The General Election in India

Author(s): S. C. Sarker
Source: The World Today , May, 1962, Vol. 18, No. 5 (May, 1962), pp. 207-221
Published by: Royal Institute of International Affairs

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40393403

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Royal Institute of International Affairs is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to The World Today

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 207

courage in steadfastly applying a policy which could not be popular,

but which most observers recognized to be the only possibl
policy. Richard Comyns Carr

The General Election in India

The recent general election in India, the third to be held since
the country became independent, began, technically speaking, on
13 January and ended on 31 March 1962. But the actual polling in
the overwhelming majority of constituencies took place between
16 and 25 February, by which date it was virtually completed
except in Tripura, Manipur, Kashmir, and Himachal Pradesh.
Polling in Tripura, Kashmir, and Manipur was completed in
March. Only in Himachal Pradesh, in one parliamentary consti-
tuency in Punjab, and in one constituency in Jammu and Kashmir
was polling still to take place, towards the end of April. Afterwards
the six Lok Sabha seats from Kashmir were to be filled up by
indirect election by members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legisla-
ture.

The electorate numbered 216 million, as compared with 193

million in 1957 and 173 million in 1952. According to results avail-
able by mid- April, slightly over 50 per cent of the voters exercised
their franchise to elect 485 members to Parliament. In absolute
numbers, over 115 million voters had by then cast their ballots.
Over 90 million voters did not exercise their franchise.

VOTING METHODS AND PARTIES

In every constituency a voters' list is prepared well ahead

polling date. A draft list is usually kept in a public place fo
gestions from members of the public and is then revised and br
up to date. Despite the care taken to include all the names of vo
some eligible names were unfortunately not included in the
list.1 A glaring omission was that of the mother of the Union H
Minister, Mr Lal|Bahadur Shastri. When this octogenaria
came to a polling station in Allahabad to vote for her son on 3 F
1 For a complaint regarding non-inclusion of certain names in Jamalpur
Monghyr district of Bihar, see letter to The Statesman, Calcutta, 10 Marc
by 'Deprived of Right*.
C

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
2O8 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
ary she had to go back disappointed, since her name was not in the
list. Another notable omission was that of the name of Mr Radha-
nath Rath, former Minister of Orissa.1 In Andhra about Rs.20,000
were realized in fees for late registration as voters.2
Voters coming to the polling booths to cast their votes were
allowed to bring unofficial identity slips issued to them by the candi-
dates bearing the name of the candidate and/or the name of his party
and/or the facsimile of the symbol allotted to him. But no slogans
were allowed to be printed on the identity slips. Since the majority
of the voters were illiterate the identity slips facilitated the identi-
fication of voters at polling booths.
The marking system of voting (i.e., indicating the voter's choice
on the ballot paper itself) was first tried during the mid-term elec-
tions in Kerala. In the present general election the new system was
adopted all over the country except in a few remote places in
Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, the Punjab, and Gujarat,
where the old ballot system was followed.
Contests were held for 500 elective seats of the Lok Sabha (Lower
House of Parliament), of which 494 are elected by direct vote and
six by indirect vote by the Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir. In
addition, seven persons are to be nominated (two from among
Anglo- Indians, and one each from the Andaman and Nicobar
Islands; Laccadive, Minicoy, and Amindive islands; Dadra and
Nagar Haveli ; North East Frontier Tract ; and Naga Hills Tuensang
area).
Elections were also held for 3,196 elective seats in the legislative
assemblies of various States. Kerala (126 seats) and Orissa (140
seats) had held mid-term elections earlier; thus contests for 2,930
Assembly seats remained to be held.3
The Election Commission accorded recognition to sixteen poli-
tical parties and allotted them symbols for the use of their candi-
dates for parliamentary and assembly elections in the different
States and Union Territories. The Indian National Congress was the
only party to be officially recognized as an all-India party; it was
allotted the same symbol (a pair of bullocks under a yoke) through-
out the country. The Communist Party was similarly recognized in
all States and Union Territories except Madhya Pradesh, Mysore,
and Himachal Pradesh, and so too was the Praja-Socialist Party
(P.S.P.) except in Punjab, Rajasthan, and Tripura. The Jan Sangh
1 The Hindu, Madras, 24 February 1962. 2 ibid., 9 February 1962.
3 Indian Express, Bombay, 15 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 209
was recognized in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab, Rajas-
than, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi; the Socialist Party in Andhra,
Bihar, Gujarat, Madras, Uttar Pradesh, and Manipur; the Swatan-
tra Party in Andhra, Bihar, Gujarat, Madras, Uttar Pradesh, and
Himachal Pradesh; Hindu Mahasabha in Madhya Pradesh, West
Bengal, and Delhi; Ram Rajya Parishad in Madhya Pradesh and
Rajasthan; the Republican Party in Maharashtra and Punjab; the
Jharkhand Party in Bihar; the Muslim League in Kerala; the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (D.M.K.) in Madras; the Peasants
and Workers' Party in Maharashtra ; Ganatantra Parishad in Orissa ;
Akali Dal in Punjab ; and the Forward Bloc in West Bengal.1
There were 1,979 candidates for the 489 contested seats of the
Lok Sabha, as compared with 1,593 in the second general election.
The Congress Party, with 485 candidates, accounted for the largest
number, followed by Jan Sangh (198), Swatantra (172), Praja
Socialist Party (166), Communists (137), Socialists (107), Republi-
cans (80), Hindu Mahasabha (42), Ram Rajya Parishad (41),
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (18), Jharkhand Party (11), Gana-
tantra Parishad of Orissa and the Peasants' and Workers' Party of
Maharashtra (10 each), Forward Bloc and the Akali Dal (7 each),
the Muslim League (3), and other parties and Independent candi-
dates (85). There was a straight contest in 64 constituencies.2
In the State legislatures (except in Kerala and Orissa), 12,764
candidates contested 2,930 elective seats, Uttar Pradesh account-
ing for the largest number (2,627) °f candidates, followed by Bihar
(1,529), and Madhya Pradesh (i,333).3
Three persons, all of them Congress nominees, were declared
elected unopposed to the Lok Sabha. They are the former Union
Finance Minister, Mr T. T. Krishnamachari (from Madras), Mr
Hare Krushna Mahtab, former Union Commerce Minister (from
Orissa), and Mr Manabandra Shah (Uttar Pradesh).4 Forty-six
persons - thirteen Congress nominees and the rest belonging to the
National Conference in Jammu and Kashmir - were returned un-
opposed to the various State legislatures - 33 in Jammu and Kash-
mir, 6 in Andhra Pradesh, 3 in Madhya Pradesh, 2 in Mysore, and
1 each in Rajasthan and West Bengal.6

1 Indian Affairs Record, New Delhi, Vol. vu, No. 9, October 1961, p. 176.
2 Times of India. Bombay, 12 February 1062.
3 Indian Express , Bombay, 16 February 1062.
4 Ananda Bazar Patrika, Calcutta, 2«; February 1062.
5 P.T.I. Report from New Delhi, Ananda Bazar Patrika, 16 February 1962.
See also ibid., 25 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
21 0 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
The unopposed return to Parliament of the former Union
Finance Minister, Mr T. T. Krishnamachari, was made possible by
the sudden (and apparently unauthorized) withdrawal from the con-
test of the Swatantra Party candidate, Mr Thangaswami Nadar, on
23 January. This caused much excitement in the Swatantra circles
and the party leader, Mr C. Rajagopalachari, came out with a
denunciation of both Mr Krishnamachari and Mr Thangaswami.
The result, he said, would not 'redound to the credit of the con-
testing parties'.1 In Orissa the Swatantra Party claimed credit for
the uncontested return of the Congress nominee, Mr H. K. Mah-
tab.
Except for occasional minor incidents, polling was peaceful
throughout the country. It took place usually between 8 a.m. and
5 p.m., being extended only in exceptional cases beyond that time.
For example, at a booth in Muthampatti village in Oddanchathiram
constituency (one of the Assembly components of Dindigul Parlia-
mentary constituency in Madras), polling on 17 February had to be
prolonged till eleven o'clock at night, as much time was lost because
of objections raised by polling agents about the alleged prompting
of voters by the Presiding Officer.2
In a polling booth in the Ekbalpur constituency in Calcutta no
voters at all turned up, nor were any votes cast in the three polling
booths in Koyali village of Baroda north constituency.3 Only 17 out
of about 650 voters turned up on 19 February at the polling station
in the Kathghora tribal reserved constituency, in Bilaspur district
in Madhya Pradesh.
Reports were received from several places concerning the voters'
superstition about some aspect of polling arrangements. For ex-
ample, a young woman left a polling booth at Ramghat, in Varanasi
in Uttar Pradesh, without voting because she feared that the
indelible ink mark on her hand might hamper her marital prospects.
At a booth in the rural area of the Chail Assembly constituency in
Allahabad district of Uttar Pradesh the polling staff were faced with
a ticklish problem when a group of married women voters refused to
give the names of their husbands. (A married Hindu woman is,
according to custom, not supposed to utter the name of her husband
or the husband's elders.) The Presiding Officer solved the problem
by reading out the names of the husbands and the ladies were asked
to say 'yes' or 'no'. A number of centenarians voted, among them a
1 Times of India, 25 January 1962. 2 The Hindu, 23 February 1962.
* tree Press Journal, Bombay, 27 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 211

woman, Mrs Guru Sambi, aged 120, who wa

Indian War of Independence (1857).
Efforts were made this time to complete the elec
period than on previous occasions. But it was de
with all the major parties, not to publish any r
was completed all over the country in order to avo
logical effects on the voters.1 Consequently cou
until 25 February, although polling had begun o
25 February and 1 March the Government-ow
broadcast special news bulletins from New Delh
stations announcing the results. From New De
news bulletins - four each in Hindi and Englis
every day from the night of 25 February, as
Urdu, which also came from Srinagar. The bulle
State capitals (except in Punjab, where the broa
in Jullundur) gave a summary of State resu
language of the State concerned.2
In the large cities the telephone authorities in
owned sector made arrangements to furnish t
their special information services. Although t
tended mainly to communicate results of conte
respective States, results of important contest
were also given.3 The Ananda Bazar Patrik
Bengali daily of Calcutta, went a step farther and
in the northern and southern parts of Calcutt
results.4
About 3-9 million votes, or some 3-8 per cent
cast, were declared invalid.5 The reasons for th
invalid votes have not been satisfactorily establ
may have been the introduction of the markin
papers. As the correspondent of Amrita Bazar
from Coimbatore, in Southern India (21 Febru
votes are likely to be invalidated in several co
counting due to illiterate voters, mostly harij
marking ballot papers on two symbols, because
1 Statement of Mr K. V. K. Sundaram, Chief Election C
Delhi on 17 January (Hindu, 18 January 1962).
2 For arrangements see Press Trust of India Report in
20 February 1962.
3 For arrangements in the city of Calcutta, see the Amrita Bazar Patnka,
15 February 1962.
4 Ananda Bazar Fatnka, 26 February 1902.
5 Amrita Bazar Patrika, 9 March 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
212 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
would favour two candidates who had wooed them for their votes/
The Statesman wrote (3 March), 'The very high proportion of
invalid votes suggests defects, or avoidable intricacies, in voting
procedure.' Describing the invalid votes as 'a melancholy feature',
Mr C. Rajagopalachari, the Swatantra Party leader, said that it was
'indeed a pity that the voter, who goes to the polling station pre-
sumably instructed by persons interested in his vote, should fail
in his task*. He blamed the election machinery and added, 'We
must say, therefore, that the machinery has not done its duty and
the arrangements taken for recording the votes were not satisfac-
tory'.1

THE MENON-KRIPALANI CONTEST

A number of contests attracted particular attentio

national front, the contest between the Congress nomin
Krishna Menon, Union Defence Minister, and Mr J. B.
a former president of the Indian National Congress who
Independent candidate with the backing of all Opposit
except the Communist Party and the Hindu Mahasabha,
the most notable one, judging by the prominence accord
the press in and outside Bombay City, where the t
opposed each other. Two other important contests on a
scale were that in Calcutta between the Union Law Min
A. K. Sen, and the Communist nominee, Mr S. K. Acha
that in New Delhi between the Union Rehabilitation Min
Mehr Chand Khanna, and the Jan Sangh candidate,
Balraj Madhok. The Communist Party opposed the U
Minister in Calcutta, but actively campaigned in favou
Union Rehabilitation Minister in New Delhi and the Union Defence
Minister in Bombay. All three contests went in favour of the Con-
gress.
The most widely discussed contest in the country was un-
doubtedly that between Mr J. B. Kripalani and Mr V. K. Krishna
Menon, in North Bombay. The Chief Minister of Maharashtra,
describing it as of international importance, said the result would
affect the country's future for the next decade.2 Mr Kripalani's
supporters claimed it to be a fight between Communism and
democracy. He himself stated that he had entered the North Bom-
bay contest not to oppose the Congress or the Prime Minister but
'to oppose the Communist and anti-national forces working in the
1 Hindustan Times, 14 March 1962. 2 ibid, y 24 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 21 3

country openly and secretly. I consider Mr Menon as the spearhe

of the creeping march of Communism in the country and in t
Congress.'1 He was backed by such venerable leaders as Mr
Jayaprakash Narayan and Mr Vaikunth L. Mehta, who occupied
position of special honour in Bombay City. The Prime Minister
Mr Nehru, and other senior leaders of the Congress Party, including
two former Congress Presidents, Mr U. N. Dhebar and Mr
Indira Gandhi, forcefully refuted Mr Kripalani's allegation and
described Mr Menon as a true socialist. Mr Nehru strongly
denounced the campaign against him, branding it as an India
variant of McCarthyism, and even condemning foreign interference
in the North Bombay election.
Since Mr Menon was the country's Defence Minister and had on
many occasions acted as its chief spokesman at the United Nation
foreign policy was naturally prominent in the debate between him
self and Mr Kripalani. The latter held Mr Menon responsible fo
the Chinese occupation of Indian territory. Mr Nehru interven
decisively and absolved Mr Menon of any responsibility for polic
towards China. 'If anyone is to be blamed for it,' he declared, 'the
it is I who should be blamed as I am in charge of the Extern
Affairs Ministry. Mr Krishna Menon or the Defence Ministry ha
nothing to do with this aggression on Indian territory by t
Chinese.'2 Although Mr Kripalani several times proclaimed that h
had nothing personally against the Union Defence Minister, per
sonal references against Mr Menon figured prominently in the anti-
Menon campaign, the tone of which was indeed more anti-Menon
than pro-Kripalani.
A special feature of this contest was that Mr Menon, though
Congress nominee, was openly opposed by a section of Congress
men but was firmly supported by the Communist Party. On th
other hand Mr Kripalani, who stood as an Independent candidat
had the open support of all the other parties including the P.S.P
Swatantra Party, Jan Sangh, D.M.K., and the Muslim League. Th
only notable exception was the Hindu Mahasabha, which had its
own candidate in the field. Another interesting feature was the open
support given to the anti-Menon campaign by two leading news
papers in Bombay. On polling day (25 February) one of them, th
Indian Express, came out with a box appeal on the front page telling
the voters that while it was their duty to vote Congress they should
make an exception in Bombay and vote against the officiai Con
1 ibid, y 22 February 1962.2 ibid, y 12 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
214 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
gress nominee, Mr Menon, and support the anti-Menon forces.
Mr Menon obtained 298,427 votes and thus won by a thumping
majority three times the size of that (48,000) of the 1957 election.
Mr Kripalani, with 153,069 votes, was defeated in all the six
assembly constituencies included in the North Bombay parlia-
mentary constituency. The other seven candidates together polled
some 21,400 votes; 10,250 votes were declared invalid.1

THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN

According to the Election Commissioner, there was litt

ment in the country about this election.2 The Prime Minist
took an extensive tour to lead the Congress campaign. All th
political figures moved about up and down the coun
month before polling began. The Congress leaders stresse
for national integration, economic planning, State own
industry, and non-alignment in international relations.
sition, being divided ideologically, politically, and in org
naturally had different and not always mutually compat
to say. On the economic front the stand of the Commu
Socialist, and Hindu Mahasabha parties was hardly disti
from that of the Congress, apart from occasional vari
emphasis. The Swatantra and the Jan Sangh, opposing
and socialism, were nearer to each other in their opposit
gress. On foreign policy, the Communist Party genera
with minor reservations, with the Congress Governmen
but most of the other parties - notably the Praja Socialist P
Swatantra Party, the Jan Sangh, and the Hindu Mahasab
very much opposed to the policy of non-alignment.
To sum up, socialism, nationalization of industries
reforms, national integration, corruption, China, Goa, a
defence were among the subjects prominent both in th
election manifestoes and in the campaign speeches. Onl
Bengal did the Communist Party raise the slogan of an
Government to the Congress. Elsewhere, the Oppositio
including the Communists, confined themselves to dem
more powerful and effective opposition. The absenc
challenge to the Congress, even at the beginning, robbed
paign of much of its importance, although in sharply
areas it took on a very interesting shape. Mr Nehru again
1 Amrita Bazar Patrika, 4 March 1962.
2 Indian Express, 15 February 1962, report from Amntsar.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 21 5

warned the nation against the danger of communalism and se

atism.1 The main burden of his speeches was a denunciation o
policies of the Jan Sangh and the Swatantra Party which we
directly opposed to the home and foreign policies of the Con
and were backed by landed interests in Bihar and Uttar Prad
Generally he was more vocal in criticizing the rightist elem
although he was equally critical of the extreme Left as repres
by the Communist Party of India, whose extra-national allegi
he denounced.
Undoubtedly to many people national issues such as economic
and defence policies were of significance. But over a wide area it was
the small local issues that dominated the rival campaigns. In Rajkot,
where the former Congress President, Mr U. N. Dhebar, was seek-
ing election to the Lok Sabha, his opponents raised the most far-
fetched issues to discredit him and his party; these issues neverthe-
less had some influence on the voters. It was alleged by the oppo-
nents of the Congress that under the Congress Government the
people's religious sentiments had been wounded because of large-
scale fishing industry on the Gujarat and Saurashtra coast, the
export of cows and monkeys to foreign countries, or the killing of
flies and dogs to eradicate their menace.2 But eventually Mr Dhebar
won.

The usual election campaign technique in India has been

parties and candidates to hold public or group meetings, pr
shouting slogans asking support for the different parties,
shows organized by party supporters, and to display pos
keenly contested areas, there would be door-to-door can
sometimes even by the candidates themselves. All these tr
methods were employed at this election.
There were, however, several innovations. For the first
India several parties, notably the Congress and the newly
Swatantra Party, used the media of newspaper advertise
appeal to the voters. The Government-run postal departm
certain places allowed posters in favour of particular cand
be displayed in the post offices on a payment of Rs.50.3
The Congress Party made an election film for use in th
speaking areas. It also ordered 6,000 gramophone records
songs in praise of the party, which were distributed to the d
1 Speeches at Poona and Baroda on 1 1 February (Hindustan Times, 12
1962): at Muzaffarpur (Amrita Bazar Patrika, 17 February 1962).
2 Amrita Bazar Patrika, 21 February 1962.
a tor arrangements m Madras see Hindu, 4 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
2l6 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
constituencies. In the North Bombay constituency recorded music
was played. The special correspondent of the Hindustan Times
(12 February) reported from Bombay: 'The latest propaganda
media are recorded songs of film playbacks and printed news-
sheets of the size of evening newspapers. A jeep was moving round
the suburbs the other day playing a recorded song extolling the
virtues of Mr Menon and describing Mr Kripalani in not so com-
plimentary terms, and telling the voters whom to vote for. Not to
be outdone, the Kripalani Committee has since composed a song
in reply/
An independent candidate from Ernakulam contesting a seat
against the Union Deputy Minister for Food used an aircraft to
drop leaflets in the constituency. The Congress Party also employed
aircraft in Lucknow to drop tricolours, Congress election symbols,
and messages from Mr Nehru.1 In Gujarat candidates distributed
kites of all sizes bearing their own names and their party's symbols.
All parties sought the help of film stars, dancers, and musicians.
Although on earlier occasions the services of such artistes had been
requisitioned in support of party campaigns, they would not norm-
ally talk about politics. But this time the artistes themselves were
direct campaigners.
Mr Nehru, along with other leaders of his party, undertook
lengthy and strenuous tours on behalf of the Congress Party. It was
calculated that the seventy-two-year-old Prime Minister had set up
a record in election campaigning, having travelled 17,792 miles -
16,362 miles by air, 1,300 miles by road, and 130 miles by train - in
thirty-one days. He visited eighty-eight cities and towns in fourteen
States and spoke before ninety-one public meetings attended by
about 10 million people. Besides this, he had on several occasions to
break his journey by road in order to address roadside gatherings at
which he met another 10 million people. This marathon tour far
eclipsed the election tours of 1952 or 1957.
There were several openly communal parties in the field -
notably the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha. But neither
the Muslim nor the Hindu religious leaders called upon their
adherents to vote for or against any particular party or candidate.
This was not so with the Christian Church, however. The Christian
Church in South India took a direct part in the elections which was
not viewed with approbation by many. Sixteen Catholic bishops and
archbishops of Kerala issued a joint pastoral letter on 4 February
1 Amrita Bazar Patrika, 17 February 1962.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 217

calling upon Catholic voters not to exercise their franchise in favour

of the Communists or the Communist-supported independents.
This was resented not only by the Communists2 but also by M
Nehru as well as by the Election Commissioner.3 The issue of t
pastoral letter was defended by the Working Committee of the A
Kerala Catholic Congress in a statement issued on 19 February.4
Two days earlier, the Central Council of the Catholic Associatio
of Bombay adopted a resolution advising councillors and oth
members of the association 'to desist from working for election pur-
poses for anyone known or generally regarded as a Communist
A Catholic priest, Father Vadakkan, in signed articles published
his Malayalam newspaper in Kerala exhorted the 'enlightene
electorate of Kerala to 'teach' the ruling Congress-P.S.P. alliance
a 'lesson' by refusing to support their candidates in the election.
was, however, sufficiently anti-Communist to ask his supporters
vote for the Congress-P.S.P. alliance against Communists.6

THE RESULTS

The election witnessed the return to power of the Co

Party in the Centre and all the States. The Congress secur
Lok Sabha seats (15 less than in 1957) and 1,768 State As
seats (145 less than in 1957). It won an absolute majority of
the Lok Sabha and in all but two of the State Assemblies for which
elections were held. Forty-nine Congress Ministers and Deputy
Ministers in the Union and State Governments, including the Chief
Minister of Madhya Pradesh, were unseated. The ministries have
taken office in all the States. In the Centre, Mr Nehru, who was re-
elected leader of the Congress Party in Parliament on 3 April, sub-
mitted his list of seventeen Cabinet Ministers and six Ministers of
State to the President of India on 9 April.
The dominant impression after the election was the failure of an
effective opposition to emerge. In one or other State of the Union
some party may have gained in strength, but except in Madhya
Pradesh, where the Congress has been reduced to a minority party
in the legislature, and perhaps in Rajasthan where the Congress has
a majority of only one seat, no party was able to secure enough seats
in Parliament to offer any effective opposition to the Congress
1 Hindu y 5 February 1962.
2 For a Communist criticism see report of Mr Bhupesh Gupta s telegrams to
the President and Prime Minister in the Free Press Journal, 8 February 1062.
3 Indian Express. 15 February 1962.
4 Hindustan Times, 20 February 1962. 5 ibid. « ibid.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
2l8 THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. 1 8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
Party. No other party in the Lok Sabha is strong enough to warrant
its being officially recognized as an opposition party, for which a
minimum membership of fifty is required.
In the Lok Sabha the Congress Party, with over 51 million votes
(45 per cent of the total), has retained its position as the leading
party in Parliament. It not only secured an absolute majority of seats
there (356) but also the crucial two-thirds majority which is
required for any amendment of the Constitution of India. It polled
an absolute majority of votes cast in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Mysore,
Orissa, and Delhi, but less than 40 per cent in Kerala, Madhya
Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh. But it obtained fewer votes
and seats than in the previous general election. The Communist
Party, with two more seats and 623,690 more votes, retained its posi-
tion as the second largest party in the Lok Sabha. By securing an
absolute majority (51-27 per cent) of votes cast in Tripura, it
achieved a distinction not shared by any other opposition party. It
secured 39 -46 per cent of the Lok Sabha votes in Kerala, 29 • 38 per
cent in West Bengal, and 21-05 in Andhra. The Praja-Socialist
Party, which occupied third place in the second Lok Sabha, now
declined to fifth, yielding place to both the Swatantra Party and the
Jan Sangh. It lost on all counts - in popularity (it got 4-7 million
fewer votes), percentage share of votes polled (which declined from
10-41 to 6-84), and seats (seven less than in 1957). The Swatantra
Party, founded in 1959, polled fewer votes than the P.S.P. but with
twenty-two representatives in the new House it occupied the third
place. It was very powerful in Gujarat, where it polled 26 • 54 per
cent of the Lok Sabha votes. The Bharatiya Jan Sangh retained the
fourth place in the House. Although its representation rose more
than threefold it got only 113,690 more votes, its percentage share
registering a slight rise from 5 • 93 in 1957 to 6 -44 in 1962. In Delhi,
though it failed to retain the seat won in the by-election of i960, it
mustered sizeable support (32-16 per cent) among the electorate.
An overall state- wise analysis of results of Lok Sabha contests
disclosed that the Congress Party lost 40 seats and gained 28 ; the
Communist Party lost eight seats and gained eleven; the Praja
Socialist Party lost eleven seats and gained four; the Jan Sangh lost
two seats (in Maharashtra) and gained twelve (three each in Madhya
Pradesh and Punjab, five in Uttar Pradesh, and one in Rajasthan).
The Swatantra Party secured 18 seats. With the merger of that
party with the Ganatantra Parishad of Orissa, the four parliamen-
tary delegates of the latter joined the Swatantra ranks to swell its

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 21 9

strength in the new Lok Sabha to 22. Out of 489 Members of th

House, 283 are new, including 182 belonging to the Congress Party
Fewer people voted in the elections for the Assembly than in
those for the Lok Sabha. The Congress Party secured 1,770 of the
2,930 seats - 143 less than in 1957. It secured an absolute majority
of seats in all the Assemblies except Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh
The Swatantra Party, with 166 seats, emerged as the second larges
party, displacing the Praja-Socialist Party, which suffered a sharp
decline, securing 149 seats as compared with its previous 188. The
Communist Party, with 153 seats, retained its position as the thir
largest party, securing 46 more seats than in 1957. The Praja
Socialist Party, with 149 seats, came fourth. The Jan Sangh increas
ed its strength by about 50 per cent to secure 115 seats but neverthe-
less only came fifth.
This general picture does not adequately reflect the fortunes of
the various parties in the different States. Except in Gujarat, Wes
Bengal, Assam, and Maharashtra, the Congress Party lost seats. It
poll declined in West Bengal, Assam, Gujarat, Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab, and Mysore. It secured
more votes in Maharashtra, Madras, and Andhra but lost in seats in
the two latter States. There was no clear relation between loss of
popularity and loss of seats. In Uttar Pradesh the party lost over
3 million votes but only 37 seats, whereas in Rajasthan it lost as
many as 3 1 seats though only 100,000 votes. The most severe loss in
seats was in Madhya Pradesh, where there were ninety fewer Con-
gressmen in the State Legislature but where the party lost
1,172,703 votes. The only Chief Minister not returned by the elec-
tors was in Madhya Pradesh. The severity of Congress losses in
seats in particular States was partly belied by the party's resounding
success in Maharashtra (gain of 79 seats) and Gujarat (gain of
16 seats).
Similarly, the Communist Party increased its strength in the
Legislative Assembly (where it secured 51 seats) by more than 33
per cent although it lost over a million votes. In Punjab the Com-
munist strength in the Assembly rose from 6 seats to 9, although it
lost 552,583 votes. On the other hand in Assam it failed to retain
any of its four seats although it polled over 153,500 votes. In Maha-
rashtra it polled 84,544 fewer votes but lost 12 seats. The party
gained in popularity in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madras, and Mysore. It has become the
principal opposition party in the legislatures of West Bengal and

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
22O THE WORLD TODAY, VOL. l8, NO. 5, MAY 1 962
Andhra but will be without any representative in Assam and
Gujarat.
The Praja Socialist Party will be the principal opposition only in
Mysore, where it has 20 members in an Assembly of 208. It lost its
position in Uttar Pradesh to the Jan Sangh, and was eliminated
from Andhra, Madras, and Punjab. The Jan Sangh became the
principal opposition party in Uttar Pradesh (where it secured 49
seats in a House of 430) and Madhya Pradesh (41 seats out of a total
of 288) but will be without a representative in Assam, West Bengal,
Andhra, Madras, Mysore, Gujarat, and Maharashtra. The Swatan-
tra Party became the principal opposition party in Gujarat (with
26 members in a House of 154), Bihar (50 in 318), and Rajasthan
(36 in 176).
In the legislatures of Madras, Maharashtra, Punjab, and Assam
the regional parties became the principal opposition. The Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam in Madras, which is in favour of a separate
independent State (Dravidasthan) in Southern India, got 3,406,806
votes (27 per cent) and 50 seats out of a total of 206; the Peasants'
and Workers' Party in Maharashtra got 814,963 votes and 15 seats
out of a total of 264 ; the Akali Dal in Punjab, which wants to form a
separate State (Punjabi Suba) for the Sikhs within the Indian
Union, got 798,925 votes and 19 seats out of 152; and the Hill
Leaders' Conference in Assam, which wants to form a separate
State for the Hill people within the Indian Union, got 1,272,666
votes and 11 seats (out of a total of 105) to become the principal
legislature opposition party in the respective States.
Among the other regional groups the Jharkhand Party in Bihar,
which wants to form a separate State for the Adivasis (aboriginal
tribes), did fairly well by polling 435,660, or 4-48 per cent of the
votes, and securing 20 seats.
The election yielded the remarkable spectacle of the defeat of
some of the most outstanding opposition leaders, irrespective of
their party affiliations. Among the defeated candidates were such
well-known politicians as Mr S. A. Dange (Communist), Mr Asoka
Mehta (Praja Socialist), Mr A. B. Bajpayee (Jan Sangh), and Pro-
fessor N. G. Ranga (Swatantra) - all leaders in their respective
parties in the last Parliament.
At the States level also the election proved to be disastrous for a
number of well-known political leaders - again affecting the oppo-
sition parties more than the Congress. On the Congress side, apart
from that of Dr Katju, other notable defeats were those of Mr S.

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 THE GENERAL ELECTION IN INDIA 221

Nijalingappa, President of the Mysore Prade

tee and member of the Congress Working Co
bhai Desai, President of Gujarat Pradesh C
Shri A. G. Kher, Speaker of the Uttar Prades
bly, Mr Hargovind Singh, Finance Minister
K. V. Ranga Reddy, Deputy Chief Minist
Reddy, Minister for Planning and Information,
Mr Balwantrai Mehta, Congress leader from
of Mr Nijalingappa and Mr Balwantrai Me
upsetting in their impact since both of them
spective Chief Ministers of their States.
Ministers were Mr Bhupati Majumdar, Mr A
A. B. Roy, all Cabinet Ministers of West Ben
side, the leaders of the opposition in Assa
Uttar Pradesh lost their seats.
In the second general election of 1 957, 4,359 Assembly candidates
and 496 candidates for the Lok Sabha forfeited their deposits,
bringing the Treasury a sum of Rs. 1,337,750. In the present elec-
tion the deposits forfeited amounted to Rs.7,500,000, or nearly one-
hundredth of the total election expenses, which are estimated to
amount to Rs.70 million. The Jan Sangh was the worst sufferer,
over 50 per cent of its contestants for Assembly seats and half its
contestants for Lok Sabha seats forfeiting their deposits.
S. C. Sarker

This content downloaded from

3.111.116.193 on Mon, 03 Jun 2024 15:01:38 +00:00
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms