: \'upan,qui. 1471- 1,19}
Undn Hua>•11,;1, C:lp11c. 1·193- ISl.5

One map in each chapter is accompanied by an

- lmp,:ria.l bou.11d11ry
Bou..n<l11ry bi'ho,~n t~ fout qu11rto:r~
,>( th(, ~111piri'
icon that indicates that the map can be analyzed Int.. r.:xtd
O Jrnph ial <api11;1l
in an interactive fash ion (see pages xxi ii-xxiv).
o M1jo1 Inca adt11inisira1il't<n'ltt1 NTI NA
PERU Modhl'l·d&y COUtHry

xvii
Preface
T
he response to the first two editions of Pat-
terns of World History has been extraordi-
narily gratifying to those of us involved in its
development. The diversity of schools t hat have ad-
opted t he book-co1nn1unity colleges as well as state
universities; s1nall liberal arts schools as well as large
private universities-suggests to us that its central
pren1ise of exploring patterns in ,vorld history is both
adaptable to a variety of pedagogical environments
and congenial t o a wide body of instructors. Indeed,
from the responses to t he book we have received thus
far, we expect that the level of writing, t in1eliness and
con1pleteness of the n1aterial, and analytical approach
will serve it well as the discipline ofworld history con-
tinues to ,nature. These key strengths are enhanced in
the third edition of Patterns by constructive, dyna1nic
suggest ions fron1 t he broad range of students and in-
structors ,vho are using the book.
It is widely agreed that world history is 1nore than
sin1ply t he sun1 of all national histories. Like,vise, Pat-
terns of World History, Third Edition, is n1ore t han an
unbroken sequence of dates, battles, rulers, and thei r
activities, and it is n1ore than t he study of isolated
stories of change over t in1e. Rather, in this textbook
we endeavor t o present in a clear and engaging way
how world history "works." Instead of 1nerely offering
a narrat ive history of the appearance of this or that
innovation, we present an analysis of t he process by
which an innovation in one pa rt of the world is dif-
fused and carried to the rest of the globe. Instead of
focusing on t he 1nen1orizat ion of people, places, and
events, we st rive to present in1portant facts i n context
and dra,v 1neaningful connect ions, analyzing what-
ever patter ns we find and drawing conclusions ,vhere
we can. In short, ,ve seek to examine the interlocking
n1echanisms and anin1at ing forces of world history,
without neglect ing t he human agency behind them.
The Patterns Approach
Our approach in this book is, as t he t itle suggests, to
look for patterns in world history. We should say at t he
outset that we do not 1nean to select certain categories
into which we atten1pt to stuff the historical events ,ve
xviii
choose to e1nphasize, nor do we clain1 that all world
history is reducible to such patterns, nor do ,ve 1nean
to suggest t hat the nature of the patterns determines
the outcome of historical events. We see then1 instead
as broad, flexible organizational frameworks around
which to build t he structure of a world history in such
a way that t he enorn1ous sweep and content of the past
can be vie,ved in a con1prehensible narrative, with
sound analysis and ample scope for debate and discus-
sion. In this sense, we view then1 much like t he arma-
tures in clay sculpt ures, giving support and struct ure
to t he final figure but not necessarily preordaining its
ultimate shape.
Fro1n its origins, human culture grew t hrough
interactions and adaptat ions on all t he cont inents
except Antarctica. A voluminous scholarship on all re-
gions of t he world has thus been accumulated, which
those ,vorking in t he field have to attempt to master
if t heir explanat ions and argu1nents are to sound even
ren1otely persuasive. The sheer volume and con1plex-
ity of the sources, however, mean t hat even the kno,vl-
edge and expertise of the best scholars are going to be
inco1nplete. Moreover, t he hu1nilitywith which all his-
torians n1ust approach their material contains within
it the realization t hat no historical explanation is ever
fully sat isfactory or final: As a driving force in the his-
torical process, creat ive human agency n1oves events
in directions that are never fully predictable, even if
they follo,v broad patterns. Learning to discern pat-
terns in t his process not only helps novice historians
to appreciate the complex challenges (and re,vards)
of historical inquiry; it also develops crit ical thinking
abilities in all students.
As ,ve 1nove through the second decade of t he
twenty-first centu ry, ,vorld historians have long since
left behind the "West plus the rest" approach that
1narked the field 's early years, toget her with econo1nic
and geographical reductionisn1, in the search for a new
balance behveen comprehensive cultural and institu-
tional exa1ninations on the one hand and those high-
light ing human agency on the other. All too often,
however, this is reflected in texts that seek broad cov-
erage at the expense of analysis, thus resulting in a kind
of"world history lite." Ou r aim is therefore to sin1plify

the study of the world-to make it accessible to t he
student-without n1aking,vorld history itselfsimplistic.
Patterns of World History proposes the teaching of
world history from the perspect ive of t he relationship
between continuity and change. What ,ve advocate in
this book is a distinct intellectual fran1e,vork for t his
relat ionship and the role of innovation and historical
change through patter ns of origins, interactions, and
adaptat ions. Each sn1all or large technical or cultural
innovation originated in one geographical center or in-
dependently in several different centers. As people in
the centers interacted wit h thei r neighbors, the neigh-
bors adapted t o, and in 1nany cases were transforn1ed
by, the innovations. By "adaptation" we include t he
enti re spectrun1 of hun1an responses, ranging fron1
outright rejection to creative borrowing and, at times,
forced acceptance.
Sn1all technical innovations often went through the
pattern of origin, interaction, and adaptation across t he
world ,vithout arousing 1nuch attention, even though
they had major consequences. For example, the horse
colla r, which originated in the last centuries BCE in
China and allowed for the replacement of oxen ,vith
stronger horses, gradually improved the productiv-
ity of agriculture in eleventh-cent ury western Europe.
More sweeping intellectual-cultural innovations, by
cont rast, such as t he spread of universal religions like
Buddhisn1, Christianity, and Islan1 and the rise of
science, have often had profound consequences-in
some cases leading to conflicts lasting cent uries-and
affect us even today.
Son1etin1es change was effected by commodities
that to us seen1 rather ordinary. Take sugar, for ex-
ample: It originated in Southeast Asia and ,vas traded
and grown in the Mediterranean, where its cultivation
on plantations created t he model for expansion into
the vast slave system of the Atlantic basin fron1 t he fif-
teenth through t he nineteenth centuries, forever alter-
ing the histories of four cont inents. What ,vould our
diets look like today without sugar? Its history contin-
ues to unfold as we debate its n1erits and health risks
and it supports huge multinational agribusinesses.
O r take a n1ore obscure commodity: opium. Opiun1
had been used n1edicinally for centuries in regions all
over the world. But the advent of t obacco t raded fron1
the An1ericas to the Philippines t o China, and t he en-
courage1nent of Dutch traders in t he region, created an
environn1ent i n which the drug was sn1oked for t he
Preface xix
first tin1e. Enterprising rogue British 1nerchants, eager
to find a way to crack closed Chinese markets for other
goods, began to smuggle it in fron1 India. The 1narket
grew, the price ,vent do,vn, addict ion spread, and Brit-
ain and China ultimately ,vent to war over China's
atte1npts to elin1inate the traffic. Here, we have an
example of an ite1n generating interactions on a world-
wide scale, with in1pacts on everything fro,n politics
to economics, culture, and even t he environment. The
legacies of the trade still weigh heavily on two of the
rising powers of the recent decades: China and India.
And opium and its derivatives, like n1orphine and
heroin, continue to bring relief as well as suffering on a
colossal scale to hund reds of n1illions of people.
What, t hen, do we gain by studying world history
through the use of such patterns? First, if ,ve consider
innovation to be a driving force of history, it helps to
sat isfy an intrinsic hun1an curiosity about origins-
ou r o,vn and ot hers. Perhaps n1ore in1portantly, seeing
patterns of various kinds in historical developn1ent
brings to light connections and linkages an1ong
peoples, cultures, and regions-as in the aforen1en-
tioned exan1ples-that m ight not otherwise present
then1selves.
Second, such patterns can also reveal differences
among cultures t hat other approaches to world his-
tory tend to neglect. For example, the differences
between the civilizations of the Eastern and Western
Hemispheres are generally highlighted in ,vorld his-
tory texts, but t he broad con1n1onalities of hu1nan
groups creat ing agriculturally based cities and states
in widely separated areas also show deep parallels in
their patterns of origins, interactions, and adaptations.
Such co1nparisons are at the center of ou r approach.
Third, this kind of analysis offers insights into how
an individual innovation was subsequently developed
and diffused across space and tin1e-that is, the patterns
by which the new eventually becomes a necessity in
ou r daily lives. Through all of this we gain a deeper ap-
preciation of t he unfolding of global history from its
origins in small, isolated areas to t he vast networks of
global interconnectedness in our present world.
Finally, our use of a broad-based understanding
of cont inuity, change, and innovat ion allo,vs us to re-
store culture in all its individual and inst itut ionalized
aspects-spiritual, artist ic, intellectual, scientific-
to its rightful place alongside technology, environ-
n1ent, polit ics, and socioeconomic conditions. That is,
xx Preface
understanding innovation in this ,vay allo,vs this text
to help illuminate t he full range of human ingenuity
over t in1e and space in a comprehensive, evenhanded,
and open-ended fashion.
Options for Teaching with
Patterns of World History
For the sake of continuity and to accom1nodate t he
n1any different ways schools divide t he midpoint of
their world history sequence, Chapters 15-18 overlap
in both volumes; in Volun1e 2, Chapter 15 is given as a
"prelude" t o Pa rt Four. Those using a t r imester systen1
will also find divisions n1ade in convenient places,
with Chapt er 10 con1ing at the beginning of Part Two
and Chapter 22 at t he beginning of Part Five.
Patterns of Change and
Six Periods of World History
Si1nilarly, Patterns is adaptable t o bot h chronologi-
cal and t hematic styles of instruction. We divide t he
history of the world int o six n1ajor t i1ne periods and
recognize for each period one or two main patterns
of innovation, their spread t hrough interact ion, and
their adopt ion by others. Obviously, lesser patterns
are ident ified as ,vell, many of which are of n1ore lin1-
ited regional int eractive and adaptive impact. We wish
to stress again that these are broad categories of analy-
sis and that there is nothing reductive or detern1inistic
in our aims or choices. Nevertheless, we believe t he
patterns we have chosen help to 1nake the historical
p rocess n1ore int elligible, providing a series of lenses
that can help to focus the ot herwise confusing facts
and dispa rat e det ails that comprise world history.
Part One (Prehistory-600 BCE): Origins of
human civilization-tool n1aking and sy1nbol
creating-in Africa as well as the origins of ag-
riculture, urbanism, and state fonnation in the
three agrarian centers of the Middle East, India,
and China.
Part Two (600 BCE-600 CE): Emergence of the
axial-age thinkers and their visions of a transcen-
dent god or first principle in Eurasia; elevation
of these visions to the status of state religions in
en1pires and kingdon1S, in the process forn1ing
multiethnic and n1ultilinguistic polities.
Part Three (600-1450): Disintegration of classi-
cal en1pires and forn1ation of religious civilizations
in Eurasia, with the e1nergence of religiously
unified regions divided by con1mon,vealths of
multiple states.
Part Four (1450-1750): Rise of new empires; in-
teraction, both hostile and peaceful, an1ong the
religious civilizations and ne,v empires across all
continents of the world. Origins of the New Sci-
ence in Europe, based on the use of n1athen1atics
for the investigation of nature.
Part Five (1750-1900): Origins of scientific-
industrial "modernity," sitnult aneous with the
en1ergence of constitutional and ethnic nation-
states, in the West (Europe and North America);
interaction of the West with Asia and Africa, re-
sulting in co1nplex adaptations, both coerced as
,vell as voluntary, on the part of the latter.
Part Six (1900-Present): Division ofearly Western
modernity into the three con1petingvisions: com-
munisn1, supre1nacist nationalisn1, and capitalism
After two horrific world \'lafS and the triumph of
nation-state forn1ation across the ,vorld, capitalis1n
ren1ains as the last surviving version of1nodernity.
Capitalism is then reinvigorated by the increasing
use of social networking tools, which popularizes
both "traditional" religious and cultural ideas and
constitutionalisn1 in authoritarian states.
Chapter Organization
and Structure
Each part of the book addresses the role of change and
innovation on a broad scale in a particular time and/
or region, and each chapter contains different levels of
explorat ion t o examine t he principal features of par-
ticular cultural or national areas and how each affects,
and is affected by, t he patterns of origins, interactions,
and adaptations:
Geography and the Environment: The relat ionship
behveen hu1nan beings and t he geography and
envi ron1nent of the places they inhabit is an1ong

t he most basic factors in understanding hu1nan
societ ies. In t his chapter segment, therefore, t he
t opics under investigation involve the natural en-
vironn1ent of a part icular region and the general
condit ions affecting change and innovation.
Clin1at ic condit ions, earthquakes, tsunan1is,
volcanic eruptions, out breaks of disease, and so
forth all have obvious effects on how hun1ans
react to the challenge of survival. The initial por-
t ions of chapters introducing new regions for
study t herefore include environmental and geo-
graphical overvie,,rs, ,,rhich are revisited and ex-
panded in later chapters as necessary. The larger
issues of ho,,r decisive the in1pact of geography
on t he develop1nent of human societies is-as
in t he commonly asked quest ion "Is geography
destiny?"-are also exan1ined here.
Political Developments: In this segment, we
ponder such questions as how rulers and their
supporters wield political and 1nilitary power.
Ho,,, do different political t raditions develop
i n different areas? How do states expand, and
,,rhy? How do different political arrangements
atten1pt to strike a balance between t he rulers
Features
and t he ruled? How and why are political in-
novations t ransmitted t o other societies? Why
do societ ies accept or reject such innovations
from the outside? Are there discernible patterns
i n t he development of kingdo1ns or en1pires or
nation-states?
Economic and Social Developments: The relation-
ship beh,reen econon1ics and t he structures and
,,rorkings of societies has long been regarded as
crucial by historians and social scientists. But
,,rhat patterns, if any, emerge in how t hese rela-
t ionships develop and function a1nong different
cultures? This segment explores such quest ions
as the following: What role does econo1nics play
in the dynamics of change and cont inuity? What,
for exan1ple, happens in agrarian societies when
merchant classes develop? How does t he accu-
mulation ofwealth lead to social hierarchy?What
forms do these hierarchies take? How do societ-
ies forn1ally and inforn1ally t ry to regulate wealth
and poverty? Ho,,r are economic conditions re-
flected in fan1ily life and gender relat ions? Are
t here patterns t hat reflect the varying social posi-
t ions of n1en and ,,romen that are characteristic
Preface xx:i
of certain economic and social inst itut ions? How
are these in turn affected by different cultural
practices?
Intellectual, Religious, and Cultural Aspects: Fi-
nally, we consider it vital to include an examina-
t ion dealing in son1e depth with the ,,ray people
understood their existence and life during each
period. Clearly, intellectual innovation-t he
generation of ne,,r ideas-lies at the heart of t he
changes we have singled out as pivotal in t he pat-
terns of origins, interact ions, and adaptat ions
t hat form the heart of this text. Beyond this,
t hose areas concerned wit h the search for and
construction of meaning-particularly religion,
t he arts, philosophy, and science-not only re-
flect shifting perspectives but also, in many cases,
play a leading role in determining the course of
events ,,rithin each forn1 of society. All of these
facets of intellectual life are in turn manifested in
new perspect ives and representations in t he cul-
tural life of a society.
Seeing P atterns/ Thinki ng Through Patter n s:
"Seei ng Patterns" and "Thinking Through Pat-
terns" use a quest ion-discussion forn1at in each
chapter to pose several broad questions ("Seeing
Patterns") as advance organizers for key t hemes,
,,rhich are then matched up ,,rith short essays at
t he end ("Thi nking Through Patterns") t hat ex-
a,nine these same questions in a sophisticated
yet st udent-friendly fashion.
P atter ns U p C lose: Since students frequently
apprehend n1acro-level patterns better when they
see their contours brought into sharper relief,
"Patterns Up Close" essays in each chapter high-
light a particular innovation t hat demonst rates
origins, interactions, and adaptations in action.
Spanning technological, social, polit ical, intel-
lectual, economic, and environmental develop-
ments, t he "Patterns Up Close" essays combine
text, visuals, and graphics to consider everything
fro,n t he pepper t rade t o the guillotine.
Against the Grain: These brief essays consider
counterpoints to the n1ain patterns exan1ined
in each chapter. Topics range fro,n visionaries
,,rho challenged dominant religious patterns, to
xxii Preface
,vomen ,vho resisted various forn1s of patriarchy,
to agitators who fought for social and economic
justice.
Ma rginal Glossary : To avoid the necessity of
having to flip pages back and forth, definitions
of key tenns are set di rectly in t he margin at t he
point ,vhere t hey are fi rst int roduced.
Today, n1ore than ever, students and instructors
are confronted by a vast welter of information on every
conceivable subject. Beyond t he ever-expanding print
n1edia, the Inte rnet and the Web have opened hith-
erto uni1naginable an1ounts of data to us. Despite
such unprecedented access, ho,vever, all of us are t oo
frequently ovenvheln1ed by this undifferentiated-
and all too often indigest ible- mass. No,vhere is t his
n1ore t rue t han in ,vorld history, by definition t he field
wit hin t he historical profession with the broadest scope.
Therefore, ,ve t hink that an effort at synthesis-of
na rrative and analysis structured around a dea r, ac-
cessible, ,videly applicable the1ne-is needed, an effort
that seeks to explain critical patterns of t he world's
past behind the billions of bits of informat ion acces-
sible at t he stroke of a key on a co1nputer keyboard.
We hope this text, in tracing the lines of t ransforma-
t ive ideas and t hings that left t heir patterns deeply in1-
p rinted into t he canvas of world history, will provide
such a synthesis.
Changes to the New Edition
S trea mlin ed nar r ative To facilitate accessibility,
,ve have shortened the text by approxin1ately
25 percent for t his Brief Edition. This reduc-
tion has not con1e at the expense of discardi ng
essential t opics. Instead, ,ve h ave tightened the
na rrative, focusing even more on key concepts
and (,vith the guidance of revie,vers) discarding
ext raneous exa mples. We a re p rofoundly grate-
ful to the reviewers who pointed out errors and
conceptual short co1nings. Factual accu racy and
tenninological precision are ext ren1ely itnpor-
tant to us.
U pdated sch olarsh ip All chapters were revised and
updated, in accordance with recent develop-
ments and ne,v scholarship. Here is a chapter-by-
chapter overview t hat highlights t he changes ,ve
made in the third edit ion:
P ar t O n e Chapter 1 includes three 1najor
changes: a discussion of t he ne,v stone tool finds
i n Kenya, dated to 3.3 million years ago; revi-
sions to ou r understanding of the Neandert hals,
on t he basis of t he new Bruniquel Cave finds;
and revisions to our understanding of the human
settlement of the An1e ricas, resulting from new
genetic studies (2015-2016). Chapter 2 clari-
fies the concept ual t ransit ion from nature spi ri-
t uality to ,vhat is co1nn1only called polyt heisn1.
Chapter 3 updates t he 1naterial on ancient India
and Harappans, and t he "Patterns Up Close" i n
Chapter 5 adds t he results of a new 2016 genetic
study on corn.
P art Two The t itle of Chapter 7 has been changed
t o "Interaction and Adaptation in Western Eu r-
asia: Persia, Greece, and Ron1e" to more emphat-
ically show the interactions a1nong t hese cultu ral
zones. Chapter 8 contains a revised section on
Jainism, and Chapter 9 adds a survey of the con-
tempora ry debate about the "Han Synt hesis."
P art Three Chapter 10 offers clearer discussions
of the Arab conquests of the Middle East, North
Africa, and Iberia during t he 600s and early 700s
as well as of the composit ion of Isla1nic salvation
history in t he 800s, including t he biography of
t he Prophet Muham1nad. The coverage of Byz-
antiun1 has been itnproved wit h a discussion of
iconoclasm and t he split between Catholicisn1
and Greek Orthodoxy in 105 4. Chapter 12 fo-
cuses more st rongly on the Mongol interval
and adds specificity t o the discussion of Neo-
Confucian philosophy. The new chapter sub-
t itle, "Contrasting Patterns in India and China,"
reflects t hese changes.
P art Four In Chapter 17 we eli minated consid-
erable detail fron1 the presentat ion of the Eu ro-
pean religious wars and broadened the focus in
t he English case to include the War of the Th ree
Kingdo1ns. Chapter 2 1 updates the discussion
of the Chinese rural econo1ny and the debate
about the High Level Equilibrium T rap. It also
i mproves t he discussion of Qjng concepts of n1ul-
t icultural empire.
P art Five In Chapter 22 the basic concepts of
m ode rn nat ionalis1n are reforn1ulated: We now
dist inguish between t he patterns of constitu-
t ionalism and ethnic nationalisn1 as keys for t he

understanding of political modernity. In addi-
t ion, the process of Italian ethnic nationalist uni-
ficat ion is presented more clearly. Chapter 23 is
co1npletely reorganized, emphasizing in addition
t he significance of the Paraguayan War of 1864-
1870. In Chapter 24, the role of the Hakkas in
t he Taiping n1ovement is described more clearly.
Chapter 26 emphasizes the importance of t he
stean1 engine in the Industrial Revolution more
strongly and reconceptualizes the nineteenth-
century class structure in the en1erging industrial
societies. Chapter 27 defines 1nore sharply t he
pattern of the Ne,v In1perialis1n during t he nine-
teenth century.
Part Six Chapter 29 updates the "Patterns Up
Close" feature on the Non-Aligned Movement. In
Chapter 30 we shortened t he text so as to create
roon1 for an improved coverage of the Lebanese
civil ,var, t he Iranian Islan1ic Revolution, the US
Vietnam War, and the Brazilian economic 1nira-
cle. In Chapter 31, ,ve similarly re1noved text and
replaced it ,vith paragraphs on the travails of t he
Arab Spring, thene,v1nilitaryregimeinEgypt, the
"Islamic State" of Iraq and Syr ia, the failed coup
d 'etat in Turkey, as ,veil as the ne,v populist anti-
globalism, complete with "Brexit" in Europe and
Donald]. Tru1np's electoral victory in the United
States. The "Patterns Up Close" essay on infor-
mation technology was updated to include IT's
misuse by terrorists.
Ensuring Student Success
Oxford University Press offers instructors and stu-
dents a co1nprehensive ancillary package for qualified
adopters.
D ashboard: Silnple, inforn1at ive, and n1obile,
Dashboard is an online lea rning and assessment
platform tailored to your text book that delivers
a sin1ple, infonnative, and n1obile experience for
professors and students. It offers quality content
and tools to track student progress in an intui-
t ive, web-based learning environ1nent; features
a strea1nlined interface that connects students
and instructors with the most ilnportant course
functions; and simplifies the learning experience
Preface xxiii
to save t in1e and put student progress fi rst. Dash-
board for Patterns of World History, Third Edi-
t ion, includes:
An en1bedded e-book that integrates 1nultin1edia
content, providing a dynan1ic learning space for
both students and inst ructors. Each chapter in
Patterns of World History includes:
•
~ i
image analysis docu1nent analysis
•
~
I>
n1ap analysis, Many chapters also
interact ive t i1nelines, include video analysis
and interactive
concept ,naps
•
c:J >))
audio flashcards
Three sets of quizzes per chapter for bot h low
stakes and high stakes testing. The quizzes are
aligned according to Bloon1's Taxono1ny: quiz
1 tests basic concepts and tenninologies; quiz 2
provides questions t hat test both basic facts and
ability to apply concepts; quiz 3 tests ability to
evaluate and analyze key concepts.
The con1plete set of questions fro1n t he test bank
(1,500 questions), that provide for each chapter,
approxin1ately 40 n1ultiple-choice, short-ans,ver,
t rue-or-false, and fill-in-the-blank as ,veil as ap-
proxin1ately 10 essay questions.
An cillary Resou rce Center (ARC): This online
resource center, available to adopters of Patterns
ofWorld History, includes:
I ns tru ctor's Resource Manual: Includes, for
each chapter, a detailed chapter outline, sug-
gested lecture topics, learning objectives, map
quizzes, geography exercises, classroom activities,
"Patterns Up Close" activities, "Seeing Patterns
xxiv Preface
and Maki ng Co nnect ions" activit ies, "Against
the Grain" exercises, biographical sketches, and
suggested Web resources and digital n1edia files.
Also includes for each chapter approxim ately 40
1nultiple-choice, short-answer, t rue-or-false, and
fill-in-t he-blank as ,veil as approxin1ately 10 essay
questions.
O xford World H istory Video Library: Includes
short, h vo- to th ree-1ninute videos t hat offer over-
views of such key topics as t he the Golden Age of
Islam, Gengh is Khan, t he stea m engine, and the
atomic age.
PowerP oints : Includes Po,verPoint slides and
JPEG and PDF files for all the maps and photos
in t he text, an addit ional 400 map files fro,n The
Oxford Atlas of World History, and approxi mately
1,000 addit ional Po,verPoint-based slides from
OUP's I mage Bank Libra ry, organized by then1es
and t opics in ,vorld history.
Computer ized testbank: Includes approxi-
1nately 1,500 quest ions t hat can be custo1nized
by t he instructor.
Cou rse car t ridges: containing st udent and in-
st ruct or resources are available for t he m ost com-
1nonly used course m anagement syste1ns.
Additional Learning
Sources in Patterns of World H istory: Volum e 1:
To 1600 : Includes approxi mately 75 text and
visual sou rces in ,vorld history, organized by the
chapter organization of Patterns of World History.
Each source is accompanied by a headnote and
reading questions.
Sources in Patterns ofWorld History: Volu m e 2:
Since 1400: Includes approxin1ately 90 text and
visual sou rces in ,vorld history, organized by the
chapter organization of Patterns of World History.
Each source is accompanied by a headnote and
reading questions.
Mapping Patterns of World H istory, Volume 1:
To 1600: Includes approxi1nately 50 full-color
,naps, each accon1panied by a brief headnote,
as well as blank outline maps and Concept Map
exercises.
Mapping Patterns ofWorld H istory, Volume 2:
Since 14 00 : Includes approximately 50 full-color
maps, each accon1panied by a brief headnote,
as ,veil as blank outline ,naps and Concept Map
exercises.
N ow Playing: L earning World H istory Through
Film: Designed specifically to accon1pany Pat-
terns ofWorld History, t his free supplement exa m-
ines t hirty-two fil ms to sho,v how key t hemes in
world history play out in a variety of t in1e per iods
and contexts.
O p en Access Comp ani on Website (www.oup
.com/ u s/ vonsiver s): Includes quizzes, note-
taking guides, and flashcards.
E-book for Patterns ofWor ld H istory: E-books
of all the volumes, at a significant discount, are
available for purchase at ,vww.redshelf.com or
W\Vw.vitalsource.com.
Bundling Options
Patterns of World History can be bundled at a signifi-
cant discount ,vith any of t he titles in t he popular
Very Short Introductions, World in a Life, or Oxford
World's Classics series, as well as other titles from
t he Higher Education division ,vorld history catalog
(www.oup.con1/ us/catalog/ he) . Please contact your
OUP representat ive for details.
Acknowledgments
Throughout the course of writing, revising, and p re-
paring Patterns of World History for publicat ion we
have benefited fro,n t he guidance and professionalism
accorded us by all levels of t he staff at Oxford Univer-
sity Press. John Challice, vice president and publisher,
had faith in the inherent worth of ou r project fron1 the
outset and provided the initial impetus to ,nave for-
ward. Meg Botteon guided us t hrough t he revisions
and added a final polish, often helping us with substan-
t ive suggest ions. Katherine Schnakenberg ca rried out
t he thankless task of assen1bling the m anuscript and
did so ,vith generosity and good cheer, helping us ,vit h
n1any details in the final 1nanuscript. Carrie C ron1p-
ton copyedited the manuscript with m eticulous atten-
t ion to detail, and Keith Faivre steered us through the
intr icacies of product ion with t he stoicistn of a saint.
Most of all, ,ve owe a special debt of gratitude to
Charles Cavaliere, our editor. Charles took on the
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 By a treaty with Muscovy in this year (1686) he gave
Treaty with up Kiow and Smolensko, which had been long in her
Muscovy.
possession, for a large indemnity, and obtained promises
of co-operation in his schemes of conquest. Posterity has blamed him
for these concessions; but in his time such was the national contempt
for the Muscovites that no danger was apprehended on their side.
His chances of success were excellent. The Emperor
Campaign of promised his aid on the side of Hungary; and a great
1686.
army of Muscovites was to push forward to the Black
Sea. After arranging his plans with the Imperial generals, John
assembled his forces at the Dniester, but he found all alike, officers
and men, indisposed to a campaign beyond the borders of Poland. But
he could not now draw back. He advanced through the deserts of
Moldavia to the Pruth, passing on his way the fatal spot where
Zolkiewski met with a hero’s death. Descending the river he entered
Yassy, the capital, on the 15th of August, and found that the hospodar
had fled with his troops, but had left provisions for the invading force,
thinking by this means to secure his immunity from punishment,
whatever might be the result of the campaign. After two days of rest
John pushed on towards the Black Sea. But the heat, the scarcity of
water, and the terrible solitude[125] broke the spirit of his army, and
suddenly the Tartars appeared in his front. News also arrived that the
Turks were within a march of him, and there was no sign either of
Muscovite or Austrian succours. Leopold had again deceived him, and
had profited by John’s demonstration to capture the city of Buda.
There was nothing left but to retreat, and this the king successfully
accomplished, through a most difficult country, in the face of the
enemy. The Tartars poisoned the rivers and springs, and set fire to the
vegetation, while searching clouds of dust and ashes distressed the
retiring Poles. At length they reached the frontiers of Poland; and the
only person who had reaped any benefit from their sufferings was the
Emperor Leopold.
In the following year a revolution at Constantinople,
Deposition ofprovoked by continued disasters, deprived Mahomet IV.
the Sultan.
of his throne; and had there been a complete accord
between the members of the Christian league, the Ottoman empire
might have tottered to its fall. No soldier of the Church had laboured
more steadily towards this end than John Sobieski; and if it was not
realised, the fault lay not with him but with his more powerful allies.
As his reign drew near its close, the internal disorders
Polish of his kingdom increased. The Emperor never ceased to
anarchy.
intrigue with the Lithuanian grandees against his faithful
ally, and the French party opposed him for this fidelity to the league.
The lesser nobility was devoted to him; but the Senate was now the
hotbed of faction. All the grandees wished for the end of his reign, the
French party because they disliked his policy, and the Lithuanians
because they hated his person. Besides this, every ambitious senator
looked to an interregnum as a means of realising his dreams of power.
In the Diet of Grodno in 1688 the king was assailed on
Diet of
Grodno. all sides. The senators[126] in the pay of France
clamoured for peace with the Porte; the Lithuanians, at a
hint from the Emperor, accused him of personal aims in his attempt
upon Moldavia. Before any subsidy could be voted the Diet was
dissolved by the veto; and when the king assembled a convocation he
met with the same stormy opposition. Hastily dismissing the assembly,
he submitted to a period of inaction; but he had the consolation of
finding, on a visit to Wilna in the same year, that even in the Grand
Duchy he was regarded by the people with admiration.
A fresh outburst from the French party occurred in the
John refuses same summer, when he refused to make peace with the
peace with
the Turks. Sultan, although he was offered the restoration of
Kaminiec. He had bound himself by oath never to make
a separate peace without the consent of his allies; but to keep strictly
to this article was detrimental to the republic, so sorely in need of
reforms, and he had abundant excuse for breaking it in the conduct of
the Emperor.
His scruples were not suggested by a desire for
Tries to further glory, or by a blindness to the true interests of
establish
hereditary Poland. His days of warfare were past for ever. He saw
succession. only too clearly the failure of the old constitution, and he
was anxious before his death to witness the
establishment of hereditary monarchy. In striving to have his son
declared his successor he was not actuated by merely selfish motives,
for when a subject he had held the same principles.[127] But the
grandees considered such a proposal as a direct infringement of their
privileges; and they were encouraged by Leopold, who found it his
interest to preserve Poland in a state of fermentation.
The king intended to ask this of the republic at the Diet
Affecting of Grodno; but his intention becoming known, he was
scene in the
senate. assailed with the utmost virulence in the senate. The
Grand Treasurer termed him despot, tyrant, and
destructor of the public liberty; a palatine spoke of him as the enemy of
his country. At length the king rose and addressed the senate. He
recalled the patriotism and services of his ancestors, and protested his
devotion to the cause of liberty. But he begged his hearers to pause,
and reflect on the consequences of intestine strife. “Oh, what will be
one day the sad surprise of posterity to see that at the summit of our
glory, when the name of Poland was filling the universe, we have
allowed our country to fall in ruins, to fall, alas! for ever! For myself I
have now and then gained you a few battles; but I confess myself
deprived of all power to save you. It only remains for me to resign, not
to destiny, for I am a Christian, but to the great and mighty God, the
future of my beloved country.... I seem to hear already resounding over
our heads the cry of the prophet: ‘Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be
destroyed.’ Your most illustrious Dominations know that I do not
believe in auguries. I do not search out oracles; I give no credence to
dreams; it is not an oracle, it is faith which teaches me that the
decrees of Providence cannot fail to be accomplished.”
During this prophetic speech the voice of the old king trembled with
emotion, and the senate was deeply touched. The primate knelt at the
foot of the throne, and assured him of the loyalty of Poland; and a cry
of assent arose from all present. The subsidies were voted by
acclamation; but it was only a transient gleam of concord. Next year
there were rumours of a conspiracy to dethrone the king;
Continued and amid the storms of the Diet a bishop named
disturbances.
Opalinski said to him haughtily, “Be equitable, or cease
to reign!” The insult was soon followed by an apology; but the tumult
continued in the assembly, and sabres were freely used before the
veto terminated the disgraceful scene.[128] The king felt
Intended
abdication of himself unable to cope with these terrible disorders, and
Sobieski. he instructed his chancellor to prepare an act of
abdication (1689); but the unfeigned sorrow of all
classes persuaded him to withdraw it. There was little improvement,
however, in the temper of future Diets; and the veto was employed as
freely as before.
John was not more happy in his domestic than in his
Discord in hispublic life. His imperious queen was ever his evil genius.
family.
Not content with diminishing his popularity by mixing too
freely in public affairs,[129] she sowed dissension round his own
fireside. The king evidently designed for his successor his eldest son
James; for, besides giving him a high command in the army, he
allowed him to sit by his side in the senate. But the queen favoured
Alexander, her second son, who was more handsome and popular[130]
than his brother, and her open partiality produced a fierce hatred
between the two brothers. When the Emperor, reminded of the value
of John’s friendship by the victories of Mustapha Köprili, gave the
Princess of Neuberg in marriage to Prince James[131] (1690), the
queen took a violent dislike to her daughter-in-law; and the family
breach was widened.
Next year the king took the field for the last time,
His last nominally to chastise the Tartars for an invasion in the
campaign, in
1691. winter, but really perhaps to escape the miseries of his
court. He took with him for the first time his son
Alexander, and this so exasperated Prince James that he threatened
to leave the country. The king told him that if he went he would take
with him a father’s curse, and he was persuaded to repent and ask
pardon for his violence. His father said openly that in the ensuing
campaign he should more easily get the better of the enemy than of
his own sons. He gained a victory at Pererita (August 6), and took a
few places in Moldavia, and then returned to his kingdom never to
leave it more.
He spent his last years in retirement, and seldom
His love of appeared in public except in the Diet. His palace of
retirement.
Willanow was his favourite residence, and from thence in
the summer he would roam from castle to castle, sometimes pitching
his tent, like his nomad forefathers, wherever a picturesque spot or a
noble landscape attracted his fancy. The queen would have preferred
the gaieties of Warsaw; but she followed him into his solitude, and took
care that balls, operas, and the other amusements of a court should be
going on around him.
His chief recreation now, as in his most difficult
His literary campaigns, was the study of the sciences. He complains
tastes.
to the queen, after the battle of Vienna, that with all his
love of reading he has not had a book in his hand for more than three
weeks.[132] When he read he always had a pencil in his hand, and his
marginal notes displayed uncommon powers of mind. Dr. South—no
mean judge—pronounces him to be “very opulently stored with all
polite and scholastical learning.” He was fond of writing Polish poetry,
and when his daughter Theresa married the Elector of Bavaria he
presented her with a copy of verses on the event.[133] Like many
others of the Slav race, he was an accomplished linguist. He could
converse with ease in six languages, including Latin,[134] and learnt
Spanish when he was past fifty. His delight was to assemble around
him cultivated men like Father Vota, the French Ambassador Cardinal
Polignac, and his physicians, Connor and Jonas, and to “set them very
artfully by the ears”[135] on some question of philosophy or natural
science.[136] Nor was theology forgotten. He used to give audiences to
the schismatic bishops, and listen patiently to their arguments for their
respective creeds.
Such a prince was of course an ardent patron of
Patron of learning. During his reign more books issued from the
learning.
Polish press than in the two centuries preceding; and his
liberal views led him to reprimand the Catholic clergy for not admitting
into their schools the philosophy of Descartes. The great
Spite of the nobles, many of them wholly unlettered, could not
nobles.
sympathise with these literary tastes, and they showed
their spite towards the king in various ways. On one occasion, when
illness kept him away from the Diet, the Sapiehas demanded that he
should be summoned to attend; and when their motion was lost, they
broke up the assembly with the veto. A Jew named Bethsal, who
collected his revenues, was condemned to death by the Diet on an
unproved charge of sacrilege,[137] and John could hardly prevail to
 save his life. Many imputed his love of retirement to
Charge of covetousness, and asserted that he laid up £100,000 a
covetousness
unproved. year for the benefit of his sons.[138] The accusation has
been often repeated, although his life abounds in
instances of his draining his private[139] coffers to serve a pressing
public need.
The disorders of the kingdom grew more frightful as John became
less able to restrain them. Street brawls between political parties had
always been of common occurrence, but the rioters now began to use
firearms,[140] and the king had to publish an edict prohibiting the
shedding of blood on pain of death. He often sent for the chief nobles,
and adjured them by the love of their country to aid him in restoring
order.[141] In 1695 the Tartars, tempted by Polish anarchy and by a
report of the king’s death, invaded Russia, and besieged Leopol; but
they disappeared as quickly as they had come on the approach of
Sobieski.
Reports of his death were common in Europe, partly
His feeble from his feeble health and partly from the interest which
health.
many sovereigns felt in the event.[142] He had long been
afflicted with dropsy; and a wound in his head, which he had received
long before in the Cossack war, now caused serious alarm.
The queen was most anxious that he should make his
Schemes of will, and she deputed her Chancellor, Bishop Zaluski, to
the queen.
make the proposal. The king received it with disfavour. “I
am surprised,” he said, “that a man of your sense and worth should
thus waste your time. Can you expect anything good of the times in
which we live? Look at the inundation of vice, the contagion of folly;
and should we believe in the execution of our last wishes? In life we
command and are not obeyed. Would it be otherwise in death?” Soon
after the queen entered, and read in the face of the bishop the failure
of her plan. Zaluski tells us that the next day the king complained
bitterly to him of the bodily sufferings brought on by a dose of mercury
which she had given him. His frame was shaken by convulsive sobs,
and he exclaimed wildly, “Will there be no one to avenge my death?”
This was probably only the raving of a distempered brain; but the
queen has never been exempt from suspicion, and her conduct after
his death only served to confirm it.
On the 17th of June, 1696, his seventy-second
His illness,
birthday,[143] he lay at Willanow in a state of dreadful
weakness. He asked the news from Warsaw, and was told that
multitudes were flocking to the churches to pray for his recovery. The
intelligence affected him deeply, and he passed the day in cheerful
conversation; but towards evening he was seized with an attack of
apoplexy.[144] The chief officers hastened to his chamber, and when he
awoke to a short interval of consciousness he showed how eager he
was to depart by pronouncing the words “Stava bene.”
And death. Soon afterwards, about sunset, he breathed his last, and
his death, like his birth, was followed by a sudden and frightful storm.
Only a few of the nobles welcomed his decease; the
Sorrow of the mass of the nation remembered his glory, and sincerely
nation.
mourned his loss. The Chancellor Zaluski thus
expresses the general sorrow: “With this Atlas has fallen, in my eyes at
least (may I prove a false prophet!), the republic itself. We seem not so
much to have lost him as to have descended with him into the tomb. At
least I have but too much cause to fear that it is all over with our
power. At this news the grief is universal. In the streets men accost
each other with tears, and those who do not weep are yet terrified at
the fate which is in store for us. Terror apart, what grief was ever more
natural? He is, perhaps, the first king in whose reign not one drop of
blood has been shed in reparation of his own wrongs. He had but one
single fault—he was not immortal.”
Amidst such heartfelt sorrow the behaviour of his
Quarrels of family alienated from them all public sympathy. Prince
his family.
James at first refused to admit the queen with the royal
corpse to the castle of Warsaw, and when at length he yielded, he
hurried away to Zolkiew to seize his father’s treasures. The queen
hastened after him to put in her claim, but he turned the cannon of that
fortress against her. Burning with indignation, she exerted all her
influence before she left the country[145] to destroy his chances of the
crown. Such was the magic of his father’s name that at first there was
a large party in his favour; but the family quarrels weakened and
dispersed it. The Austrian party elected Augustus of Saxony; and the
French party thought it necessary to protest by seizing the remains of
the late king. The Elector, resolved not to be out-manœuvred, erected
a cenotaph to the memory of John III.; and it was not till the next reign,
thirty-six years later, that his body received interment.[146]
The history of his three sons deserves a word of
His sons. remark. Charles XII., who as a boy was a devoted
admirer of John Sobieski,[147] invaded Poland in 1705, and would
have offered the crown to Prince James; but the prince, being then in
Germany with his brother Constantine, was seized by the Saxon
troops, and honourably confined at Leipsic; and, as his brother
Alexander nobly refused to profit by his misfortune, the opportunity
passed by. Alexander died at Rome as a capuchin, and his two
brothers resided in Poland on their estates. James Sobieski had two
daughters, of whom the younger, Maria Clementina, was married to
the Chevalier St. George, called the “Old Pretender,” and became the
mother of the unhappy Charles Edward.
The life and exploits of John Sobieski have in modern
Character of times scarcely received their due meed of attention.
John
Sobieski, Born in a country half civilized, half barbarous, whose
independence has now been completely effaced, his
glory has not proved so enduring as that of less remarkable men who
have figured on a more conspicuous stage. As general, as patriot, and
as Christian hero, he will bear comparison with the greatest names in
any age. No man ever won so many battles in the most
As general. desperate situations; no man ever achieved such deeds
with forces often insignificant and always unruly. His fertility of
resource was amazing; yet it was only equal to the swiftness of his
execution. His chief glory is that, unlike any other great conqueror, his
grandest triumphs were obtained in defensive warfare, and that all his
efforts were directed either to the salvation of his country or to the
honour of his religion. His individual greatness appears
As patriot. most striking in the ascendancy which he early acquired
in his own country. His frank and simple bearing, his noble mien, and
his stirring eloquence, enabled him, while he was still a subject, to
sway the minds and wills of his fellow-countrymen as if by an
irresistible charm. He laboured for the safety of Poland with a perfect
 singleness of aim; and when that was fully secured, he
As Christian strove with a like fixity of purpose for the destruction of
hero.
the Ottoman power. To us his crusading ardour may
seem to have been out of date, but we must remember that in the
seventeenth century the Turks still inspired a lively alarm, and that if at
the present day we regard them with pity or contempt, the first step
towards this change was accomplished by the sword of John Sobieski.
As a king, he is not entitled to the same high praise. In
As king. a land of peace and order he might have ranked as a
benefactor to his people, but in the home of licence and anarchy his
temper was too gentle and refined to employ the severity which was
needed. A king of Poland, if he was to heal the disorders of his realm,
must first have made himself feared; the natural temperament of
Sobieski made him prefer to be loved. Clemency and generous
forgiveness were parts of his disposition;[148] and the necessary result
upon his policy was that he resigned himself too easily to bear the
vexations which surrounded him. When he did act, his method was
most unwise; for in his principal attempt at reform—when he aimed at
establishing hereditary succession—he exposed himself to the charge
of a grasping self-interest.
But we cannot acquit him of deplorable weakness in
As head of the management of his own family. A hasty passion had
his family.
thrown him into the power of an unscrupulous and
despotic woman, and his uxorious fondness left her only too much
scope for the activity of her caprice. We have seen more than once
that he could oppose her when his duty seemed clearly marked out for
him; but, for the sake of his own peace, he allowed her to intermeddle
without ceasing in the affairs of Poland. The only result of his
indulgence was that very misery in his domestic circle which he had
sought to avoid. Of the charge against him of avarice we have already
spoken. His chivalrous enthusiasm and cultivated intelligence would
have gone far to disprove it, even if the treasure which he left behind
him had not been found to be only moderate.
His services to his country were extraordinary,
His great although he himself confessed that he could not arrest
services,
her fall. He found her at the opening of his career
plunged in civil strife and beset with foreign enemies; he left her at its
close with peace fully assured to her, and with her glory at its zenith.
Within two years of his death the peace of Carlowitz was signed with
the Turks, by which they renounced all claim to Kaminiec, Podolia, and
the Ukraine. The fruit of his victories was thus fully reaped; but his
efforts to revive commerce and to form an infantry among the serfs,
which would have been the first step to their emancipation, were never
afterwards renewed. A patriot life like his may be said to
Could only have tried the institutions of his country, and to have
retard the fall
of Poland. found them wanting. After seventy-five years of anarchy,
that dreaded Partition, which had been mooted in his
day [149] but which he had postponed for a hundred years, was at
length carried into effect. Austria, whom he had saved by his prowess,
Prussia, whom he had hoped to reunite to his country, Russia, whom
his ancestor[150] had laid at her feet—each took a share of the spoil.
No other patriot arose to save Poland from her rapid decline; and John
Sobieski may be called the last, as he was the greatest, of her
independent kings.

Oxford: A. Thomas Shrimpton and Son, 23 and 24, Broad

Street.
 FOOTNOTES:

[1] The burghers, however, were under a separate civil

jurisdiction. A tribunal for administering this foreign or Teutonic law
was established in 1347 in six principal towns.
[2] Poland in the seventeenth century measured 2600 miles in
circumference, while France measured only 2040.
[3] Cosmography, by Peter Heylin, published in 1648, reprinted
from his Microcosmus, published in 1621.
[4] Relatione di Polonia (1598), quoted by Ranke (App. No. 66
to his History of the Popes). The same Nuncio says the Poles
confessed to him that they preferred a weak monarch to an able
one.
[5] The whole of the country called Prussia once belonged to
Poland. Part of it, after being lost in the eleventh century,
eventually came into the hands of the Elector of Brandenburg,
who acknowledged the nominal suzerainty of Poland; the other
part—Polish Prussia—was not lost till the eighteenth century.
[6] See Dr. South’s letter to Dr. Edward Pococke, Hebrew
lecturer at Oxford, describing his travels in Poland. (p 71.) He
mentions that he had heard them make this remark: and it is
curious that his letter bears date Dec. 16th, 1677—six years
before the relief of Vienna.
[7] This is denied by Salvandy, Histoire du Roi Jean Sobieski,
vol. ii. p. 52, ed. 1876, though he has elsewhere admitted it by
implication (vol. i. p. 402-3).
[8] The generals had no seat in the Senate by virtue of their
office, but the king always made them palatines or castellans.
Daleyrac, Polish Manuscripts or Secret History of the reign of
John Sobieski, ch. i. p. 9.
[9] Daleyrac, ch. i. p. 34.
 [10] The first was simply “veto,” the second “veto, sisto
activitatem.”
[11] They were always prolonged, however, when public
business was pressing.
[12] This castellan ranked even above all the palatines, and
headed the Pospolite. The story is that in an important battle the
palatine of Cracow ran away, while the castellan stood his ground,
and their rank was thus reversed. (Coyer, Histoire de Sobieski, p.
69, 8vo ed.)
[13] The Abbé Coyer makes her his daughter; but he is wrong.
The daughter of Zolkiewski married into the family of Danilowicz,
and was the mother of Theophila. (Salvandy, vol. i. 145-147.)
[14] The disparity is said to have been much greater, but it is
necessary to bear in mind throughout the life of Sobieski that the
numbers of the combatants are uncertain, owing to the Polish
habit of exaggeration.
[15] Most historians (and Salvandy in his first edition, 1827)
follow Coyer in giving the date 1629. Salvandy gives no reason for
the change in his later editions; but Sobieski must have been
older than fourteen when he travelled in France; and it appears
that his manuscript favours the earlier date. Coyer is most
inaccurate until the campaign of Podhaic, where his original
authorities begin, and is untrustworthy afterwards.
[16] Russia, properly so called, was at this time a province of
Poland. The empire of the Czars was termed Muscovy.
[17] Sobieski himself was not free from this feeling. See the
collection of his letters by M. le Comte Plater (Letter xvii.).
[18] It was part of Dido’s dying speech:
“Exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor.”
Theophila is said to have shown her sons the hero’s shield
while repeating the Spartan injunction “with it or upon it.”
[19] Louise de Nevers. The Sobieskis were in France when the
embassy came to fetch her. She also married Casimir, the next
king.
[20] We find only the bare statement that they visited England
(Salvandy; Palmer, Memoirs of John Sobieski). It is possible the
civil war may have deterred them.
 [21] Of these only five were paid to the family of the murdered
man, the other five going to his lord.
[22] Commentariorum Chotimensis belli libri tres. Cracow,
1646.
[23] These were not broken during a march, differing in this
from the laager. See Daleyrac, ch. i. p. 24.
[24] It was not a feudal tenure, however, for the nobles did not
acknowledge any vassalage to the king. It was merely a bargain.
—Daleyrac, ch. i. p. 23.
[25] Dyer (Modern Europe, vol. iii. p. 42, ed. 1864) gives no
authority for his extraordinary statement that Wladislas entered
into an elaborate conspiracy with the Cossacks against his own
kingdom. Nothing could be more foreign to his character.
[26] Coyer makes Mark Sobieski die four years earlier, but his
account of the Cossack war is so confused, that it is difficult to tell
to what events he refers.
[27] He was descended from the elder branch of the house of
Vasa—that of his grandfather, John III. of Sweden. His father,
Sigismund III. of Poland, had by his Polish sympathies and
Catholic education, alienated the affections of the Swedes.
[28] The Polish regular army was so called because a fourth of
the royal revenues was employed to maintain them. Salvandy, i.
p. 404.
[29] Coyer, who is followed by other writers, says that Sobieski
was once a hostage with the khan of the Tartars at his own
request, and made him a steady friend of Poland.
[30] Frederic William, the founder of the greatness of the house
of Hohenzollern.
[31] He only carried the standard in the Pospolite; his office was
a high military command. Coyer makes this the reward of his
quelling the mutiny at Zborow, which seems most improbable.
[32] Daleyrac (ch. i. p. 28) represents the army as being at the
mercy of the Grand Treasurer, who frequently pocketed the
money.
[33] The mansion of a Polish noble was called his “court.”
[34] But he says she was then only thirty-three, and she was
certainly six years older. Louise de Nevers would not have taken
away to Poland a child of five years as part of her suite.
[35] Connor (Letters on Poland, Letter iv.) actually represents
that he was unwilling to marry her until tempted by a large dowry.
[36] A letter of Sobieski, describing this plan to his wife, who
was staying in France, was shown to Condé, who had no hope of
its success.
[37] He was tormented with remorse for marrying his brother’s
widow.
[38] Connor (Letter iii.) mentions having heard this from aged
Poles.
[39] He stayed till the diet of election was opened.
[40] The next king, though related to it, could hardly be said to
belong to it, as he was descended from Korybuth, uncle of
Jagellon.
[41] Connor, Letter iv.
[42] Begun by his duel with one of their clan in 1648.
[43] Married to Radziwill, the Croesus of Lithuania.
[44] The king bound himself by the pacta conventa not to marry
without the consent of the republic.
[45] See Daleyrac, chap. i. p. 39.
[46] A “seraskier” was a commander-in-chief, who received his
commission direct from the Grand Vizier.
[47] The chiefs of these principalities, now united under the
name of Roumania, had been offended at the insolence of the
seraskier, and their troops, being Christians, disliked serving
under the Turks.
[48] History of the Grand Viziers, Mahomet and Ashmet
Cuprogli, by F. de Chassepol; Englished by John Evelyn, junior,
published 1677. See bk. iv.
[49] Salvandy (i. 419) says Hussein was cut down by Prince
Radziwill; but most accounts agree that he escaped and died of
his wounds at Kaminiec.
[50] Coyer appears to have first made this statement. It would
be interesting to know his authority. His mainstay, Familiar Letters
of the Chancellor Zaluski, does not support him.
 [51] Coyer says that the Polish army, on their way to Kotzim,
met this envoy.
[52] Letter 329. “La victoire du Grand Maréchal est si grand
qu’on ne doute point qu’il ne soit élu roi.” She does not however
know much about Sobieski, for a little later (Letter 333) she
represents him as of a different religion from the nation.
[53] Connor, who is evidently repeating the gossip of the king’s
reign, says that he “worked underhand for himself.”
[54] Salvandy enumerates them (i. 430), but it can hardly be
supposed that they all sent envoys. Among them were the Duke
of York and his son-in-law, the Prince of Orange.
[55] Coyer says that Michael Paz, in the council of war after the
battle of Kotzim, burst out with this as a condition of his supporting
any candidate.
[56] Dr. South describes him as follows: “He is a tall, corpulent
prince, large-faced, and full eyes, and goes always in the same
dress with his subjects, with his hair cut round about his ears like
a Monk, and wears a fur cap, extraordinarily rich with diamonds
and jewels, large whiskers, and no neck-cloth.”—Letter to Dr.
Pococke, p. 5.
[57] Czartoryski, Archbishop of Guesna, had died suddenly at a
banquet given by Sobieski.
[58] Three contemporary authorities give this eloquent speech
in extenso; and the language which is common to all of them, and
which is here quoted, enables us to understand its electrical effect
upon the audience.
[59] This generally occurred on Church lands, for nobles could
make themselves heard against the general in the Diet. Daleyrac
(chap. i. p. 12) says that he had heard of these officers making
6,000 francs by bribes.
[60] No queen of Poland was entitled to any allowance from the
republic (or pension in case of widowhood) without having been
crowned.
[61] Daleyrac (ch. i. p. 11) says that the Lithuanians are a worse
scourge to the country than the Tartars. We shall find them as
barbarous to the friendly people of Hungary.
[62] Coyer makes the astounding mistake of stating that Köprili
died in 1674, and was succeeded in the command in Poland by
Kara Mustapha. (pp. 210, 216, 8vo ed.)
[63] The account followed by Salvandy (ii. 29) represents the
whole Turkish army, nearly 200,000 strong, as having been
present. Coyer, following Zaluski, gives the account in the text.
[64] He had been previously received by John in the camp at
Leopol. The German name for that town is Lemberg.
[65] He died of apoplexy on receiving the intelligence.
[66] Daleyrac (ch. i. 22). The infantry formed the rear guard,
and when composed of Cossacks, were useful in a dangerous
retreat.
[67] The regular army, called “Komport,” or sometimes
“Quartians,” was supposed to consist of 48,000 men, of which
12,000 were Lithuanians; but it hardly ever reached this amount.
(Daleyrac, ch. i.)
[68] This was a most valuable addition to his revenue.
[69] Coyer says that the Muscovites were advancing into
Poland to the king’s relief, but this seems improbable.
[70] Coyer implies that the condition was refused, Ibrahim
scornfully remarking that the Greeks, who then held the holy
places, were Christians as well as the Latins.
[71] Letter 537. “La paix de Pologne est faite, mais
romanesquement. Ce héros, à la tête de quinze mille hommes,
entourés de deux cent mille, les a forcés, l’épée à la main, à
signer la traité. Il s’était campé si avantageusement que depuis La
Calprenède on n’avait rien vu de pareil.”
[72] The expedition was made and failed ignominiously.
[73] Palmer, Memoirs of Sobieski. See also Biographie
Universelle, art. “Hevelius.”
[74] Bourbon l’Archambault, in the department of Allier.
[75] He alleged as his reason the poverty of the marquis. Some
scandal was caused by the attempt of the French queen to secure
this honour for a certain Brisacier, her attendant, who represented
himself as the natural son of Sobieski during his visit to France.
John could not remember the circumstances, and the French
queen afterwards denied that she wrote to him upon the subject.
The affair was never explained.
 [76] In which he summoned the Diet and enumerated the
agenda.
[77] Oratio principis Radziwill ad Imperatorem.
[78] The Diet afterwards sent succours to the relief of Vienna,
and the electors of Bavaria and Saxony each commanded a
contingent.
[79] Daleyrac, Preface to Polish Manuscripts.
[80] Daleyrac, ch. ii. p. 44.
[81] Salvandy (ii. 161) says that in August Leopold offered to
cede him the kingdom of Hungary, and to guarantee the
succession to his family, and that John answered that he wished
for no other reward but the glory of deserving well of God and
man. The offer, if made, could not have been bona fide.
[82] This is the estimate of Sobieski himself in his famous letter
to the queen after the battle. He bases it on the number of tents,
which he places at nearly 100,000. Daleyrac says that a list was
found in the Grand Vizier’s tent, which gave the number of the
Turks alone as 191,800.
[83] Daleyrac tells an amusing story of the way in which these
Cossacks brought in their prisoners. The king offered a reward to
those who could catch him a “Tongue” whom he could cross-
examine. A Cossack brought a prisoner to the king’s tent, flung
him on the ground like a sack, and went away without a word.
Shortly afterwards he came back, and putting his head into the
tent, said, “John, they have paid me the money; God restore it
thee! Good-night!”
[84] “The siege of Vienna had given terror to all Europe, and the
utmost reproch to the French, who ’tis believed brought in the
Turks for diversion that the French king might the more easily
swallow Flanders, and pursue his unjust conquests upon the
empire, while we sat unconcerned and under a deadly charm from
somebody.”—Evelyn’s Diary, September 23rd, 1683.
[85] Letter of the Emperor to the King of Poland from Passau,
August 24th.
[86] A grand subscription was being raised in Rome. Cardinal
Barberini alone gave 20,000 florins.
[87] Daleyrac, chap. i. p. 21, and Salvandy.
 [88] Published by N. A. Salvandy; translated by M. le Comte
Plater. Paris, 1826.
[89] Salvandy, ii. pp. 173, 174, quoted in Foreign Quarterly
Review, No. xiv. vol. vii.
[90] He begins every letter to her, “Seule joie de mon âme,
charmante et bien-aimée Mariette!” He calls himself her faithful
and devoted Celadon, and reminds her that it would soon be her
turn to become the wooer. Yet he was fifty-nine years old, and she
was probably forty-eight.
[91] His army probably did not know of it; but Daleyrac says he
had the news from a spy. It is inconceivable that he should not
have employed a few scouts.
[92] His order of battle given in Coyer (pp. 316-318), in which
the Duke of Lorraine commanded the centre, was written previous
to the ascent of the Kahlemberg.
[93] Salvandy (ii. 190) says that at this moment there was an
eclipse of the moon, which increased the panic; but Daleyrac,
whose account he follows in other respects, does not mention it.
[94] Sobieski relates these particulars in Letter ix.
[95] Daleyrac (ii. 41). This information he had from some
captive Turks.
[96] He added that he had travelled for four leagues over
Turkish corpses. Unfortunately for the credibility of his tale, his
journey to Rome lay in the direction opposite to the field of battle.
[97] Annales de l’Empire. He states the Polish loss at 200.
[98] This is the number given by the French official gazette at
the time.
[99] Yet, when shortly afterwards an official at court was
presented with a sword of Sobieski, the interest excited was
intense, and engravings were taken of it. Salvandy (ii. 420) says
that the sword of Sobieski was the cherished possession of
Napoleon at St. Helena. A French prelate was author of the witty
distich:

Dignior imperio numne Austrius? anne Polonus?

Odrysias acies hic fugat, ille fugit.
 [100] “Votre Majesté s’est montrée digne non seulement de la
couronne de Pologne, mais de celle de l’univers. L’empire du
monde vous serait dû, si le ciel l’eût reservé à un seul potentat.”
[101] Constantine Wiesnowiesçki, cousin of the late king
Michael, the Emperor’s brother-in-law.
[102] Prince Eugène, who was present, says, “N’étant pas fait
encore aux manières allemandes je m’amusai beaucoup de la
fiére entrevue de l’empereur avec le roi de Pologne.” Sa vie écrite
par lui même. Paris, 1810.
[103] Letter x.
[104] Letter xii.
[105] Letter xv.
[106] “Si namque ad clangorem memoratae victoriae vel levis
armorum terra marique succedat ostentatio, procul dubio gemens
sub Tyrannide Grecia ac ipsa Constantinopolis perfido
recalcitraret domino, suasque respiceret origines.... Forte
Mahometanum Imperium ad sua devolvatur principia, et ubi satis
in altum surrexerit lapsu graviori ruat.”—Letter of Sobieski from
Vizier’s tent, September 13.
[107] Voltaire, Annales de l’Empire. Curiously enough,
Sobieski, in Letter x. (September 17), after mentioning Hannibal’s
inaction after his victory, says, “To-day we know well how to profit
by ours.”
[108] Letter x.
[109] Letter xi.
[110] Chèvremont (L’état actuel de Pologne, 12mo, 1702) talks
of the “vile et mesquin empressement,” which he showed by this
act. He constantly speaks of him as “ce roi avare.” As
Chèvremont was secretary to the Duke of Lorraine, it is to be
feared that the latter was not satisfied with his share of the spoil.
[111] A kind of dysentery, called the Hungarian fever.
[112] Letters xx. xxi.
[113] Letter xvii.
[114] Letter xvi. Coyer, who had never seen this letter, takes up
his favourite theme of a king pursuing selfish glory; and Coxe
(House of Austria, ii. 449) countenances the idea.
 [115] Letter xvii.
[116] This, as Coyer says, was most discreditable to the
Christians. But Sobieski explains that the Turks had “made no
prisoners” two days before, and that the sight of the bleeding
heads of Poles upon the rampart of the fort maddened his troops.
[117] Letter xix.
[118] Letter xxi. The king notices in the same place that the
Turks called him their executioner on account of the number of
men which his victories had cost them.
[119] Quoted by Salvandy, ii. 282-284.
[120] Letter xxix.
[121] This we learn from a letter of Sobieski to the Pope, dated
from Javarow, August 15th, 1684. Having 60,000 men (two-thirds
of them Cossacks), he started with large hopes. “Me ad Turcarum
regiam [illos] ducturum.... Liberator Orientis rediturus vel pro
Christi fide moriturus.” Sooner than give up the crusade, he
announced that he would resign the crown “tamquam ut
humillimus miles vitam in Hungaricis agminibus funderem.”
[122] Said to have been the same Paz with whom he fought a
duel in his youth.
[123] A letter of the king to Jablonowski after this defeat, in
which he gently complains of his coldness, shows his character in
a most amiable light. “Whether I have merited your indifference or
not, come promptly to dissipate the cloud which has covered our
intimate friendship, and believe that your presence will be more
efficacious towards my speedy recovery than all the art of my
physicians.”
[124] Chèvremont (p. 116) says that both she and the king
received bribes from France, but as secretary to the Duke of
Lorraine he is an Austrian authority. He admits that even on the
morrow of the battle of Vienna the Emperor had no intention of
fulfilling this promise of the hand of the archduchess.
[125] The dangers of this expedition did not deter John from
antiquarian researches. Passing an ancient mound he ascended
it, and after examination pronounced it to be the work of
Decebalus, king of Dacia.
[126] All the orders of the realm sat together while the Diet
lasted.