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Chapter 6
UK-Based Police Officers’ Perceptions of, and Role in Investigating, Cyber-Harassment as a
Crime................................................................................................................................................... 113
Catherine M. Millman, Public Health Agency, Ireland
Belinda Winder, Nottingham Trent University, UK
Mark D. Griffiths, Nottingham Trent University, UK

Section 2
Higher Education

Chapter 7
Gender Violence in Academia............................................................................................................. 132
Hina Kousar, Jamia Millia Islamia, India

Chapter 8
Nurturing Compassion-Based Empathy: Innovative Approach in Higher Education......................... 144
Miftachul Huda, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Kamarul Azmi Jasmi, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Wan Hassan Wan Embong, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Jimaain Safar, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Ahmad Marzuki Mohamad, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Ahmad KIlani Mohamed, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Nasrul Hisyam Nor Muhamad, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Malaysia
Yabit Alas, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei
Sri Kartika A. Rahman, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Brunei

Chapter 9
Social Media and Technology May Change the Culture of Rape on College Campuses.................... 164
Sherri L. Niblett, Delaware Technical Community College, USA
Melissa L. Rakes, Delaware Technical Community College, USA

Chapter 10
Sexual Violence in the University Campuses of Delhi, India, and Therapeutic Jurisprudence for
Justice to Victims: A Qualitative Study............................................................................................... 175
Hina Kousar, YWCA – Dallas, USA

Section 3
K-12 Schools

Chapter 11
Specific Concerns for Teachers, School Counselors, and Administrators........................................... 191
David Edward Christopher, Juniata Valley School District, USA

Chapter 12
Sticks and Stones: An Examination of the Effects of Bullying on Health and Relationships............. 210
Carol M. Wagner, Marymount Manhattan College, USA
 

Chapter 13
Trauma: How Educators Can Support Children and Their Families................................................... 235
Vicki Ann McGinley, West Chester University of Pennsylvania, USA
Olatomiwa O. Salako, West Chester University of Pennsylvania, USA
Jena Dubov, West Chester University of Pennsylvania, USA

Chapter 14
Legal Issues Involving Educator Sexual Misconduct: Understanding the Risks and Assessing the
Consequences....................................................................................................................................... 259
Sean Ashley Fields, CGA Law Firm, USA

Chapter 15
Exploring the Role of School Counselors in Preventing and Addressing Educator Sexual
Misconduct in K-12 School Systems................................................................................................... 270
Charles Charlton Edwards, Brooklyn College, City University of New York, USA

Section 4
Sexual Harassment and Abuse (General Issues)

Chapter 16
Etiological Factors and Theories of Sexual Abuse.............................................................................. 289
Bhavna Mukund, Amity Institute of Behavioural and Allied Sciences, India
Bijoy Kumar Dehuri, Independent Researcher, India

Chapter 17
Sexual Violence................................................................................................................................... 302
Ruchi Trivedi, Goenka and Associates Educational Trust, India

Chapter 18
Title IX and Sexual Harassment.......................................................................................................... 313
Thomas C. Gibbon, Shippensburg University, USA
David F. Bateman, Shippensburg University, USA

Section 5
Violence and Harassment Against Children and Adolescents

Chapter 19
Sexual Abuse Among Adolescents: Its Consequences and Therapeutic Interventions....................... 334
Ankita Kakati, MIND India, India
Sangeeta Goswami, MIND India, India

Chapter 20
Child Sexual Abuse: Intra- and Extra-Familial Risk Factors, Reactions, and Interventions............... 345
Shubham Thukral, Gujarat Forensic Sciences University, India
Tania Debra Rodriguez, Gujarat Forensic Sciences University, India


Volume II
Chapter 21
Being a Child Is a “Serious Game”: Innovations in Psychological Preventive Programs Against
Child Sexual Abuse.............................................................................................................................. 376
Valentina Manna, Association for Social Promotion Roots in Action, Italy
Oscar Pisanti, Association for Social Promotion Roots in Action, Italy

Chapter 22
Forensic Psychiatric Analysis of Juvenile Delinquency and Sexual Abuse Perspective..................... 394
Claude R. Shema, Cardiff University, UK

Chapter 23
Childhood Trauma and Barriers in a Rural Setting: My Experience With Childhood Trauma and
Barriers in a Rural Setting................................................................................................................... 410
Sonja Lee Salcido, Center of Hope, USA

Chapter 24
Psychological Maltreatment and Internet Addiction: Is Psychological Maltreatment a Risk 
Factor?.................................................................................................................................................. 423
Gökmen Arslan, Independent Researcher, Turkey

Chapter 25
General View for Investigative Interviewing of Children: Investigative Interviewing........................ 442
Elif Gökçearslan Çifci, Ankara University, Turkey
Huseyin Batman, Ankara University, Turkey

Chapter 26
The Play Therapist in the Courtroom: Preparing Yourself and Your Client for Court........................ 459
Jeffrey M. Sullivan, Sam Houston State University, USA
Sinem Akay, Sam Houston State University, USA

Chapter 27
Child Protection, “Dirty Work,” and Interagency Collaboration......................................................... 481
Annette Flaherty, Centre for Remote Health, Flinders University, Australia

Chapter 28
Social Work Practice Outcomes: Making a Measurable Difference.................................................... 501
Colin Pritchard, Bournemouth University, UK
Richard Williams, Bournemouth University, UK

Chapter 29
Violence Against Children in Botswana: Reality, Challenges, and the Way Forward......................... 522
Odireleng Mildred Jankey, University of Botswana, Botswana
Tapologo Maundeni, University of Botswana, Botswana
 

Chapter 30
Intersectional Analysis of the Social Determinants of Child Maltreatment in Zimbabwe.................. 537
Manase Kudzai Chiweshe, Chinhoyi University of Technology, Zimbabwe

Chapter 31
Abuse Among Child Domestic Workers in Bangladesh...................................................................... 556
M. Rezaul Islam, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh & University of Malaya, Malaysia

Section 6
Violence and Harassment Against People With Disabilities

Chapter 32
Sexual Abuse of Children and Adults With Intellectual Disabilities: Preventive, Supportive, and
Intervention Strategies for Clinical Practice........................................................................................ 578
Sanjeev Kumar Gupta, All India Institute of Speech and Hearing, India

Chapter 33
Sexual Assault and Students With Disabilities: How to Respond....................................................... 588
Thomas C. Gibbon, Shippensburg University, USA
Nicole Taylor, Shippensburg University, USA
Elyse R. Scheckler, Shippensburg University, USA
Michelle Stagmer, Shippensburg University, USA
David F. Bateman, Shippensburg University, USA

Section 7
Violence and Harassment Against Seniors and Older Adults

Chapter 34
Management of Elder Abuse Through Social Support........................................................................ 613
Akbar Husain, Aligarh Muslim University, India
Nongzaimayum Tawfeeq Alee, Aligarh Muslim University, India

Chapter 35
Elder Abuse and Consent Capacity: Our Collective Nemesis?........................................................... 625
Vaitsa Giannouli, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece

Section 8
Violence and Harassment Against Women

Chapter 36
Disaster, Vulnerability, and Violence Against Women: Global Findings and a Research Agenda
for Bangladesh..................................................................................................................................... 641
Khandakar Josia Nishat, University of Queensland, Australia
Md. Shafiqur Rahman, Helen Keller International, Bangladesh


Chapter 37
Sexual Harassment Laws and Their Impact on the Work Environment.............................................. 657
Philippe W. Zgheib, Lebanese American University, Lebanon

Chapter 38
A Culture of Survivors: SlutWalk, Third Culture, and New Media Communication.......................... 684
Jennifer L. Seifert, Scripps College of Communication, Ohio University, USA

Chapter 39
Violence Against Women Programmes in a North-Eastern French City: Issues of Safety,
Collaboration, Gender, “McJustice,” and Evidence-Based Practices.................................................. 697
Martine Herzog-Evans, University of Reims, France

Chapter 40
Sexual Harassment of Women in Workplace in India: An Assessment of Implementation of
Preventive Laws and Practicing of Therapeutic Jurisprudence in New Delhi..................................... 718
Amit Gopal Thakre, Raksha Shakti University, India

Chapter 41
Women’s Commuting Environment in Public Buses in Dhaka City: A Case of Men’s 
Perspectives.......................................................................................................................................... 730
Arunima Kishore Das, Western Sydney University, Australia

Index..................................................................................................................................................... xiv
xii

Preface

As there are continually new cultural and societal developments worldwide, it can become very challeng-
ing to stay on the forefront of evolving issues and research progressions. Dialogues surrounding human
rights are extremely prevalent right now, and that is why IGI Global is pleased to offer this two-volume
comprehensive reference that will empower students, researchers, practitioners, and academicians with a
stronger understanding of some of the most pressing issues related to violence, harassment, and assault.
This compilation is designed to act as a single reference source on many diverse aspects and will
provide insights into emerging topics including but not limited to gender-based violence, psychologi-
cal maltreatment, family abuse, sexual discrimination, and institutional abuse. The chapters within this
publication are sure to provide readers the tools necessary for further research and discovery in their
respective fields.
Social Issues Surrounding Harassment and Assault: Breakthroughs in Research and Practice is or-
ganized into eight sections that provide comprehensive coverage of important topics. The sections are:

1. Cyber Harassment and Bullying;

2. Higher Education;
3. K-12 Schools;
4. Sexual Harassment and Abuse (General Issues);
5. Violence and Harassment Against Children and Adolescents;
6. Violence and Harassment Against People With Disabilities;
7. Violence and Harassment Against Seniors and Older Adults; and
8. Violence and Harassment Against Women.

The following paragraphs provide a summary of what to expect from this invaluable reference source:
Section 1, “Cyber Harassment and Bullying,” opens this extensive reference source by covering the
latest issues surrounding online harassment. Through perspectives on cyber-stalking, trolling, internet
safety, and revenge pornography, this section explores the policies, social aspects, and prevention of
cyber harassment and bullying in workplaces, schools, and private life. The presented research facilitates
a better understanding of the issues and challenges associated with the investigation and prosecution of
offenders and the protection of and justice for victims.
Section 2, “Higher Education,” includes chapters on the visual, verbal, and physical aspects of sexual
harassment and assault on university and college campuses. Including discussions on gender violence,
victimization, and stalking, this section presents research on rape culture and sexual violence in higher



Preface

education settings. This inclusive information assists in advancing current knowledge and understand-
ing on unwanted sexual advances by teachers, guides, superiors, and peers occurring on campuses and
campus streets, oftentimes due to a lack of security.
Section 3, “K-12 Schools,” presents coverage on preventing and managing the risks associated
with sexual misconduct and sexual predators in K-12 settings. Through discussions on sexually devi-
ant behavior, background checks, and student safety, this section highlights how educators can support
children, adolescents, teens, and their families through physical, psychological, and emotional trauma.
These inclusive perspectives contribute to the available knowledge on preventing bullying and other
types of abuse in school systems.
Section 4, “Sexual Harassment and Abuse (General Issues),” discusses coverage and research perspec-
tives on the etiological factors and theories of sexual misconduct. Through analyses on incest, sexual
exploitation, and rape, this section contains pivotal information on the social and environmental factors
of sexual violence. The presented research facilitates a comprehensive understanding of Title IX in rela-
tion to sexual harassment in the education system.
Section 5, “Violence and Harassment Against Children and Adolescents,” includes emerging research
on the emotional, physical, economic, and sexual abuse of children and adolescents. Including discussions
on childhood trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder, the use of play therapy, and the importance of coun-
seling, this section presents research on the social, judicial, and familial aspects surrounding child abuse.
This inclusive information assists in advancing current practices for child abuse prevention programs.
Section 6, “Violence and Harassment Against People With Disabilities,” presents coverage on the
psychological, behavioral, and physical consequences associated with the abuse of individuals with
disabilities. Through discussions on topics such as sexual exploitation and victimization, this section
highlights preventive, supportive, and intervention strategies for dealing with the abuse of those with
intellectual and other disabilities. These perspectives contribute to the available knowledge on the
resources available to the victims and families of individuals with disabilities that have experienced
harassment and assault.
Section 7, “Violence and Harassment Against Seniors and Older Adults,” discusses coverage and
research perspectives on the risk factors and support options for seniors and older adults suffering from
abuse. Through analyses on healthcare fraud, malnutrition, and financial exploitation, this section contains
pivotal information on the prevention and management of elder abuse. The presented research facilitates
a comprehensive understanding of how to preserve quality of life for the aging population.
Section 8, “Violence and Harassment Against Women,” includes emerging research on violence
and harassment against women in various regions including France, India, Bangladesh, and the United
States. Including discussions on rape, psychological trauma, and the global SlutWalk movement, this
section presents research on the sexual harassment and assault of women in workplaces, during disaster
situations, and the overall cultural and social aspects surrounding this issue. This inclusive information
assists in furthering the preventive laws and policies to stop sexual violence against women.
Although the primary organization of the contents in this work is based on its eight sections, offering
a progression of coverage of the important concepts, methodologies, technologies, applications, social
issues, and emerging trends, the reader can also identify specific contents by utilizing the extensive
indexing system listed at the end.

xiii
 Section 1
Cyber Harassment and Bullying
 1

Chapter 1
Cyberbullying and
Internet Safety
Deirdre M. Kelly
University of British Columbia, Canada

Chrissie Arnold
University of British Columbia, Canada

ABSTRACT
The chapter considers cyberbullying in relation to Internet safety, concentrating on recent, high quality
empirical studies. The review discusses conventional debates over how to define cyberbullying, arguing
to limit the term to repeated, electronically-mediated incidents involving intention to harm and a power
imbalance between bully and victim. It also takes note of the critical perspective that cyberbullying—
through its generic and individualistic framing—deflects attention from the racism, sexism, ableism,
and heterosexism that can motivate or exacerbate the problem of such bullying. The review concludes
that: (a) cyberbullying, rigorously defined, is a phenomenon that is less pervasive and dire than widely
believed; and (b) cyber-aggression and online harassment are more prevalent, yet understudied. Fueled
by various societal inequalities, these latter forms of online abuse require urgent public attention. The
chapter’s recommendations are informed by a view of young people as apprentice citizens, who learn
democratic participation by practicing it.

INTRODUCTION

What is cyberbullying? We thought to begin this chapter with a compelling vignette that we could refer
back to, as we discussed the research. But we were stymied trying to draw from an actual case discussed
in the media or legal briefs, or to select a fictional story, a hypothetical incident used in survey research,
or a rich description from a qualitative study.
All the high-profile media cases linked to cyberbullying told stories of misogyny, racism, and ho-
mophobia so severe as to constitute serious criminal acts better dealt with by the justice system, rather
than the relatively less serious incidents more amenable to an educational approach that the term cyber-

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7036-3.ch001

Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
 
Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

bullying conjured. Complicating matters still further, the real-life cases that received media attention
usually ended in suicide by the victim—misleadingly implying that cyberbullying causes suicide. We
initially thought of selecting one of these stories, because they had actually happened, would be widely
known, and would highlight the gravity of the underlying issues. We began to realize that this strategy
is common in the research literature. Wingate, Minney, and Guadagno (2013), for example, begin their
review article by recounting the story of Jamey Rodemeyer, a 14-year-old who had come out as gay and
been subject to homophobic bullying by peers at school and online—later, after Jamey’s suicide, the
bullying was investigated as criminal harassment. Wong-Lo and Bullock (2014) introduce their topic
of bystander culture in cyberbullying by referencing Amanda Todd, the 15-year-old whose video, titled
My Story: Struggling, Bullying, Suicide, and Self Harm, garnered over a million viewers after Amanda
committed suicide. Other researchers mention cases like these that end in suicide in their conclusion; for
example, Wright and Burnham (2012) do this to underscore for The Professional Counselor audience
the importance of earliest possible “cyberbullying interventions” (p. 175).
We also turned to fiction as a possible source. J. K. Rowling’s (2012) novel The Casual Vacancy, in
various reviews, has been said to contain a subplot about cyberbullying. One of the teenage characters,
Sukhvinder Jawanda, is subjected to bullying at school and tormented daily with anonymous, hateful
postings to her Facebook wall. Over the course of the book, Sukhvinder is subjected to racist, sexist, and
homophobic epithets, insults to her family’s Sikh religion and national origin, and demeaning comments
about her body (hairy, fat) and dyslexia. While Rowling makes clear that Sukhvinder has other reasons
besides the acts of her “anonymous cyber-torturer” (p. 132) to be depressed, the cyberbullying does
contribute significantly to her self-loathing, slicing her arms with a razor blade, and suicidal thoughts.
If fiction and high-profile media cases tend to the extreme yet also, in their detail, hint at patterns
of online harassment and abuse that amount to hate crimes and institutional forms of oppression, then
hypothetical vignettes developed for research purposes achieve nearly the opposite effects. In trying to
devise a scenario with broad resonance, researchers, often by design, strip the cyberbullying incident
of context. For example, Price and colleagues (2014) used the animation Broken Friendship, wherein
Katie passes along her best friend’s password to “the beautiful people,” who then use it to create hu-
miliating images and emails of Katie’s friend, and these are then spread among teens at the school. The
authors explain that the figures in the animation were “deliberately shown in silhouette to ensure the
removal of any identifying cultural context, allowing for personal identification and interpretation of the
scenario from any situation” (p. 5). Unfortunately, as we will discuss in more detail in a later section,
this may have the effect of obscuring the complex workings of power, including who gets to belong to
the “beautiful people” and by what means. From this more critical sociocultural perspective, the term
cyberbullying serves as a euphemism for phenomena better described as, for example, online sexual
harassment, where “harassment is based on unequal, gendered power relations within and between the
sexes” (Kelly, Pomerantz, & Currie, 2006, p. 21).
Does this mean we abandon the term cyberbullying altogether? In what follows, we will argue for
provisionally retaining the term, particularly if tightly defined, for reasons related to maturity, whether
defined by age, life experiences, or both. First, the term bullying conjures images of the schoolyard
bully stealing a weaker child’s lunch money; it thus associates the activities covered by the term with
young people, giving it an advantage over more legalistic terms like harassment by reminding adults
that proposed remedies should be seen within a developmentally appropriate frame. Imagine a young
person reading through the comments section of various online news sites, which are rife with incivil-
ity; afterwards, he makes obnoxious comments about his fellow players in an online multiplayer game

2

Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

like Grand Theft Auto (itself full of violence and sexist and racist stereotypes). It is conceivable that
he might repeatedly “trash talk” a peer online without fully realizing the distress he may be inflicting
(Runions, 2013). Indeed, without knowing more details, this “common, albeit immature, give-and-take
among adolescents” (Waldman, 2012, p. 709) may not, as we will discuss later, constitute cyberbullying.
Second, young people, as they build their identities, draw from their perceptions of difference as they
interact with parents, teachers, and peers and interpret messages from educational, religious, justice, and
other key social institutions. While not their only resource, they do use everyday forms of discrimination
as a means of gaining status. “Connolly (2006) has shown, for example, how boys aged five and six ap-
propriated discursive resources (including improvising upon racist ideas and practices) to construct their
gender identities and regulate the behavior of their peers” (Kelly & Brooks, 2009, p. 204). In this, they
are drawing from the wider social context, where adults and adult-run institutions are heavily implicated.
Thus, while everyday forms of discrimination should neither be ignored nor trivialized, we argue for not
leaping ahead and labeling these acts in ways that put the blame too quickly on the individuals involved
by categorizing them as simply “perpetrators” or “victims”—a path that leads too easily to draconian
measures and criminalization of young people.
In what follows, we will navigate between these two broad ideas of, on the one hand, cyberbullying,
rigorously defined, as a phenomenon that is less pervasive and dire than widely believed (Sabella, Patchin,
& Hinduja, 2013), and, on the other hand, online incivility and harassment that is, sadly, more common
and underpinned by various societal inequalities that require public attention. Our discussion will be
informed by a view of young people as apprentice and, at times, de facto citizens (Kelly, 2014) whose
agency needs to borne in mind as we consider the research on cyberbullying and Internet safety and our
recommendations for education, civic engagement, social practice, and policy in light of this review.

OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH

The two concepts that are the focus of this chapter—cyberbullying and Internet safety—each might
be thought of as shifting goalposts, where the indicated terrain is fought over, claimed and reclaimed,
expanding and contracting accordingly. For example, online predators were more the concern in the
mid-1990s, whereas cyberbullying in recent years has become the more prominent issue seen to be
compromising the safety of young people online (Facer, 2012; Livingstone, Kirwil, Ponte, & Staksrud,
2014). In the US, 35 states enacted legislation that addressed cyberbullying in the period 2006-2010
(National Conference of State Legislatures, 2014; cf. Hinduja & Patchin, 2014).

Life Online: Putting Internet Safety and Cyberbullying in Context

Internet usage is now nearly universal among young people in North America. In the United States, 95%
of those aged 12 to 17 are online, increasingly via portable devices (Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi,
& Gasser, 2013). In Canada, 99% of students in grades 4-11 are able to access the Internet outside of
school (Steeves, 2014b). When researchers inquire more generally into what life online is like for children
and young people, the overall picture is surprisingly positive, given the prominence given to dangers in
the mainstream media and on the public policy agenda. Almeida and colleagues, for example, conducted
158 interviews with children and youth (aged 8 to 17) in Portugal about their various Internet activities
at home and in school. A key finding was the intertwining of children’s online and offline activities:

3
 
Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

for instance, their “virtual” social networking experiences enhanced and multiplied their peer relations
in the “real” world, and those interviewed did not mention cyberbullying at all (Almeida, Delicado, de
Almeida Alves, & Carvalo, 2014, pp. 14-15; see also the summary of research in Festl & Quandt, 2013,
p. 103; Keipi & Oksanen, 2014).
In nationally representative surveys that aim for broad measures of online experience, teens are
noticeably more likely to report positive experiences than negative ones. In the US, 57% of teen social
media users said they have had an experience online that made them feel good about themselves, and
37% reported having had an online experience that made them feel closer to another person (Madden,
Lenhart, Cortesi, et al., 2013, p. 73). In Canada, very high percentages of both boys (90%) and girls
(89%) in grades 4-11 agreed that they “knew how to protect [themselves] online” (Steeves, 2014b, p. 5).
When asked about the types of risks that concern them on the Internet, young people’s list overlaps
with, but adds to and sometimes reorders, the list that adults might provide on their behalf, helping to
create a more complete and nuanced picture of the issues that constitute Internet safety. The EU Kids
Online survey, for example, has explored the changing mix of opportunities and risks that young people
encounter via the Internet, providing a helpful classification of risks according to content, contact, and
conduct (Livingstone, Haddon, & Görzig, 2012). Content risks include encountering pornography, violent
or gory imagery, hateful messages (including racist and misogynist content), websites that induce wor-
ries over body image, unwanted popup ads and commercials, and so on. Contact risks include strangers,
usually adults, attempting to engage with youth online, which might include pretending to be someone
younger for nefarious reasons (e.g., sexual harassment, coercion, pedophilia). Conduct risks occur
more in the context of young people’s daily encounters with each other online (i.e., peer to peer) and
include incivility, name-calling, threats or other nasty behavior, having one’s account hacked or privacy
violated, and cyberbullying. In the EU Kids Online survey, respondents aged 9 to 16 were asked about
what bothered people their age online, and over half (55%) of the risks they mentioned were related to
content (especially violence and pornography), 19% to conduct, and 14% to contact; the concerns shifted
significantly by age, with older children more likely to report being bothered by inter-personal risks as
compared with content-related ones (Livingstone et al., 2014, pp. 277-278).
The mix of risks varies by the type of Internet platform or activity; the affordances (or opportunities
to perform particular actions in particular environments) of social networking sites, for example, are
comparatively likely to be linked with conduct risks such as cyberbullying (Livingstone et al., 2014, p.
283). In the US, 80% of online teens (aged 12-18) are users of social media sites (Lenhart et al., 2011).
In Canada, of students in grades 4-11 the proportion with their own Facebook account rises steadily with
age, from 67% in grade 7 to 95% in grade 11 (Steeves, 2014c). As already mentioned, young people report
positive experiences using social media. But in Canada, 23% of grade 4-11 students also reported that
they had said or done “something mean or cruel to someone online,” while 37% reported that someone
had said or done “something mean or cruel to them online that made them feel” bad about themselves
(Steeves, 2014a, p. 2). And in the US, while 69% of teens who use social media think that peers are
“mostly kind to each other” on social network sites, 15% report having been the target of “online mean-
ness” over the last year (Lenhart et al., 2011, p. 3).
Of course, researchers might dispute whether these survey items necessarily measure cyberbullying
as such. Some feminist scholars have suggested that the problem of pervasive online vitriol or “e-bile” is
not adequately captured by the term cyberbullying and is threatening the public presence of women and
other marginalized groups in society (Jane, 2014). Other scholars have raised concerns of “alarmism”
and whether “the problems should be defined as being unique to technology” (Finkelhor, 2014, p. 655).

4

Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

The varied conceptualizations are not surprising because, in reality, a continuum of behaviors exists,
ranging from annoying or disappointing to severe, persistent, and pervasive attacks on others. At what
point on the continuum does an incident make the leap from being one of poor judgment to one that we
would call cyberbullying – or even one that may be criminal? (Sabella et al., 2013, p. 2704)

As will be discussed in the next sections, rates of cyberbullying vary widely based on differences in
how researchers conceive of and define the phenomenon, how they measure it, and how they go about
deciding who to ask as well as characteristics of who is asked (issues of sampling).

Prevalence Rates and Change Over Time

The field of cyberbullying is still comparatively new, and researchers have not come to consensus on
what constitutes cyberbullying (or even that it should be called that). Before turning to the specifics of
this debate, we provide a sense of prevalence rates and their variance, drawing from recent reviews of
the scholarly literature done by leading experts. Kowalski and colleagues (2014) did a comprehensive
and systematic review and provide a table summarizing cyberbullying prevalence estimates and charac-
teristics of 166 existing studies done in countries throughout the world, published through 2012. They
document the “highly variable” prevalence rates, both of engaging in cyberbullying behavior and being
victimized by it, and while they did not venture a general estimate for perpetration in this review article,
they cited a range of 10% to 40% for cyberbullying victimization (Kowalski, Schroeder, Giumetti, &
Lattanner, 2014, p. 1108). Patchin and Hinduja (2014), in a review of prevalence rates, found that cy-
berbullying rates ranged from 1.2% to 44.1%, with an average rate of 15.2% (median of 13.7%) across
42 peer-reviewed journal articles; victimization rates ranged from 2.3% to 72%, with an average rate of
21.3% (median of 15.8%) across 51 peer-reviewed journal articles. In an earlier review of peer-reviewed
research reports focused only on victimization, Tokunaga (2010) estimated that 20 to 40% of all youths
have experienced cyberbullying at least once in their lives. Livingstone and Smith, scholars based in the
UK, focused their review on research published since 2008; they concluded “that occasional or one-off
occurrences [of victimization] may be reported by over 20% of young people but serious or recent or
repeated incidents are reported by only around 5%, less than for traditional bullying” (2014, p. 639).
What about prevalence rates over time? There is some data to suggest that rates increased during the
period 2000-2005 (Smith, 2012). During this period, the issue of cyberbullying came onto the radar of
researchers, the term itself having been coined by Bill Belsey, the founder of bullying.org, circa 2000
(www.cyberbullying.ca). In more recent years, however, experts agree that there has not been a clear
increase (or decrease) in the prevalence rates of cyberbullying—a fact all the more striking in that this
same time period has seen the introduction and rapid uptake of portable technologies (Hinduja & Patchin,
2012; Livingstone & Smith, 2014, p. 642; Olweus, 2012a, b; Smith, 2012).

What Is Cyberbullying?

The field has been dominated to date by psychologists influenced by the work done on what has come
to be called “traditional” (offline, face-to-face) bullying, influenced by the work of Dan Olweus (e.g.,
1993) in Norway. The definition of traditional bullying usually highlights it as aggressive behavior that
(1) is repeated, (2) is intended to cause harm or to dominate, and (3) involves a power imbalance between
bully and victim. Cyberbullying, then, shares these elements but is carried out using electronic com-

5
 
Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

munication technologies to threaten, humiliate, or harass others who “cannot easily defend” themselves
(Smith et al., 2008, p. 376). Given the nature of online communication, however, the three elements of
repetition, intention, and power imbalance have had to be elaborated in ways that make sense in this
comparatively new and still evolving context.

Repetition

If someone posts an embarrassing photo or a mean comment about another person on one occasion, this
would not be seen as bullying, because the action was not repeated. Some researchers have pointed out,
however, that in an online environment, the photo or comment could be forwarded to others and, if not
removed from a public forum, the victim might be faced with it over and over again. So, what counts
as repetition might differ from a repeated attack by one perpetrator (Dredge, Gleeson, & de la Piedad
Garcia, 2014; Langos, 2012; Wingate et al., 2013, p. 90, citing Menesini & Spiel, 2012).

Intention to Harm

Repetition links to intention to cause harm. A one-time insult can sometimes be explained as a joke-
gone-wrong, but if the behavior is repeated, it indicates a pattern of directed aggression. Complicating
matters, social cues are not as visible online; offline, potential aggressors might realize they have hurt
another’s feelings if they look sad, while potential victims can hear a tone that helps them interpret
whether a comment was meant as something other than playful teasing.

Power Imbalance

Traditional bullying assumes that the bully has superior power based on physical strength, numbers, age
or grade, popularity at school, or other markers of social status (as we discuss in later sections, critical
scholars have raised concerns that the bullying construct should focus on institutional power as well as
these relational power inequities). Determining power imbalance online is complicated by the degree
of anonymity that is possible in that environment, and some researchers have argued that the criterion
can be dispensed with (Wingate et al., 2013). Yet, many other researchers have demonstrated the sa-
lience of power differentials as a defining criterion (e.g., Menesini et al., 2012; Pieschl, Porsch, Kahl, &
Klockenbusch, 2013; Ybarra, Espelage, & Mitchell, 2014), seeing anonymity as a contributor to power
imbalance (Slonje, Smith, & Frisén, 2013, p. 27).
While Olweus’s construct of traditional bullying has been highly influential in the effort to define
cyberbullying, Menesini has raised the issue of whether building mainly from this construct has intro-
duced a bias. The Italy-based researcher pointedly asked, “How and to what extent might cyberbullying
be underestimated if we neglect its specificity? How and to what extent can the studies on cyberbullying
help us deepen the knowledge of bullying as a whole problem?” (2012, p. 544). From this perspective,
Menesini and other researchers in Europe and around the world have explored how electronically-mediated
communication differs from in-person communication, inquiring into the implications for how to define
cyberbullying. In particular, they have highlighted as potentially meaningful to the perceptions of those
involved in cyberbullying: (a) greater anonymity of the bully and witnesses, (b) potential intensity (no
safe time or place), (c) scale of publicity (larger audience), and (d) missing social cues (less direct feed-

6

Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

back from victims and witnesses) (Kowalski et al., 2014; Mehari, Farrell, & Le, 2014; Menesini, 2012;
Nocentini et al., 2010; Schultze-Krumbholz, Hoher, Fiebig, & Scheithauer, 2014; Slonje et al., 2013;
Sticca & Perren, 2013; Thomas, Connor, & Scott, 2014). While to date these have not been shown to
be essential definitional criteria, they have been seen as potential factors that might deepen understand-
ing of the nature and severity of the aggression as well as the motivations for, and consequences of,
cyberbullying.

Greater Anonymity

Anonymity online varies by degree, from full anonymity, to pseudonymity (where one uses a fictional
username, avatar, or both), to visual anonymity (where physical characteristics are hidden or unavailable)
(Keipi & Oksanen, 2014, p. 1099). This feature of online communication affords users the opportunity
to engage in cyberbullying with less accountability and fewer repercussions (Runions, 2013), because
users are less likely to fear punishment by authority figures or retaliation by their targets (Wright, 2013),
and even witnesses do not necessarily know who they are (Mehari et al., 2014, p. 403). Studies done
with young adults have provided some evidence that believing one’s actions to be truly anonymous does
predict cyber-aggressive behavior over time (Barlett, Gentile, & Chew, 2014; Wright, 2013). Further,
some researchers have suggested that a repeated threat from an anonymous person can induce more fear
and feelings of helplessness in the victim, possibly due to their perceiving less control over the situation
(Sticca & Perren, 2013). At the same time, however, studies have shown that most school-age victims
of cyberbullying know their bullies (for a recap, see Cassidy, Faucher, & Jackson, 2013, p. 579), and
that some people who engage in offline bullying (e.g., spreading hurtful rumors around school) suc-
cessfully hide their identities from their victims (Ybarra, Mitchell, & Espelage, 2012). Further, recent
studies have found that young people do not perceive anonymity to be very important “in determining
victim-perpetrator relationships and the seriousness of the behavior” (Bryce & Fraser, 2013, p. 783; see
also Compton, Campbell, & Mergler, 2014).

No Time or Space Limitations

Researchers have theorized that the 24/7 feature of the Internet might mean that those being cyberbullied
feel no relief, that there is no safe space or time. In a US national survey that measured relative rates of
online and offline bullying, Ybarra and colleagues found, however, that only a small (but, nevertheless,
concerning) 5% of young people reported being bullied in multiple environments (Ybarra et al., 2012,
p. 211).

Greater Publicity

Researchers have posited that the potentially wider audience for cruel or embarrassing incidents might
make cyberbullying worse for its victims. The evidence for this, so far, is mixed. In the national study just
mentioned, over twice as many youth who reported having been bullied at school said they felt “extremely
upset” by the most serious incident as compared to youth bullied online (Ybarra et al., 2012, p. 210).
In an experimental study based on hypothetical scenarios, Sticca and Perren (2013) found that youth in
grades 7-8 ranked as worse (more distressing) public bullying scenarios, whether online or offline. The

7
 
Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

publicity, rather than the medium of communication, was their main concern. In addition, although the
incident that goes viral on the Internet might be “potentially the most harmful,” the literature suggests
that “Most cyberbullying attacks still happen in a localized online context” (Festl & Quandt, 2013, p.
123 n. 3; see also Slonje et al., 2013, p. 27).

Missing or Ambiguous Social Cues

Citing the theoretical work of Suler on the “online disinhibition effect,” many researchers have discussed
the way that visible witnesses and the nearby presence of authority figures can serve as barriers to ag-
gression offline, but online where these are often absent, people may feel more free to cyberbully (e.g.,
Barlett et al., 2014; Mehari et al., 2014, p. 402). Tone of voice and facial expressions, including eye
contact, gestures, and body language influence face-to-face communication, but these social cues are
missing from much electronically-mediated communication. As discussed earlier, this can lead to mis-
communication or lack of understanding of intentions. Potential bullies may not get direct feedback that
their behavior is being read as hurtful; in many online situations, they will not see emotional reactions
that might prompt an empathic response (Mehari et al., 2014; Runions, 2013). At the same time, to the
extent that some potential bullies online do not have unmediated social reinforcement from bystanders,
they may be more motivated to act in offline situations.

How Is Cyberbullying Measured?

The lack of consensus among bullying researchers of cyberbullying’s defining characteristics and relevant
dimensions is reflected in the wide-ranging and inconsistent ways it has been measured (for reviews,
see Kowalski et al., 2014; Mehari et al., 2014; Thomas et al., 2014). In a systematic review of studies
(published before late 2010) with instruments that assessed cyberbullying, Berne and colleagues (2013,
p. 329) located 44 definitions with the following criteria:

• Occurs via electronic media: 42

• Intention to harm: 40
• Repeated behavior: 25
• Power imbalance: 13
• 24/7 nature: 0
• Anonymity: 0
• Wider audience: 0

With so many measurement tools failing to include the key definitional criteria, researchers have
sometimes conflated cyberbullying with peer conflict (Sabella et al., 2013) or more general peer “cyber-
aggression” (Runions, 2013; Thomas et al., 2014; Ybarra et al., 2014). Ybarra and colleagues have
conducted a series of studies aimed to sort through the confusion. They found, importantly, that includ-
ing a list of cyberbullying behaviors without using the word bully or a definition of bullying leads to
inflated prevalence rates. They recommend using the word bully (with or without a definition) and then
directly measuring such criteria as power imbalance and repetition to reduce misclassification (Ybarra,
boyd, Korchmaros, & Oppenheim, 2012; see also Kowalski et al., 2014). In a later study, Ybarra and
colleagues found that generalized peer aggression (Internet harassment) and cyberbullying overlapped,

8

Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

with the latter the more specific and consequential form. This study provided particularly convincing
evidence for why prevalence rates vary so widely, because it assessed both concepts (generalized peer
aggression and cyberbullying) “separately within the same study using the same sampling and data col-
lection methodology; and measure time frame” (Ybarra et al., 2014, p. 294).
These findings are in line with the idea that cyberbullying is not itself a distinct type (or new form)
of bullying but should be considered under the more general definition of bullying (Kowalski et al.,
2014; Thomas et al., 2014, p. 10). Rather, the medium of communication is an additional dimension of
bullying (elements of which might be measured), where three well-documented forms of bullying can
be expressed in-person or electronically: (a) physical, (b) relational, and (c) verbal (Mehari et al., 2014).
While some researchers argue that cyberbullying consists mainly of relational bullying (social exclu-
sion, rumor spreading) (e.g., Talwar, Gomez-Garibello, & Shariff, 2014), Mehari and colleagues argue
that even physical bullying can occur electronically. They give as examples sending violent pictures or
issuing threats of physical violence (2014, pp. 404, 406).
When cyberbullying is defined and measured in a way that takes into account intention, repetition,
and power imbalance, prevalence rates are much lower. For example, Olweus found that only 4.1–5.0%
of youth experienced victimization, while 2.5–3.2% of youth could be classified as bullies (2012a), with
a very high proportion of those involved in cyberbullying also involved in traditional bullying (Olweus,
2012a, b; see also Hinduja & Patchin, 2012; Kowalski et al., 2014, p. 1107).
This is not to say that citizens should not be concerned about the more general phenomenon of peer
cyber-aggression, particularly if it is directed against people on the grounds of race, gender, real or
perceived sexuality, national origin, religion, physical or mental disability, and other grounds where
discrimination is prohibited by law (for further discussion, see the Issues section below). Indeed, group-
interview studies have found that young people labeled as cyberbullying a one-time incident, if severe
or highly publicized (Dredge et al., 2014; Nocentini et al., 2010; Menesini et al., 2012; but see Olweus,
2012a, pp. 531-532). Rather than confuse the issue, however, we suggest (following Waldman, 2012)
labeling a one-time serious incident a cyberattack, reserving the term cyberbullying only for repeated
cyberattacks. See Figure 1 for a conceptual map of how these various ideas relate to one another.
To recap, there has been a lack of consensus regarding the concept of cyberbullying and its definition
and therefore how to measure it. To date, these differences have made it difficult to make meaningful
comparisons of findings across studies and therefore to draw firm conclusions, but we do want to comment
on a few trends, because we think the available evidence can quell certain anxieties and provisionally
inform efforts at prevention and intervention.

Age Differences and School Transitions

The available research suggests that cyberbullying is at its worst in grades 7 through 10, late middle school
and early high school (Kowalski et al., 2014, p. 1125; see also Cassidy, Jackson, & Brown, 2009; Steeves,
2014a). This is an age when traditional bullying is also peaking, and Juvonen and Graham (2014), in a
comprehensive review of school bullying, note that middle school or the transition from elementary to
secondary school are times when young people are preoccupied with establishing their place in the social
hierarchy. This is in line with social dominance theory, wherein “bullying perpetration can be considered
a strategic behavior that enables youths to gain and maintain a dominant position within their group” (p.
164). This suggests that during periods of “social reorganization and uncertainty,” such as the transition
from elementary to middle school or to high school, bullying behaviors aimed at enhancing one’s status

9
 
Cyberbullying and Internet Safety

Figure 1. Conceptual map of terms and ideas related to cyberbullying

would be most prevalent (p. 164). “On the basis of the current evidence,” as Juvonen and Graham note,
“it is difficult to determine whether these transitions involve mainly environmental changes (e.g., larger
schools, increased anonymity) or whether the combination of environmental and developmental (e.g.,
pubertal) changes is involved in the creation of social hierarchies based on aggression” (p. 165).

Potential Impact on Victims

A number of recent reviews have correlated cyberbullying with a plethora of psychosocial, affective,
and academic problems (Kowalski et al., 2014, esp. pp. 1114-1115; Slonje et al., 2013, pp. 29-30;
Tokunaga, 2010). Because most studies have been cross-sectional (often using self-reported question-
naire data generated at one point in time) and because cyberbullying has been defined in so many ways,
the research on cyberbullying victimization has been “replete with mixed findings” (Tokunaga, 2010,
p. 282). For these reasons, we must be cautious at this stage about the negative impacts attributed to
cyberbullying victimization.
That said, and to focus here only on mental health, there are a number of cross-sectional studies
showing significant associations between involvement in cyberbullying, as either a victim or bully,
and symptoms of depression and suicidal ideation, independent of involvement in traditional bullying
(Bonanno & Hymel, 2013; Bauman, Toomey, & Walker, 2013). In a 2-year longitudinal study of both
traditional and cyberbullying victimization in the Netherlands, researchers (Bannink, Broeren, van de
Looij-Jansen, de Waart, & Raat, 2014) found that among girls—but not boys—both traditional bul-
lying and cyberbullying victimization were associated with mental health problems, after controlling
for baseline mental health. The study demonstrated that, for both boys and girls, traditional bullying

10
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
later in Canada, than in the midst of Sweden. [253]

Near each farm there is a kitchen-garden, in which onions are most

abundant; because the French farmers eat their dinners of them with
bread, on Fridays and Saturdays, or fasting days. However, I cannot
say, the French are strict observers of fasting; for several of my
rowers ate flesh to-day, though it was Friday. The common people in
Canada may be smelled when one passes by them, on account of
their frequent use of onions. Pumpions are likewise abundant in the
farmer’s gardens. They dress them in several ways, but the most
common is to cut them through the middle, and place the inside on
the hearth, towards the fire, till it is quite roasted. The pulp is then cut
out of the peel, and eaten; people above the vulgar put sugar to it.
Carrots, sallad, French beans, cucumbers, and currant shrubs, are
planted in every farmer’s little kitchen-garden.

Every farmer plants a quantity of tobacco near his house, in

proportion to the size of his family. It is likewise very necessary that
they should plant tobacco, because it is so universally smoaked by
the common people. Boys of ten or twelve years of age, run about
with the pipe in their mouths, as well as the old people. [254]Persons
above the vulgar, do not refuse to smoak a pipe now and then. In the
northern parts of Canada, they generally smoak tobacco by itself; but
further upwards, and about Montreal, they take the inner bark of the
red Cornelian cherry 104, crush it, and mix it with the tobacco, to make
it weaker. People of both sexes, and of all ranks, use snuff very
much. Almost all the tobacco, which is consumed here, is the
produce of the country, and some people prefer it even to Virginian
tobacco: but those who pretend to be connoisseurs, reckon the last
kind better than the other.

Though many nations imitate the French customs; yet I observed on

the contrary, that the French in Canada in many respects follow the
customs of the Indians, with whom they converse every day. They
make use of the tobacco-pipes, shoes, garters, and girdles, of the
Indians. They follow the Indian way of making war with exactness;
they mix the same things with tobacco, they make use of the Indian
bark-boats, and row them in the Indian way; they wrap square pieces
of cloth round their feet, instead of stockings, and have adopted
many other Indian fashions. When [255]one comes into the house of a
Canada peasant, or farmer, he gets up, takes his hat off to the
stranger, desires him to sit down, puts his hat on and sits down
again. The gentlemen and ladies, as well as the poorest peasants
and their wives, are called Monsieur and Madame. The peasants,
and especially their wives, wear shoes, which consist of a piece of
wood hollowed out, and are made almost as slippers. Their boys,
and the old peasants themselves, wear their hair behind in a cue;
and most of them wear red woollen caps at home, and sometimes
on their journies.

The farmers prepare most of their dishes of milk. Butter is but

seldom seen, and what they have is made of sour cream, and
therefore not so good as English butter. Many of the French are very
fond of milk, which they eat chiefly on fasting days. However, they
have not so many methods of preparing it as we have in Sweden.
The common way was to boil it, and put bits of bread, and a good
deal of sugar, into it. The French here eat near as much flesh as the
English, on those days when their religion allows it. For excepting
the soup, the sallads, and the desert, all their other dishes consist of
flesh variously prepared. [256]

At night we lay at a farm-house, near a river called Petite Riviere,

which falls here into the river St. Lawrence. This place is reckoned
sixteen French miles from Quebec, and ten from Trois Rivieres. The
tide is still considerable here. Here is the last place where the hills,
along the river, consist of black lime-slate; further on they are
composed merely of earth.

Fire-flies flew about the woods at night, though not in great numbers;
the French call them Mouches à feu.

The houses in this neighbourhood are all made of wood. The rooms
are pretty large. The inner roof rests on two, three, or four, large thick
spars, according to the size of the room. The chinks are filled with
clay, instead of moss. The windows are made entirely of paper. The
chimney is erected in the middle of the room; that part of the room
which is opposite the fire, is the kitchen; that which is behind the
chimney, serves the people to sleep, and receive strangers in.
Sometimes there is an iron stove behind the chimney.

September the 13th. Near Champlain, which is a place about five

French miles from Trois Rivieres, the steep hills near the river
consist of a yellow, and sometimes ockre-coloured sandy earth, in
which [257]a number of small springs arise. The water in them is
generally filled with yellow ockre, which is a sign, that these dry
sandy fields contain a great quantity of the same iron ore, which is
dug at Trois Rivieres. It is not conceivable from whence that number
of small rivulets takes their rise, the ground above being flat, and
exceeding dry in summer. The lands near the river are cultivated for
about an English mile into the country; but behind them there are
thick forests, and low grounds. The woods, which collect a quantity
of moisture, and prevent the evaporation of the water, force it to
make its way under ground to the river. The shores of the river are
here covered with a great deal of black iron-sand.

Towards evening we arrived at Trois Rivieres, where we staid no

longer, than was necessary to deliver the letters, which we brought
with us from Quebec. After that we went a French mile higher up,
before we took our night’s lodging.
This afternoon we saw three remarkable old people. One was an old
Jesuit, called father Joseph Aubery, who had been a missionary to
the converted Indians of St. François. This summer he ended the
fiftieth year of his mission. He therefore [258]returned to Quebec, to
renew his vows there; and he seemed to be healthy, and in good
spirits. The other two people were our landlord and his wife; he was
above eighty years of age, and she was not much younger. They
had now been fifty-one years married. The year before, at the end of
the fiftieth year of their marriage, they went to church together, and
offered up thanks to God Almighty for the great grace he gave them.
They were yet quite well, content, merry, and talkative. The old man
said, that he was at Quebec when the English besieged it, in the
year 1690, and that the bishop went up and down the streets,
dressed in his pontifical robes, and a sword in his hand, in order to
recruit the spirits of the soldiers.

This old man said, that he thought the winters were formerly much
colder than they are now. There fell likewise a greater quantity of
snow, when he was young. He could remember the time when
pumpions, cucumbers, &c. were killed by the frost about mid-
summer, and he assured me, that the summers were warmer now
than they used to be formerly. About thirty and some odd years ago,
there was such a severe winter in Canada, that the frost killed many
birds; but the old man [259]could not remember the particular year.
Every body allowed, that the summers in 1748, and 1749, had been
warmer in Canada than they have been many years ago.

The soil is reckoned pretty fertile; and wheat yields nine or ten grains
from one. But when this old man was a boy, and the country was
new and rich every where, they could get twenty, or four-and-twenty,
grains from one. They sow but little rye here; nor do they sow much
barley, except for the use of cattle. They complain, however, that
when they have a bad crop, they are obliged to bake bread of barley.
September the 14th. This morning we got up early, and pursued our
journey. After we had gone about two French miles, we got into lake
St. Pierre, which we crossed. Many plants, which are common in our
Swedish lakes, swim at the top of this water. This lake is said to be
covered every winter with such strong ice, that a hundred loaded
horses could go over it together with safety.

A craw-fish, or river lobster, somewhat like a crab, but quite minute,

about two geometrical lines long, and broad in proportion, was
frequently drawn up by us with the aquatic weeds, its colour is a pale
greenish white. [260]

The cordated Pontederia 105 grows plentiful on the sides of a long and
narrow canal of water, in the places frequented by our water-lilies 106.
A great number of hogs wade far into this kind of strait, and
sometimes duck the greatest part of their bodies under water, in
order to get at the roots, which they are very fond of.

As soon as we were got through lake St. Pierre, the face of the
country was entirely changed, and became as agreeable as could be
wished. The isles, and the land on both sides of us, looked like the
prettiest pleasure-gardens; and this continued till near Montreal.

Near every farm on the river-side there are some boats, hollowed out
of the trunks of single trees, but commonly neat and well made,
having the proper shape of boats. In one single place I saw a boat
made of the bark of trees.

September the 15th. We continued our journey early this morning.

On account of the strength of the river, which came down against us,
we were sometimes obliged to let the rowers go on shore, and draw
the boat. [261]
At four o’clock in the evening we arrived at Montreal; and our voyage
was reckoned a happy one, because the violence of the river flowing
against us all the way, and the changeableness of the winds,
commonly protract it to two weeks.

September the 19th. Several people here in town have got the
French vines, and planted them in their gardens. They have two
kinds of grapes, one of a pale green, or almost white; the other, of a
reddish brown colour. From the white ones they say, white wine is
made; and from the red ones, red wine. The cold in winter obliges
them to put dung round the roots of the vines, without which they
would be killed by the frost. The grapes began to be ripe in these
days; the white ones are a little sooner ripe than the red ones. They
make no wine of them here, because it is not worth while; but they
are served up at deserts. They say these grapes do not grow so big
here as in France.

Water-melons 107 are cultivated in great plenty in the English and

French American colonies; and there is hardly a peasant here, who
has not a field planted with them. They are chiefly cultivated in the
[262]neighbourhood of towns; and they are very rare in the north part
of Canada. The Indians plant great quantities of water-melons at
present; but whether they have done it of old is not easily
determined. For an old Onidoe Indian (of the six Iroquese nations)
assured me, that the Indians did not know water-melons before the
Europeans came into the country, and communicated them to the
Indians. The French, on the other hand, have assured me, that the
Illinois Indians have had abundance of this fruit, when the French
first came to them; and that they declare, they had planted them
since times immemorial. However, I do not remember having read
that the Europeans, who first came to North-America, mention the
water-melons, in speaking of the dishes of the Indians at that time.
How great the summer heat is in those parts of America which I have
passed through, can easily be conceived, when one considers, that
in all those places, they never sow water-melons in hot-beds, but in
the open fields in spring, without so much as covering them, and
they ripen in time. Here are two species of them, viz. one with a red
pulp, and one with a white one. The first is more common to the
southward, with the Illinois, and in the [263]English colonies; the last
is more abundant in Canada. The seeds are sown in spring, after the
cold is entirely gone off, in a good rich ground, at some distance
from each other; because their stalks spread far, and require much
room, if they shall be very fruitful. They were now ripe at Montreal;
but in the English colonies they ripen in July and August. They
commonly require less time to ripen in, than the common melons.
Those in the English colonies are commonly sweeter, and more
agreeable, than the Canada ones. Does the greater heat contribute
any thing towards making them more palatable? Those in the
province of New-York are, however, reckoned the best.

The water-melons are very juicy; and the juice is mixed with a
cooling pulp, which is very good in the hot summer-season. Nobody
in Canada, in Albany, and in other parts of New-York, could produce
an example, that the eating of water-melons in great quantities had
hurt any body; and there are examples even of sick persons eating
them without any danger. Further to the south, the frequent use of
them it is thought brings on intermitting fevers, and other bad
distempers, especially in such people as are less used to them.
Many [264]Frenchmen assured me, that when people born in Canada
came to the Illinois, and eat several times of the water-melons of that
part, they immediately got a fever; and therefore the Illinois advise
the French not to eat of a fruit so dangerous to them. They
themselves are subject to be attacked by fevers, if they cool their
stomachs too often with water-melons. In Canada they keep them in
a room, which is a little heated; by which means they will keep fresh
two months after they are ripe; but care must be taken, that the frost
spoil them not. In the English plantations they likewise keep them
fresh in dry cellars, during part of the winter. They assured me that
they keep better when they are carefully broke off from the stalk, and
afterwards burnt with a red-hot iron, in the place where the stalk was
fastened. In this manner they may be eaten at Christmas, and after.
In Pensylvania, where they have a dry sandy earth, they make a
hole in the ground, put the water-melons carefully into it with their
stalks, by which means they keep very fresh during a great part of
winter. Few people, however, take this trouble with the water-melons;
because they being very cooling, and the winter being very cold too,
it seems to be less necessary to [265]keep them for eating in that
season, which is already very cold. They are of opinion in these
parts, that cucumbers cool more than water-melons. The latter are
very strongly diuretic. The Iroquese call them Onoheserakatee.

Gourds of several kinds, oblong, round, flat or compressed, crook-

necked, small, &c. are planted in all the English and French colonies.
In Canada, they fill the chief part of the farmers kitchen-gardens,
though the onions came very near up with them. Each farmer in the
English plantations, has a large field planted with gourds, and the
Germans, Swedes, Dutch, and other Europeans, settled in their
colonies, plant them. Gourds are a considerable part of the Indian
food; however, they plant more squashes than common gourds.
They declare, that they have had gourds long before the Europeans
discovered America; which seems to be confirmed by the accounts
of the first Europeans that came into these parts, who mentioned
gourds as common food among the Indians. The French here call
them citrouilles, and the English in the colonies, pumpkins. They are
planted in spring, when they have nothing to fear from the frost, in an
enclosed field, and a good rich soil. They are likewise frequently put
into old [266]hot-beds. In Canada, they ripen towards the beginning of
September, but further southward they are ripe at the end of July. As
soon as the cold weather commences, they take off all the pumpions
that remain on the stalk, whether ripe or not, and spread them on the
floor, in a part of the house, where the unripe ones grow perfectly
ripe, if they are not laid one upon the other. This is done round
Montreal in the middle of September; but in Pensylvania, I have seen
some in the fields on the 19th of October. They keep fresh for
several months, and even throughout the winter, if they be well
secured in dry cellars (for in damp ones they rot very soon) where
the cold cannot come in, or, which is still better, in dry rooms which
are heated now and then, to prevent the cold from damaging the
fruit.

Pumpions are prepared for eating in various ways. The Indians boil
them whole, or roast them in ashes, and eat them then, or go to sell
them thus prepared in the towns, and they have, indeed, a very fine
flavour, when roasted. The French and English slice them, and put
the slices before the fire to roast; when they are roasted, they
generally put sugar on the pulp. Another way of roasting them, is to
cut them through the middle, take out all the seeds, put the halves
together again, and roast them in an [267]oven. When they are quite
roasted, some butter is put in, whilst they are warm, which being
imbibed into the pulp, renders it very palatable. They often boil
pumpions in water, and afterwards eat them, either alone or with
flesh. Some make a thin kind of pottage of them, by boiling them in
water, and afterwards macerating the pulp. This is again boiled with
a little of the water, and a good deal of milk, and stirred about whilst
it is boiling. Sometimes the pulp is stamped and kneaded into dough,
with maize flour or other flour; of this they make cakes. Some make
puddings and tarts of gourds. The Indians, in order to preserve the
pumpions for a very long time, cut them in long slices, which they
fasten or twist together, and dry them either by the sun, or by the fire
in a room. When they are thus dried, they will keep for years
together, and when boiled, they taste very well. The Indians prepare
them thus at home and on their journies, and from them the
Europeans have adopted this method. Sometimes they do not take
the time to boil it, but eat it dry with hung beef, or other flesh; and I
own they are eatable in that state, and very welcome to a hungry
stomach. They sometimes preserve them in the following manner at
Montreal: They [268]cut a pumpion in four pieces, peal them, and take
the seeds out of them. The pulp is put in a pot with boiling water, in
which it must boil from four to six minutes. It is then put into a
cullender, and left in it till the next day, that the water may run off.
When it is mixed with cloves, cinnamon, and some lemon peel,
preserved in syrup, and there must be an equal quantity of syrup and
of the pulp. After which it is boiled together, till the syrup is entirely
imbibed, and the white colour of the pulp is quite lost.

September the 20th. The corn of this year’s harvest in Canada, was
reckoned the finest they had ever had. In the province of New-York,
on the contrary, the crop was very poor. The autumn was very fine
this year in Canada.

September the 22d. The French in Canada carry on a great trade

with the Indians; and though it was formerly the only trade of this
extensive country, yet its inhabitants were considerably enriched by
it. At present, they have besides the Indian goods, several other
articles which are exported from hence. The Indians in this
neighbourhood, who go hunting in winter like the other Indians
nations, commonly bring their furs and skins to sale in the
neighbouring [269]French towns; however this is not sufficient. The
Indians who live at a greater distance, never come to Canada at all;
and, lest they should bring their goods to the English, as the English
go to them, the French are obliged to undertake journies, and
purchase the Indian goods in the country of the Indians. This trade is
chiefly carried on at Montreal, and a great number of young and old
men every year, undertake long and troublesome voyages for that
purpose, carrying with them such goods as they know the Indians
like, and are in want of. It is not necessary to take money on such a
journey, as the Indians do not value it; and indeed I think the French,
who go on these journies, scarce ever take a sol or penny with them.

I will now enumerate the chief goods which the French carry with
them for this trade, and which have a good run among the Indians.

Muskets, Powder, Shot, and Balls. The Europeans have taught the
Indians in their neighbourhood the use of fire-arms, and they have
laid aside their bows and arrows, which were formerly their only
arms, and make use of muskets. If the Europeans should now refuse
to supply the Indians with muskets, they would be starved to death;
[270]as almost all their food consists of the flesh of the animals, which
they hunt; or they would be irritated to such a degree as to attack the
Europeans. The Indians have hitherto never tried to make muskets
or similar fire-arms; and their great indolence does not even allow
them to mend those muskets which they have got. They leave this
entirely to the Europeans. As the Europeans came into North-
America, they were very careful not to give the Indians any fire-arms.
But in the wars between the French and English, each party gave
their Indian allies fire-arms, in order to weaken the force of the
enemy. The French lay the blame upon the Dutch settlers in Albany,
saying, that they began, in 1642, to give their Indians fire-arms, and
taught them the use of them, in order to weaken the French. The
inhabitants of Albany, on the contrary, assert, that the French first
introduced this custom, as they would have been too weak to resist
the combined force of the Dutch and English in the colonies. Be this
as it will, it is certain that the Indians buy muskets from the
Europeans, and know at present better how to make use of them,
than some of their teachers. It is likewise certain, that the Europeans
gain [271]considerably by their trade in muskets and ammunition.
Pieces of white cloth, or of a coarse uncut cloth. The Indians
constantly wear such pieces of cloth, wrapping them round their
bodies. Sometimes they hang them over their shoulders; in warm
weather, they fasten them round the middle; and in cold weather,
they put them over the head. Both their men and women wear these
pieces of cloth, which have commonly several blue or red stripes on
the edge.

Blue or red cloth. Of this the Indian women make their petticoats,
which reach only to their knees. They generally chuse the blue
colour.

Shirts and shifts of linen. As soon as an Indian fellow, or one of their

women, have put on a shirt, they never wash it, or strip it off, till it is
entirely torn in pieces.

Pieces of cloth, which they wrap round their legs instead of

stockings, like the Russians.

Hatchets, knives, scissars, needles, and a steel to strike fire with.

These instruments are now common among the Indians. They all
take these instruments from the Europeans, and reckon the hatchets
and knives much better, than those which they formerly made of
stones and bones. The [272]stone hatchets of the ancient Indians are
very rare in Canada.

Kettles of copper or brass, sometimes tinned in the inside. In these

the Indians now boil all their meat, and they have a very great run
with them. They formerly made use of earthen or wooden pots, into
which they poured water, or whatever else they wanted to boil, and
threw in red hot stones to make it boil. They do not want iron boilers,
because they cannot be easily carried on their continual journies,
and would not bear such falls and knocks as their kettles are subject
to.
Ear-rings of different sizes, commonly of brass, and sometimes of
tin. They are worn by both men and women, though the use of them
is not general.

Vermillion. With this they paint their face, shirt, and several parts of
the body. They formerly made use of a reddish earth, which is to be
found in the country; but, as the Europeans brought them vermillion,
they thought nothing was comparable to it in colour. Many persons
have told me, that they had heard their fathers mention, that the first
Frenchmen who came over here, got a great heap of furs from the
Indians, for three times as much cinnabar as would ly on the tip of a
knife. [273]

Verdigrease, to paint their faces green. For the black colour, they
make use of the soot at the bottom of their kettles, and daub their
whole face with it.

Looking glasses. The Indians are very much pleased with them, and
make use of them chiefly when they want to paint themselves. The
men constantly carry their looking glasses with them on all their
journies; but the women do not. The men, upon the whole, are more
fond of dressing than the women.

Burning glasses. These are excellent pieces of furniture in the

opinion of the Indians; because they serve to light the pipe without
any trouble, which an indolent Indian is very fond of.

Tobacco is bought by the northern Indians, in whose country it will

not grow. The southern Indians always plant as much of it as they
want for their own consumption. Tobacco has a great run amongst
the northern Indians, and it has been observed, that the further they
live to the northward, the more they smoke of tobacco.
Wampum, or, as they are here called, porcelanes. They are made of
a particular kind of shells, and turned into little short cylindrical
beads, and serve the Indians for money and ornament. [274]

Glass beads, of a small size, and white or other colours. The Indian
women know how to fasten them in their ribbands, pouches, and
clothes.

Brass and steel wire, for several kinds of work.

Brandy, which the Indians value above all other goods that can be
brought them; nor have they any thing, though ever so dear to them,
which they would not give away for this liquor. But, on account of the
many irregularities which are caused by the use of brandy, the sale
of it has been prohibited under severe penalties; however, they do
not always pay an implicit obedience to this order.

These are the chief goods which the French carry to the Indians, and
they have a good run among them.

The goods which they bring back from the Indians, consist entirely in
furs. The French get them in exchange for their goods, together with
all the necessary provisions they want on the journey. The furs are of
two kinds; the best are the northern ones, and the worst sort those
from the south.

In the northern parts of America there are chiefly the following skins
of animals: [275]beavers, elks 108, rein-deer 109, wolf-lynxes 110, and
martens. They sometimes get martens skins from the south, but they
are red, and good for little. Pichou du Nord is perhaps the animal
which the English, near Hudson’s bay, call the wolverene. To the
northern furs belong the bears, which are but few, and foxes, which
are not very numerous, and generally black; and several other skins.
The skins of the southern parts are chiefly taken from the following
animals: wild cattle, stags, roebucks, otters, Pichoux du Sud, of
which P. Charlevoix makes mention 111, and are probably a species of
cat-lynx, or perhaps a kind of panther; foxes of various kinds,
raccoons, cat-lynxes, and several others.

It is inconceivable what hardships the people in Canada must

undergo on their journies. Sometimes they must carry their goods a
great way by land; frequently they are abused by the Indians, and
sometimes they are killed by them. They often suffer hunger, thirst,
heat, and cold, and are bit by gnats, and exposed to the bites of
poisonous [276]snakes, and other dangerous animals and insects.
These destroy a great part of the youth in Canada, and prevent the
people from growing old. By this means, however, they become such
brave soldiers, and so inured to fatigue, that none of them fear
danger or hardships. Many of them settle among the Indians far from
Canada, marry Indian women, and never come back again.

The prices of the skins in Canada, in the year 1749, were

communicated to me by M. de Couagne, a merchant at Montreal,
with whom I lodged. They were as follows:

Great and middle sized bear skins, cost five livres.

Skins of young bears, fifty sols.

—— lynxs, 25 sols.
—— pichoux du sud, 35 sols.
—— foxes from the southern parts, 35 sols.
—— otters, 5 livres.
—— raccoons, 5 livres.
—— martens, 45 sols.
—— wolf-lynxes 112, 4 livres.
—— wolves, 40 sols.
—— carcajoux, an animal which I do not know, 5 livres. [277]
 Skins of visons, a kind of martens, which live in the water, 25
sols.
Raw skins of elks 113, 10 livres.
—— stags 114.
Bad skins of elks and stags 115, 3 livres.
Skins of roebucks, 25, or 30 sols.
—— red foxes, 3 livres.
—— beavers, 3 livres.

I will now insert a list of all the different kinds of skins, which are to
be got in Canada, and which are sent from thence to Europe. I got it
from one of the greatest merchants in Montreal. They are as follows:

Prepared roebuck skins, chevreuils passés.

Unprepared ditto, chevreuils verts.
Tanned ditto, chevreuils tanés.
Bears, ours.
Young bears, oursons.
Otters, loutres.
Pecans.
Cats, chats.
Wolves, loup de bois.
Lynxes, loups cerviers.
North pichoux, pichoux du nord. [278]
South pichoux, pichoux du sud.
Red foxes, renards rouges.
Cross foxes, renards croisés.
Black foxes, renards noirs.
Grey foxes, renards argentés.
Southern, or Virginian foxes, renards du sud ou de Virginie.
White foxes, from Tadoussac, renards blancs de Tadoussac.
Martens, martres.
Visons, or soutreaux.
 Black squirrels, écureuils noirs.
Raw stags skins, cerfs verts.
Prepared ditto, cerfs passés.
Raw elks skins, originals verts.
Prepared ditto, originals passés.
Rein-deer skins, cariboux.
Raw hinds skins, biches verts.
Prepared ditto, biches passées.
Carcajoux.
Musk rats, rats musqués.
Fat winter beavers, castors gras d’hiver.
Ditto summer beavers, castors gras d’été.
Dry winter beavers, castors secs d’hiver.
Ditto summer beavers, castors secs d’été.
Old winter beavers, castors vieux d’hiver.
Ditto summer beavers, castors vieux d’été.

To-day, I got a piece of native copper from the Upper Lake. They find
it there [279]almost quite pure; so that it does not want melting over
again, but is immediately fit for working. Father Charlevoix 116 speaks
of it in his History of New-France. One of the Jesuits at Montreal,
who had been at the place where this metal is got, told me, that it is
generally found near the mouths of rivers, and that there are pieces
of native copper too heavy for a single man to lift up. The Indians
there say, that they formerly found a piece of about seven feet long,
and near four feet thick, all of pure copper. As it is always found in
the ground near the mouths of rivers, it is probable that the ice or
water carried it down from a mountain; but, notwithstanding the
careful search that has been made, no place has been found, where
the metal lies in any great quantity together.

The head or superior of the priests of Montreal, gave me a piece of

lead-ore to-day. He said it was taken from a place only a few French
miles from Montreal, and it consisted of pretty compact, shining
cubes, of lead ore. I was told by several persons here, that
furthermore southward in the country, there is a place where they
find a great quantity of this lead-ore in the ground. The Indians
[280]near it, melt it, and make balls and shot of it. I got some pieces of
it likewise, consisting of a shining cubic lead-ore, with narrow stripes
between it, and of a white hard earth or clay, which effervesces with
aqua fortis.

I likewise received a reddish brown earth to-day, found near the Lac
de Deux Montagnes, or Lake of Two Mountains, a few French miles
from Montreal. It may be easily crumbled into dust between the
fingers. It is very heavy, and more so than the earth of that kind
generally is. Outwardly, it has a kind of glossy appearance, and,
when it is handled by the fingers for some time, they are quite as it
were silvered over. It is, therefore, probably a kind of lead-earth or an
earth mixed with iron-glimmer.

The ladies in Canada are generally of two kinds: some come over
from France, and the rest natives. The former possess the politeness
peculiar to the French nation; the latter may be divided into those of
Quebec and Montreal. The first of these are equal to the French
ladies in good breeding, having the advantage of frequently
conversing with the French gentlemen and ladies, who come every
summer with the king’s ships, and stay several weeks [281]at
Quebec, but seldom go to Montreal. The ladies of this last place are
accused by the French of partaking too much of the pride of the
Indians, and of being much wanting in French good breeding. What I
have mentioned above of their dressing their head too assiduously,
is the case with all the ladies throughout Canada. Their hair is
always curled, even when they are at home in a dirty jacket, and
short coarse petticoat, that does not reach to the middle of their legs.
On those days when they pay or receive visits, they dress so gayly,
that one is almost induced to think their parents possessed the
greatest dignities in the state. The Frenchmen, who considered
things in their true light, complained very much that a great part of
the ladies in Canada had got into the pernicious custom of taking too
much care of their dress, and squandering all their fortunes, and
more, upon it, instead of sparing something for future times. They
are no less attentive to have the newest fashions; and they laugh at
each other, when they are not dressed to each other’s fancy. But
what they get as new fashions, are grown old, and laid aside in
France; for the ships coming but once every year from thence, the
people in Canada consider that as the new fashion for [282]the whole
year, which the people on board brought with them, or which they
imposed upon them as new. The ladies in Canada, and especially at
Montreal, are very ready to laugh at any blunders strangers make in
speaking; but they are very excusable. People laugh at what
appears uncommon and ridiculous. In Canada nobody ever hears
the French language spoken by any but Frenchmen; for strangers
seldom come thither; and the Indians are naturally too proud to learn
French, but oblige the French to learn their language. From hence it
naturally follows, that the nice Canada ladies cannot hear any thing
uncommon without laughing at it. One of the first questions they
propose to a stranger is, whether he is married? The next, how he
likes the ladies in the country; and whether he thinks them
handsomer than those of his own country? And the third, whether he
will take one home with him? There are some differences between
the ladies of Quebec and those of Montreal; those of the last place
seemed to be generally handsomer than those of the former. Their
behaviour likewise seemed to me to be somewhat too free at
Quebec, and of a more becoming modesty at Montreal. The ladies at
Quebec, especially the unmarried ones, are not very industrious. A
girl of [283]eighteen is reckoned very poorly off, if she cannot
enumerate at least twenty lovers. These young ladies, especially
those of a higher rank, get up at seven, and dress till nine, drinking
their coffee at the same time. When they are dressed, they place
themselves near a window that opens into the street, take up some
needle-work, and sew a stitch now and then; but turn their eyes into
the street most of the time. When a young fellow comes in, whether
they are acquainted with him or not, they immediately lay aside their
work, sit down by him, and begin to chat, laugh, joke, and invent
double-entendres; and this is reckoned being very witty 117. In this
manner they frequently pass the whole day, leaving their mothers to
do all the business in the house. In Montreal, the girls are not quite
so volatile, but more industrious. They are always at their needle-
work, or doing some necessary business in the house. They are
likewise chearful and content; and nobody can say that they want
either wit, or charms. Their fault is, that they think too well of
themselves. However, the daughters of people of all ranks, without
exception, go to market, and carry home what they have bought.
They rise as soon, [284]and go to bed as late, as any of the people in
the house. I have been assured, that, in general, their fortunes are
not considerable; which are rendered still more scarce by the
number of children, and the small revenues in a house. The girls at
Montreal are very much displeased that those at Quebec get
husbands sooner than they. The reason of this is, that many young
gentlemen who come over from France with the ships, are
captivated by the ladies at Quebec, and marry them; but as these
gentlemen seldom go up to Montreal, the girls there are not often so
happy as those of the former place.

September the 23d. This morning I went to Sault au Récollet, a place

three French miles northward of Montreal, to describe the plants and
minerals there, and chiefly to collect seeds of various plants. Near
the town there are farms on both sides of the road; but as one
advances further on, the country grows woody, and varies in regard
to height. It is generally very strong; and there are both pieces of
rock-stone, and a kind of grey lime-stone. The roads are bad, and