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Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and experience
broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical treatment
may become necessary.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating
and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such
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Printed in China
To my wife, Robin Winkler Doroshow, MD, my classmate and greatest supporter, for her love, dedication, and commitment and
for the remarkable joy and caring she brings to her patients and to all around her. To my remarkable daughter, Deborah Doroshow,
MD, PhD, who is completing her training for a career in academic oncology; my fondest hope is that you will enjoy sharing with
and learning from those you help as much as I have. To my patients and colleagues at the City of Hope and the National Cancer
Institute who have all contributed so much of themselves to my continuing education as a physician and investigator, please accept
my appreciation and utmost gratitude.
JAMES H. DOROSHOW, MD
To my wife, Kathy, and my sons, Benjamin, Nathaniel, and Jonathan. You are the lights of my life. I also acknowledge all of my
mentors, colleagues, and patients, who have taught me so much. A special note of gratitude goes to Marty Abeloff, a mentor and an
inspiring role model for career and for life.
MICHAEL B. KASTAN, MD, PhD
To my wife, Laurie, who has been my soul mate for many years and has constantly reminded me of life’s priorities. To my family
including my daughters, Miriam and Abigail, and my grandchildren, Zekariah, Zohar, Samuel, Marcelo, Jonah, and Aurelio. They
have been an inspiration. To my many teachers through the years who have helped define and foster my professional career, but
especially Herman Suit and Eli Glatstein.
JOEL E. TEPPER, MD
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Memoriam
Martin D. Abeloff, a founding editor of Clinical Oncology, dedicated that would be as valuable to the practicing oncologist as to the primary
his life to caring for patients with cancer and to teaching his art to care physician and physicians-in-training. The first edition of Clinical
fellows, residents, and students. He was a brilliant and caring clinician, Oncology was published in 1995 to a gratifying response. It is now
an extremely effective leader, and a beloved mentor to many trainees established as a cornerstone reference for those caring for patients
and young faculty. with cancer.
Marty was born on April 4, 1942, in Shenandoah, Pennsylvania. He In the sixth edition, we continue Marty’s vision for an ever better,
received his BA from The Johns Hopkins University in 1963 and his unique, and accessible text so that future generations of oncologists
MD from The Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine in 1966. will remember his inspiration and leadership.
He spent the next year as an intern at the University of Chicago Hospitals The editors again dedicate this text, which is already a recognized
and Clinics. His legacy in medicine was established on his return to tangible aspect of his legacy in medicine, as a living memorial to him.
Baltimore in 1971 as a fellow in clinical oncology. He would spend the Abeloff ’s Clinical Oncology will continue to serve as a reminder to all
rest of his career at The Johns Hopkins Hospital, achieving the rank of its users of this extraordinary person and exemplary physician who
Professor of Medicine in 1990. At various times, he served as the fel- went before them.
lowship training program director, chief of medical oncology, clinical
director of the cancer center, oncologist in chief at The Johns Hopkins John E. Niederhuber, MD
Hospital, and in 1992, was appointed the second director of The Johns James O. Armitage, MD
Hopkins Oncology Center, later renamed, thanks to Marty’s efforts, the James H. Doroshow, MD
Sidney Kimmel Comprehensive Cancer Center. Michael B. Kastan, MD, PhD
It was during his time as cancer center director that Marty brought Joel E. Tepper, MD
to life the idea of a comprehensive, user-friendly textbook of oncology
vii
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Contributors
James L. Abbruzzese, MD, FACP, FASCO, DSc (hon) Dara L. Aisner, MD, PhD
Duke Cancer Institute Distinguished Professor of Medical Oncology Associate Professor of Pathology
Chief, Division of Medical Oncology, Department of Medicine CU Anschutz Medical Campus
Associate Director for Clinical Research, Duke Cancer Institute University of Colorado
Duke University Medical Center Aurora, Colorado
Durham, North Carolina
Michelle Alonso-Basanta, MD, PhD
Omar Abdel-Wahab, MD Helene Blum Assistant Professor
Associate Attending Department of Radiation Oncology
Department of Medicine University of Pennsylvania
Leukemia Service Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center
New York, New York Jesus Anampa, MD, MS
Assistant Professor
Ghassan K. Abou-Alfa, MD Department of Oncology
Attending Physician Montefiore Medical Center
Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center Albert Einstein College of Medicine
Professor of Medicine Bronx, New York
Weill Cornell Medicine
New York, New York Megan E. Anderson, MD
Assistant Professor
Janet L. Abrahm, MD Department of Orthopaedic Surgery
Professor of Medicine Harvard Medical School
Harvard Medical School Attending Orthopedic Surgeon
Member, Division of Palliative Care Department of Orthopedic Surgery
Psychosocial Oncology and Palliative Care Boston Children’s Hospital
Dana-Farber Cancer Institute Attending Orthopedic Surgeon
Boston, Massachusetts Department of Orthopedic Surgery
Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center
Jeffrey S. Abrams, MD Boston, Massachusetts
Associate Director, Cancer Therapy Evaluation Program
Division of Cancer Treatment and Diagnosis Emmanuel S. Antonarakis, MD
National Cancer Institute Associate Professor of Oncology
Rockville, Maryland Sidney Kimmel Comprehensive Cancer Center
Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine
Jeremy S. Abramson, MD, MMSc Baltimore, Maryland
Director, Center for Lymphoma
Hematology/Oncology Richard Aplenc, MD, PhD
Massachusetts General Hospital Department of Pediatrics
Assistant Professor Section Chief, Hematologic Malignancies
Department of Medicine Chief Clinical Research Officer
Harvard Medical School Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia
Boston, Massachusetts Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
ix
x Contributors
Lida Nabati, MD
Instructor in Medicine
Harvard Medical School
Senior Physician
Dana-Farber Cancer Institute
Boston, Massachusetts
Contributors xxi
New insights into whole genome sequence variations and the genomic useful to students and trainees, experts in the various disciplines of
structural alterations associated with cancer, including their downstream oncology, and as a reference text for physicians from other medical
effects on protein structure and function, are helping us to define specific disciplines and the various staff who regularly care for patients with
communication pathway changes that drive cancer initiation, progression, cancer. It is our hope that readers will find this scholarly textbook
metastasis, and resistance. We have learned that each individual and properly balanced between the disciplines of science, clinical medicine,
each tumor may be unique. Individual physiognomies in terms of path and humanism and that it will serve them well in their efforts to prevent,
of progression and unique cellular communication pathway alterations diagnose, and effectively treat their patients suffering from cancer.
are continuing to define the nature of specific cancers and offer greater The multidisciplinary nature of cancer care is, and will continue to
opportunities for the development of highly prescriptive intervention(s). be, reflected in our editors. Experts in cancer biology, surgical oncology,
In addition, we have a much greater understanding of the relationship pediatric oncology, radiation oncology, medical oncology, and hema-
of the host’s tissues, the patient’s immune system, and the broad tumor tologic malignancies directed the development of the content. Reflecting
microenvironment, to the process of tumor development and progression the multispecialty approach necessary for optimal care of patients, the
and their impact on tumor control. This new body of knowledge on majority of chapters are the joint product of several of these disciplines.
how the body’s immune system and the tumor’s microenvironment Engaging the very best subject matter authorities was a guiding principle
are altered to support disease growth, invasion, and distant spread is for the editors and we are deeply indebted to our outstanding authors
providing opportunities for the development of novel therapeutic who, in a most diligent and thoughtful way, have brought their knowledge
interventions. There is exciting new evidence to support the presence and skills to the sixth edition of Abeloff ’s Clinical Oncology.
of a special subclass of cells within the tumor that has properties of
“stemness,” which places them in the key role of maintaining tumor
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
growth and tumor spread. The cumulative effect of these advances—
where certain cancers can be prevented and where others will be detected This sixth edition represents a highly collaborative and dynamic effort
earlier and controlled—promises to be transformative in our effort to between the editors and Elsevier. We are greatly indebted to Laura
conquer cancer. Schmidt, Kathleen Schlom, and Kristi Batchelor for their creative input
The sixth edition of Abeloff ’s Clinical Oncology incorporates the and guidance and for turning the principles behind this text into a
exciting advances in basic, translational, clinical, and epidemiologic reality. Finally, we want to express our gratitude to our many contributing
oncology. Each chapter begins with a summary highlighting the key authors for their dedication to this project, their generosity of time,
points and comprises a critical analysis of the literature and updated and, of course, their very valuable friendship.
clinical studies—authors present their own opinions in specially identified
boxes and algorithms. John E. Niederhuber, MD
Despite significant progress, the diagnosis of cancer remains devastat- James O. Armitage, MD
ing to patients and their families. Our goal is to provide a reference James H. Doroshow, MD
textbook that is the most useful, understandable, attractive, and thorough Michael B. Kastan, MD, PhD
in presenting the principles of clinical oncology. It is meant to be equally Joel E. Tepper, MD
xxvii
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condition of things than I knew, and had a deeper hold upon public
attention than I had supposed. Invitations began to pour in upon me
from colleges, lyceums, and literary societies, offering me one
hundred, and even two hundred dollars for a single lecture.
I had, sometime before, prepared a lecture on “Self-made men,”
and also one upon Ethnology, with special reference to Africa. The
latter had cost me much labor, though as I now look back upon it, it
was a very defective production. I wrote it at the instance of my
friend Doctor M. B. Anderson, President of Rochester University,
himself a distinguished Ethnologist, a deep thinker and scholar. I had
been invited by one of the literary societies of Western Reserve
College (then at Hudson, but recently removed to Cleveland, Ohio),
to address it on Commencement day; and never having spoken on
such an occasion, never, indeed, having been myself inside of a
school-house for the purpose of an education, I hesitated about
accepting the invitation, and finally called upon Prof. Henry Wayland,
son of the great Doctor Wayland of Brown University, and on Doctor
Anderson, and asked their advice whether I ought to accept. Both
gentlemen advised me to do so. They knew me, and evidently
thought well of my ability. But the puzzling question now was, what
shall I say if I do go there? It won’t do to give them an old-fashioned
anti-slavery discourse. (I learned afterwards that such a discourse
was precisely what they needed, though not what they wished; for
the faculty, including the President, was in great distress because I,
a colored man, had been invited, and because of the reproach this
circumstance might bring upon the College.) But what shall I talk
about? became the difficult question. I finally hit upon the one before
mentioned. I had read, when in England a few years before, with
great interest, parts of Doctor Pritchard’s “Natural History of Man,” a
large volume marvelously calm and philosophical in its discussion of
the science of the origin of the races, and was thus in the line of my
then convictions. I sought this valuable book at once in our
bookstores, but could not obtain it anywhere in this country. I sent to
England, where I paid the sum of seven and a half dollars for it. In
addition to this valuable work, President Anderson kindly gave me a
little book entitled, “Man and His Migrations,” by Dr. R. G. Latham,
and loaned me the large work of Dr. Morton the famous
Archaeologist, and that of Messrs. Nott and Glidden, the latter
written evidently to degrade the negro and support the then
prevalent Calhoun doctrine of the rightfulness of slavery. With these
books, and occasional suggestions from Dr. Anderson and Prof.
Wayland, I set about preparing my Commencement address. For
many days and nights I toiled, and succeeded at last in getting
something together in due form. Written orations had not been in my
line. I had usually depended upon my unsystematized knowledge,
and the inspiration of the hour and the occasion; but I had now got
the “scholar bee in my bonnet,” and supposed that inasmuch as I
was to speak to college professors and students, I must at least
make a show of some familiarity with letters. It proved, as to its
immediate effect, a great mistake, for my carefully studied and
written address, full of learned quotations, fell dead at my feet, while
a few remarks I made extemporaneously at collation, were
enthusiastically received. Nevertheless, the reading and labor
expended were of much value to me. They were needed steps
preparatory to the work upon which I was about to enter. If they
failed at the beginning, they helped to success in the end. My lecture
on “The Races of Men” was seldom called for, but that on “Self-made
Men” was in great demand, especially through the West. I found that
the success of a lecturer depends more upon the quality of his stock
in store, than the amount. My friend, Wendell Phillips (for such I
esteem him), who has said more cheering words to me, and in
vindication of my race, than any man now living, has delivered his
famous lecture on the “Lost Arts” during the last forty years; and I
doubt if among all his lectures, and he has many, there is one in
such requisition as this. When Daniel O’Connell was asked why he
did not make a new speech he playfully replied, that “it would take
Ireland twenty years to learn his old ones.” Upon some such
consideration as this, I adhered pretty closely to my old lecture on
“Self-made Men,” retouching and shading it a little from time to time
as occasion seemed to require.
Here, then, was a new vocation before me, full of advantages,
mentally and pecuniarily. When in the employment of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, my salary was about four hundred and fifty
dollars a year, and I felt I was well paid for my services; but I could
now make from fifty to a hundred dollars a night, and have the
satisfaction, too, that I was in some small measure helping to lift my
race into consideration; for no man who lives at all, lives unto
himself; he either helps or hinders all who are in anywise connected
with him. I never rise to speak before an American audience without
something of the feeling that my failure or success will bring blame
or benefit to my whole race. But my activities were not now confined
entirely to lectures before lyceums. Though slavery was abolished,
the wrongs of my people were not ended. Though they were not
slaves they were not yet quite free. No man can be truly free whose
liberty is dependent upon the thought, feeling, and action of others;
and who has himself no means in his own hands for guarding,
protecting, defending, and maintaining that liberty. Yet the negro after
his emancipation was precisely in this state of destitution. The law on
the side of freedom is of great advantage only where there is power
to make that law respected. I know no class of my fellowmen,
however just, enlightened, and humane, which can be wisely and
safely trusted absolutely with the liberties of any other class.
Protestants are excellent people, but it would not be wise for
Catholics to depend entirely upon them to look after their rights and
interests. Catholics are a pretty good sort of people (though there is
a soul-shuddering history behind them), yet no enlightened
Protestants would commit their liberty to their care and keeping. And
yet the government had left the freedmen in a worse condition than
either of these. It felt that it had done enough for him. It had made
him free, and henceforth he must make his own way in the world, or
as the slang phrase has it, “Root, pig, or die”; yet he had none of the
conditions for self-preservation or self-protection. He was free from
the individual master, but the slave of society. He had neither
property, money, nor friends. He was free from the old plantation, but
he had nothing but the dusty road under his feet. He was free from
the old quarter that once gave him shelter, but a slave to the rains of
summer and the frosts of winter. He was in a word literally turned
loose naked, hungry, and destitute to the open sky. The first feeling
towards him by the old master classes, was full of bitterness and
wrath. They resented his emancipation as an act of hostility towards
them, and since they could not punish the emancipator, they felt like
punishing the object which that act had emancipated. Hence they
drove him off the old plantation, and told him he was no longer
wanted there. They not only hated him because he had been freed
as a punishment to them, but because they felt that they had been
robbed of his labor. An element of greater bitterness still came into
their hearts: the freedman had been the friend of the Government,
and many of his class had borne arms against them during the war.
The thought of paying cash for labor that they could formerly extort
by the lash did not in anywise improve their disposition to the
emancipated slave, or improve his own condition. Now, since poverty
has, and can have no chance against wealth, the landless against
the land owner, the ignorant against the intelligent, the freedman was
powerless. He had nothing left him but a slavery-distorted and
diseased body, and lame and twisted limbs with which to fight the
battle of life. I, therefore, soon found that the negro had still a cause,
and that he needed my voice and pen with others to plead for it. The
American Anti-Slavery Society, under the lead of Mr. Garrison, had
disbanded, its newspapers were discontinued, its agents were
withdrawn from the field, and all systematic efforts by abolitionists
were abandoned. Many of the Society, Mr. Phillips and myself
amongst the number, differed from Mr. Garrison as to the wisdom of
this course. I felt that the work of the Society was not done, that it
had not fulfilled its mission, which was not merely to emancipate, but
to elevate the enslaved class; but against Mr. Garrison’s leadership
and the surprise and joy occasioned by the emancipation, it was
impossible to keep the association alive, and the cause of the
freedmen was left mainly to individual effort and to hastily
extemporized societies of an ephemeral character, brought together
under benevolent impulse, but having no history behind them, and
being new to the work, they were not as effective for good as the old
society would have been had it followed up its work and kept its old
instrumentalities in operation.
From the first I saw no chance of bettering the condition of the
freedman, until he should cease to be merely a freedman, and
should become a citizen. I insisted that there was no safety for him,
or for any body else in America, outside the American Government:
that to guard, protect, and maintain his liberty, the freedman should
have the ballot; that the liberties of the American people were
dependent upon the Ballot-box, the Jury-box, and the Cartridge-box,
that without these no class of people could live and flourish in this
country, and this was now the word for the hour with me, and the
word to which the people of the north willingly listened when I spoke.
Hence regarding as I did, the elective franchise as the one great
power by which all civil rights are obtained, enjoyed, and maintained
under our form of government, and the one without which freedom to
any class is delusive if not impossible, I set myself to work with
whatever force and energy I possessed to secure this power for the
recently emancipated millions.
Wendell Phillips
The demand for the ballot was such a vast advance upon the
former objects proclaimed by the friends of the colored race, that it
startled and struck men as preposterous and wholly inadmissible.
Anti-slavery men themselves were not united as to the wisdom of
such demand. Mr. Garrison himself, though foremost for the abolition
of slavery, was not yet quite ready to join this advanced movement.
In this respect he was in the rear of Mr. Phillips; who saw not only
the justice, but the wisdom and necessity of the measure. To his
credit it may be said, that he gave the full strength of his character
and eloquence to its adoption. While Mr. Garrison thought it too
much to ask, Mr. Phillips thought it too little. While the one thought it
might be postponed to the future, the other thought it ought to be
done at once. But Mr. Garrison was not a man to lag far in the rear of
truth and right, and he soon came to see with the rest of us that the
ballot was essential to the freedom of the freedman. A man’s head
will not long remain wrong, when his heart is right. The applause
awarded to Mr. Garrison by the conservatives, for his moderation
both in respect of his views on this question, and the disbandment of
the American Anti-Slavery Society must have disturbed him. He was
at any rate soon found on the right side of the suffrage question.
The enfranchisement of the freedmen was resisted on many
grounds, but mainly these two: first the tendency of the measure to
bring the freedmen into conflict with the old master-class, and the
white people of the South generally. Secondly, their unfitness, by
reason of their ignorance, servility, and degradation, to exercise so
great a power as the ballot, over the destinies of this great nation.
These reasons against the measure which were supposed to be
unanswerable, were in some sense the most powerful arguments in
its favor. The argument that the possession of suffrage would be
likely to bring the negro into conflict with the old master-class at the
South, had its main force in the admission that the interests of the
two classes antagonized each other and that the maintenance of the
one would prove inimical to the other. It resolved itself into this, if the
negro had the means of protecting his civil rights, those who had
formerly denied him these rights would be offended and make war
upon him. Experience has shown in a measure the correctness of
this position. The old master was offended to find the negro whom
he lately possessed the right to enslave and flog to toil, casting a
ballot equal to his own, and resorted to all sorts of meanness,
violence, and crime, to dispossess him of the enjoyment of this point
of equality. In this respect the exercise of the right of suffrage by the
negro has been attended with the evil, which the opponents of the
measure predicted, and they could say “I’ve told you so,” but
immeasurably and intolerably greater would have been the evil
consequences resulting from the denial to one class of this natural
means of protection, and granting it to the other, and hostile class. It
would have been, to have committed the lamb to the care of the wolf
—the arming of one class and disarming the other—protecting one
interest, and destroying the other—making the rich strong, and the
poor weak—the white man a tyrant, and the black man a slave. The
very fact therefore that the old master-classes of the South felt that
their interests were opposed to those of the freedmen, instead of
being a reason against their enfranchisement, was the most powerful
one in its favor. Until it shall be safe to leave the lamb in the hold of
the lion, the laborer in the power of the capitalist, the poor in the
hands of the rich, it will not be safe to leave a newly emancipated
people completely in the power of their former masters, especially
when such masters have not ceased to be such from enlightened
moral convictions but by irresistible force. Then on the part of the
Government itself, had it denied this great right to the freedmen, it
would have been another proof that “Republics are ungrateful”. It
would have been rewarding its enemies, and punishing its friends—
embracing its foes, and spurning its allies,—setting a premium on
treason, and degrading loyalty. As to the second point, viz.: the
negro’s ignorance and degradation, there was no disputing either. It
was the nature of slavery from whose depths he had arisen to make
him so, and it would have kept it so. It was the policy of the system
to keep him both ignorant and degraded, the better and more safely
to defraud him of his hard earnings; and this argument never
staggered me. The ballot in the hands of the negro was necessary to
open the door of the school house, and to unlock the treasures of
knowledge to him. Granting all that was said of his ignorance, I used
to say, “if the negro knows enough to fight for his country he knows
enough to vote; if he knows enough to pay taxes for the support of
the government, he knows enough to vote; if he knows as much
when sober, as an Irishman knows when drunk, he knows enough to
vote.”
And now while I am not blind to the evils which have thus far
attended the enfranchisement of the colored people, I hold that the
evils from which we escaped, and the good we have derived from
that act, amply vindicate its wisdom. The evils it brought are in their
nature temporary, and the good is permanent. The one is
comparatively small, the other absolutely great. The young child has
staggered on his little legs, and he has sometimes fallen and hurt his
head in the fall, but then he has learned to walk. The boy in the
water came near drowning, but then he has learned to swim. Great
changes in the relations of mankind can never come, without evils
analogous to those which have attended the emancipation and
enfranchisement of the colored people of the United States. I am
less amazed at these evils, than by the rapidity with which they are
subsiding and not more astonished at the facility with which the
former slave has become a free man, than at the rapid adjustment of
the master-class to the new situation.
Unlike the movement for the abolition of Slavery, the success of
the effort for the enfranchisement of the freedmen was not long
delayed. It is another illustration of how any advance in pursuance of
a right principle, prepares and makes easy the way to another. The
way of transgression is a bottomless pit, one step in that direction
invites the next, and the end is never reached; and it is the same
with the path of righteous obedience. Two hundred years ago, the
pious Doctor Godwin dared affirm that it was “not a sin to baptize a
negro,” and won for him the rite of baptism. It was a small
concession to his manhood; but it was strongly resisted by the
slaveholders of Jamaica, and Virginia. In this they were logical in
their argument, but they were not logical in their object. They saw
plainly that to concede the negro’s right to baptism was to receive
him into the Christian Church, and make him a brother in Christ; and
hence they opposed the first step sternly and bitterly. So long as they
could keep him beyond the circle of human brotherhood, they could
scourge him to toil, as a beast of burden, with a good Christian
conscience, and without reproach. “What!” said they, “baptize a
negro? preposterous!” Nevertheless the negro was baptized and
admitted to church fellowship; and though for a long time his soul
belonged to God, his body to his master, and he poor fellow had
nothing left for himself, he is at last not only baptized, but
emancipated and enfranchised.
In this achievement, an interview with President Andrew
Johnson, on the 7th of February, 1866, by a delegation consisting of
George T. Downing, Lewis H. Douglass, Wm. E. Matthews, John
Jones, John F. Cook, Joseph E. Otis, A. W. Ross, William Whipper,
John M. Brown, Alexander Dunlop, and myself, will take its place in
history as one of the first steps. What was said on that occasion
brought the whole question virtually before the American people.
Until that interview the country was not fully aware of the intentions
and policy of President Johnson on the subject of reconstruction,
especially in respect of the newly emancipated class of the South.
After having heard the brief addresses made to him by Mr. Downing
and myself, he occupied at least three quarters of an hour in what
seemed a set speech, and refused to listen to any reply on our part,
although solicited to grant a few moments for that purpose. Seeing
the advantage that Mr. Johnson would have over us in getting his
speech paraded before the country in the morning papers, the
members of the delegation met on the evening of that day, and
instructed me to prepare a brief reply which should go out to the
country simultaneously with the President’s speech to us. Since this
reply indicates the points of difference between the President and
ourselves, I produce it here as a part of the history of the times, it
being concurred in by all the members of the delegation.
Both the speech and the reply were commented upon very
extensively.
From this time onward, the question of suffrage for the freedmen,
was not allowed to rest. The rapidity with which it gained strength,
was something quite marvelous and surprising even to its advocates.
Senator Charles Sumner soon took up the subject in the Senate and
treated it in his usually able and exhaustive manner. It was a great
treat to listen to his argument running through two days, abounding
as it did in eloquence, learning, and conclusive reasoning. A
committee of the Senate had reported a proposition giving to the
States lately in rebellion in so many words complete option as to the
enfranchisement of their colored citizens: only coupling with that
proposition the condition that, to such States as chose to enfranchise
such citizens, the basis of their representation in Congress should be
proportionately increased; or, in other words, only three-fifths of the
colored citizens should be counted in the basis of representation in
States where colored citizens were not allowed to vote, while in the
States granting suffrage to colored citizens, the entire colored people
should be counted in the basis of representation. Against this
proposition, myself and associates addressed to the Senate of the
United States the following memorial: