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 Contents vii

Involuntary Domestic Servitude 197

Forced Child Labor 198
Child Soldiers 198
Laws Prohibiting Human Trafficking 200
Responding to Human Trafficking 202
T Nonimmigrant Status (T Visa) 204
U Nonimmigrant Status (U Visa) 204
Summary 205 • Key Terms and Concepts 206 •
Discussion Questions and Learning Activities 206 •
Web Sources 206 • Recommended Readings 206 •
References 207

Chapter 9 FIREARMS AND VICTIMIZATION 209

Learning Objectives 209
Introduction 209
Gun Laws 210
The States 210
Federal Laws 212
The Bad of Guns 215
Source of Illegal Guns 217
The Good of Guns 217
Summary 221 • Notes 222 • Key Terms and
Concepts 222 • Discussion Questions and Learning
Activities 222 • Web Sources 223 • Recommended
Readings 223 • References 223

Chapter 10 RESPONDING TO CRIMINAL VICTIMIZATION 226

Learning Objectives 226
Introduction 226
Proactive Responses 227
Community Violence Prevention Strategies 227
Security and Protection Measures 230
Environmental Criminology 234
Reactive Responses to Victimization 240
Victim Rights and Compensation Programs 240
Additional Legislation 246
Sexual Offender Notification Laws 249
Sexually Violent Predator Act 249
Antigang Legislation 250
Gang Injunctions 250
Crime Control Legislation in 2000 and Beyond 251
viii Contents

Victim Advocacy Groups 253

Civil Justice for Victims 255
Summary 257 • Key Terms and Concepts 258 •
Discussion Questions and Learning Activities 258 •
Web Sources 259 • Recommended Readings 259 •
References 259

Appendix A: Major Sources of Victimization Data and Information 262

Appendix B: Resource Guide 265
Appendix C: Victimization Checklist 267
Index 268
 PREFACE

NEW TO THIS EDITION

• A new chapter has been added on firearms and victimization (Chapter 9).
• All chapters are updated.
• A victimization checklist has been added in Appendix C.
• In Chapter 10, a table is presented listing key federal victims’ rights legislation
from 1974 to 2015.
• All chapters include updated statistics and web sources.
• The art program has been streamlined, with outdated content deleted.
• The text design has been refreshed to make the text more reader-friendly.
Violence and the resulting victimization have a serious impact on individuals and soci-
ety. It is difficult to predict when or where they will occur. In writing this book, I have
been interested in exploring selected types of violence, particularly the types that cap-
ture media and public attention because of their seriousness, callousness, and, in some
cases, randomness. Therefore, I choose not to write about nonviolent victimization, such
as property crimes and frauds. It is not my intention to downplay the importance of these
crimes, but to focus more on the crimes of violence that we fear most.
This book combines theories on violence and victimization with applied responses
to victimization. It is written for the person studying victimization and violence, as well
as for those employed in crime prevention and victim service programs. My purpose is
to discuss offender–victim relationships, provide data, and explore situational factors
and responses to victims. Also discussed are some precursors of violence such as stalk-
ing and harassment. Throughout the book are case studies called Focuses that enhance
points and can be used to generate discussion. A constant theme in this book is that the
experience of violence, whether at home, in the community, or as the result of personal
assault or abuse, has a devastating effect. Many criminals who commit violence on oth-
ers have mental disease or abusive or dysfunctional backgrounds, leading to targeting
others for personal gain, thrill, recognition, or hate. Sometimes violence perpetrated by
these predators is planned, committed in the course of completing other crimes, or sim-
ply a random act. Other forms of violence such as terrorism are the result of political or
religious convictions.
In the first chapter, some causes of violence as well as data on violent crime
measures and the impact that fear of violence has on others are presented. Chapter 2
addresses theories of victimization. It introduces criminal victimization, discussing how
and why some people are victimized. Chapter 3 covers intimate victimizations, such
as domestic violence, child abuse, elder abuse, rape, dating violence, and stalking. My
intent in this chapter is to address legal and social issues of intimate violence as well as
preventive measures. Chapter 4 addresses nonfamilial violence and victimization. Two
of the most prevalent types of this violence are murder and robbery. The chapter focuses
on the situations in which people become victims of violence by strangers, including
terrorists, and what can be done to prevent these occurrences. There is also a discus-
sion of serial killers, their motives, and their victims. Chapter 5 focuses on workplace
violence and victimization, including the problem of harassment. These are important
ix
x Preface

topics because of the stresses of the work environment and attacks on coworkers by
disgruntled employees or by third parties. Research conducted on the sources of and
responses to workplace violence is covered. The purpose is to offer suggestions on what
can be done to reduce the potential for violence.
Chapter 6 addresses school violence and victimization. Because of recent acts of
violence on our nation’s campuses, I felt compelled to discuss some possible explana-
tions and responses. After all, schools are microcosms of society, as are some work-
places and communities. Chapter 7 discusses how the criminal justice system, through
its decision-making capacities, causes victimization, either intentionally or inadver-
tently. Why is it that the police overstep their authority, or why are some persons con-
victed of crimes they never committed? Are laws designed to address violent crime
being applied fairly? Chapter 8 addresses human trafficking and victimization. In this
chapter, the differences between sex trafficking and labor trafficking are discussed.
Various laws and responses on trafficking are also addressed. Chapter 9 addresses fire-
arms and victimization. A discussion of firearm laws of both federal and selected states
is presented along with tables and graphs. The use of guns is explored as a means of
victimization, and as a measure in preventing victimization. Chapter 10 addresses the
selective proactive and reactive crime response measures. The chapter concludes with
a presentation of measures to aid victims through victim compensation programs and
laws. In some instances, victims seek relief from the courts in the form of personal dam-
ages from property owners. Victims criminally assaulted at work or on private property,
for instance, may have a civil case against a property owner or manager. Thus litigation
has an impact on organizational business policy and operations.
I would like to offer a disclaimer. Throughout the book, I refer to a number of
legal cases and crime response procedures. They are offered as a general guide. I rec-
ognize that laws, statistics, and procedures may change or may not apply in some situ-
ations. By the time this edition is published, new laws or amendments to existing ones
may be instituted. To address this problem, I have included in Appendix A information
on retrieving current information relative to victimization. Appendix B is a source for
workplace and school violence issues. Appendix C is a victimization checklist students
may use to survey crime and victimization in their community. The survey provides
an opportunity to learn about victimization, and to discuss why some crimes are not
reported to law enforcement. Students are advised to consult with local law enforcement
or other authorities for information on changes or new programs relevant to victimology.

INSTRUCTOR SUPPLEMENTS
Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank. Includes content outlines for classroom discussion,
teaching suggestions, and answers to selected end-of-chapter questions from the text. This
also contains a Word document version of the test bank.
TestGen. This computerized test generation system gives you maximum flexibility in
creating and administering tests on paper, electronically, or online. It provides state-of-
the-art features for viewing and editing test bank questions, dragging a selected question
into a test you are creating, and printing sleek, formatted tests in a variety of layouts.
Select test items from test banks included with TestGen for quick test creation, or write
your own questions from scratch. TestGen’s random generator provides the option to
display different text or calculated number values each time questions are used.
 Preface xi

PowerPoint Presentations. Our presentations are clear and straightforward. Photos,

illustrations, charts, and tables from the book are included in the presentations when
applicable.
To access supplementary materials online, instructors need to request an instruc-
tor access code. Go to www.pearsonhighered.com/irc, where you can register for an
instructor access code. Within 48 hours after registering, you will receive a confirming
email, including an instructor access code. Once you have received your code, go to the
site and log on for full instructions on downloading the materials you wish to use.

ALTERNATE VERSIONS
eBooks. This text is also available in multiple eBook formats. These are an exciting new
choice for students looking to save money. As an alternative to purchasing the printed
textbook, students can purchase an electronic version of the same content. With an eText-
book, students can search the text, make notes online, print out reading assignments that
incorporate lecture notes, and bookmark important passages for later review. For more
information, visit your favorite online eBook reseller or visit www.mypearsonstore.com.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to thank my sons James, Conrad, and Garrett for their support. Special thanks
to Robin Baliszewski and Frank Schmalleger for inspiring me to write in the first
place. I especially want to thank California Lutheran University Criminal Justice
student Shannon Cordes for assisting with research for the sixth edition. And, I wish
to thank former student assistants Shannon Quigley, Brittany Bartold, Shantee Ravare,
Precious Moyo, Stephen Seper, Sirrel Maldonado II, Jennifer Weir, and Claire Gordon,
for assisting in previous editions. I want to thank California Lutheran University
psychology student Michelle Somers for her support and research assistance. For this
recent 7th edition, I thank the following reviewers who offered advice in preparing this
edition: Joseph Ciccone, Everest College; Amanda Mathias Humphrey, Mount Mercy
University; Elizabeth Quinn, Fayetteville State University; and Elizabeth Salazar,
Argosy University; Darcel Woods, Chaffey College, Rancho Cucamonga, CA; Clea
Andreadis, Middlesex Community College, Bedford, MA; Don Alsdurf, Kansas City,
Kansas Community College.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Robert J. Meadows is Professor and Chair of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies at
California Lutheran University. Dr Meadows’s research and teaching interests include
legal issues in the criminal justice system, and violence and victimization. He authored
a book on Saudi Arabian justice and a parents’ guide for coping with difficult teenag-
ers. He is also a coauthor of Evil Minds: Understanding and Responding to Violent
Predators. Dr Meadows is a member of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences.

xii
▪ ▪ ▪ ▪ ▪
1
Measuring and Understanding
Violence

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After studying this chapter, you will:
1. Be able to explain the meaning of violent crime
2. Learn about reported and unreported crime
3. Understand the impact of violent crime
4. Learn about the fear of crime
5. Become familiar with some general reasons for violent behavior
6. Understand the dynamics of violence

Robert Wilson/123RF

1
2 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

INTRODUCTION
Interpersonal violence is committed every day in our homes, schools,
businesses, and on the streets. These nonsanctioned acts such as murder,
assault, and robbery are committed for profit, revenge, jealousy, political
or religious motives (terrorists), or simply for pleasure. There is no short-
age of motives in explaining violence, and there certainly is an ample supply
of candidates seeking to impose violence on others for whatever reason. A
number of factors, such as dysfunctional families and communities, drug ad-
diction, mental illness, learning disabilities, or other conditions, are associated
with violent crime.
Violent offenders are not always disenfranchised street criminals or
predatory gang members. Numerous examples exist of violent criminals
reared in so-called stable middle-class families, with no criminal history,
and who have achieved high social status. Education and social status are
no barriers to violence. Consider the physician who kills his ex-wife to avoid
expensive alimony payments, the stockbroker who kills his entire family and
himself to save them embarrassment from poor investments, or the wealthy,
privileged high school students who kill a classmate just to experience the
thrill of killing. This chapter begins with a discussion on the fear of crime,
followed by an overview of crime data, and concludes with some general
explanations of criminal violence in American society.

THE FEAR OF VIOLENT CRIME

We look forward to a world founded upon four essential freedoms. First is the freedom of
speech and expression. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own
way. The third is freedom from want. … The fourth is freedom from fear.
—Franklin D. Roosevelt, speech to Congress, January 6, 1941

In January 2017, 26-year-old Esteban Santiago killed five people and wounded sev-
eral others at the baggage claim area at the Ft. Lauderdale airport. He traveled to Ft.
Lauderdale from Alaska with a firearm retrieved from his checked baggage. During the
early morning hours of June 12, 2016, Omar Mateen, reportedly a radicalized Islamist
terrorist, entered a nightclub in Orlando, Florida, armed with an assault rifle. He killed
49 people and wounded 49 others. Other than the attacks on September 11, 2001, the
shooting is the deadliest mass killing by one assailant in American history. Prior to
the Orlando shooting, the Virginia Tech massacre on April 16, 2007, by a disgruntled
mentally distraught Virginia Tech student, was the most prominent mass killing. In the
Virginia Tech shooting, 32 fellow students, faculty, and staff were killed, and about 30
others were injured in the rampage.
The murdered victims in each of the preceding situations had no warning and
in some cases did not know the killers. Who would expect this type of violence in a
nightclub, an airport, or on a college campus? We constantly read about gang and youth
violence, racial and hate crimes, terrorism, and domestic violence, including child
and elder abuse. As a nation, we rank first of all developed nations in the world in
 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence 3

the number of homicides. The recent surge of school shootings, although rare, is not
restricted to crime-ridden schools but also occurs in middle-class communities. And, we
will never forget the calculated attacks of September 11, 2001, when Islamic extrem-
ists killed thousands of innocent people. In addressing violent criminal acts, we need
to understand the definition of violent crime. Violent crime, for the purposes of this
book, is defined as those acts committed against another in violation of a prescribed law.
Examples of these offenses are murder, terrorist attacks, sexual assault, robbery, weap-
ons crimes, or crimes involving bodily harm.

Fear and Effect of Violent Crime

In many communities, the right to be free from fear has been replaced by the knowledge
that most of us will be victims of violence at some time in our lives, or at least direct wit-
nesses. The fear of violence results from past victimizations, media accounts of violent
crime, and interactions with people who are knowledgeable about or have witnessed crime.
According to recent Gallop polls, Americans’ level of concern about crime and
violence is at its highest point in 15 years. Fifty-three percent of U.S. adults say they
personally worry “a great deal” about crime and violence, an increase of 14 percentage
points since 2014. This figure is the highest Gallup has measured since March 2001
(Davis, 2016). Lower educational attainment and income suggest that people with these
disadvantages tend to express higher levels of fear, and part of this pattern might be
explained by their perceived vulnerability (Scarborough et al., 2010). In short, those
in lower social class settings feel less in control of their environment translating to
increased fears and vulnerability especially crime and violence.
Americans’ fear of crime victimization relates strongly to two distinct factors:
household income and sex. Adults living in low-income households are roughly twice
as likely as those living in high-income households to be afraid, 48% versus 23%.
Women are more than twice as likely as men to say they are afraid to walk alone at
night near their home, 50% versus 22%. Additionally, women are more fearful than
men at every income level. This confirms that the higher fear among women is not
solely a function of their somewhat lower socioeconomic status compared with that of
men (Saad, 2010).
It is common to find acts of violence, such as gang attacks and robberies, reported
in the news. These reports fuel the notion that crime is pervasive and thus ignite fears
in the public. Part of the reason for increased fear is the expansion of the middle-aged
population. As a group, they are more likely to own a gun, install burglar alarms or spe-
cial locks, and practice security procedures. Those who are more fearful tend to be more
likely to carry self-protection devices or participate in self-defense classes. However,
many people who are fearful of violent crime really have no reason to be. Yet, percep-
tions are powerful indicators of behavior.
Studies have concluded that residents who witnessed what they thought were drug
and gang behaviors were more likely to believe that all types of criminal and disorderly
activities were present. In other words, residents who saw such activity believed crime,
as well as moral decay, was higher in their community. These perceptions also affected
their feelings of personal safety (Crank, Giacomazzi, and Heck, 2003).
Although studies have found that women and the elderly report higher levels of
fear of crime than do men and younger people, these two groups are much less likely
4 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

to be victimized by crime. Those who are most fearful actually report the fewest
victimizations. The concept of who is fearful and who should be fearful of victim-
ization is referred to as the fear–victimization paradox. The effects of crime have
had consequences on mental health and sociability, such as depression and anxiety,
resulting from living in a high crime area. According to an English study by Stafford,
Chandola, and Marmot (2007), longitudinal data from 2002 to 2004 of more than
10,000 London civil servants aged 35 to 55 years revealed the negative effects of
crime. The study found that the fear of crime was associated with “poorer mental
health, reduced physical functioning and lower quality of life.” Participants reporting
greater fear were more likely to suffer from depression than those reporting lower
fear of crime.
Those fearful exercised less and participated in fewer social activities. The study
concluded that fear of crime may be a “barrier to participation in health-promoting physi-
cal and social activities” (Strafford, Chandola, and Marmot, 2007). But what are the rea-
sons for violence and how does one become violent? We examine here some reasons for
violence.

CRIME DATA
Sources of Data on Victimization
Information on violent and nonviolent crime is available from two major sources: the
Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) and the Bureau of
Justice Statistics’ National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), both published by the
Department of Justice. The focus of this discussion is on the UCR and NCVS. Additional
sources are listed in Appendix A.

THE UNIFORM CRIME REPORTS (UCR). Begun in 1930 and published annually, the Uniform
Crime Reports (UCR) includes offenses reported to law enforcement agencies at the city,
county, and state levels. State universities and colleges are required to report in the UCR
offenses committed on their campuses. The purpose of the UCR is to enable law enforce-
ment agencies to exchange information about reported crime and to assist in future crime
planning and control. The UCR is a nationwide reporting program, a cooperative effort
of more than 16,000 city, county, and state law enforcement agencies voluntarily report-
ing data on crime and arrests. Indexed crimes are categorized as property and personal
offenses and include murder, forcible rape, arson, burglary, robbery, larceny-theft, motor
vehicle theft, and aggravated assault. As an example, the FBI reported that violent crime
offenses increased in 2015. In 2015, an estimated 1,197,704 violent crimes occurred na-
tionwide, an increase of 3.9% from 2014 (see Figure 1–1).
The UCR is valuable to law enforcement, but it has some limitations. First, it
details only reported crime. Thus, the so-called dark figure of crime, or unreported
crime, is not included. Second, the UCR primarily concerns arrests and offender demo-
graphics; it does not include information on victims. It is also subject to manipulation of
information, or false reporting, by an agency. That is, some law enforcement agencies
alter reports to reduce the negative image that may accompany high crime activity in
their communities (McCleary, Nienstedt, and Erven, 1982).
There has been some sharp criticism in recent years of the UCR reporting pro-
cess. Criminal justice experts warn that crime statistics are unreliable (Sherman, 1998).
 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence 5

1,300,000

1,275,000

Estimated number of offenses 1,250,000

1,225,000

1,200,000

1,175,000

1,150,000
2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

FIGURE 1–1 Estimated Number of Violent Crime Offenses over a Five-Year Period
Source: FBI Uniform Crime Reports, 2014

For example, the FBI dropped Philadelphia from its national crime-reporting program
because of egregious errors in crime reporting. The city had to draw its crime figures
from the UCR system for 1996, 1997, and at least the first half of 1998 because of
underreporting and general sloppiness. The problems resulted when the police failed to
take written reports of all crimes, downgraded reports to less serious offenses, or failed
to take these reports very seriously (Butterfield, 1998). These errors in one city raise
questions regarding the validity of the decrease in violent crime rates reported in other
jurisdictions in recent years.
As mentioned, the dark figure of crime exists because some people are reluctant
to report crimes of violence to authorities because they fear retaliation, embarrass-
ment, or view the offenses as a private matter. According to the Bureau of Justice
Statistics report in 2008, of the nearly 3 million personal crimes unreported, the most
common reason given for not reporting was it was a private or personal matter (19%).
Also, a number of victims may be crime participants who will not report their vic-
timization for fear of arrest. Encounters with prostitutes or drug dealers may result in
victimization of the client (robbery, assault, etc.), making it less likely that that person
will file an official report. In addition, co-conspirators, such as drug dealers, robbers,
and other criminal types, who disagree over the division of their illegal profits may
victimize one another.

Violent Crime Reporting and Statistics

The decision to report a crime is a calculated one, often based on the seriousness of
the offense, the probability of financial redress, the perception that the criminal justice
system will take action to aid the victim, the degree of the victim’s participation in the
crime, the degree to which the victim is embarrassed by the crime, and the fear of per-
sonal harm if the crime is reported. The UCR does provide data on the nature and extent
of reported crime rates in a given community. Without these reports, police are at a dis-
advantage in their efforts to control crime.
6 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

Crime rates relate the incidence of crime to the population. The determination of
crime rates uses the following formula:
Number of reported crimes
Crime rate = a b * Rate
Population of a city
To determine the rate of robbery in a city with a population of less than 100,000,
for example, the total number of reported robberies for a given year is divided by the
population of the city or jurisdiction, which is then multiplied by 10,000. If the city’s
population is more than 100,000, multiply by 100,000. To compare the crime rates of
two cities, one with a population of more than 100,000 and the other less than 100,000
(e.g., 50,000), 10,000 is used. Likewise, when comparing two cities with populations of,
for example, 25,000 and 6,000, multiply by 1,000.
The crime rate within a city can be determined using the same formula. Many
cities are divided into geographical reporting districts or areas, and the police record
reported crime in each district or area. A researcher can determine the crime rate of a
specific area of a city versus another by using population and crime data. The type of
crime and the crime rate of each district or area vary by such factors as population den-
sity and socioeconomic status. Many state and local law enforcement agencies compile
crime statistics to assess crime patterns in particular communities. The data gathering
procedures are referred to as crime analysis. Such statistics assist in determining crime
trends, deployment, and law enforcement patrol needs.
Compiling national violent crime statistics is one of the primary roles of the
Department of Justice, specifically the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Violent
crime reporting basically consists of compiling data on murder or nonnegligent
homicide, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault (see crime in the United
States Department of Justice, 2014).
As for murder, there was a rate of 4.5 murders per 100,000 people in the United
States in 2014, 21.6 forcible rapes, 232 aggravated assaults, and 104 robberies the
same year. Of course, some cities are more crime prone than others. In addressing
specific cities with a population of over 100,000 we find varying rates. The leading
city for murder or nonnegligent homicide is Newark, New Jersey, with 49 murders per
100,000. Anchorage, Alaska, reported 130 rapes per 100,000, Oakland, California,
led the list on reported robberies at 849 per 1000,000, and Detroit, Michigan, had
1,342 aggravated assaults per 100,000 in 2014. In 2016, during Memorial Day week-
end in Chicago, at least 60 people were shot and six fatally injured. And, by the
end of 2016, Chicago recorded 762 homicides which averages to two murders per
day, the most killings in the city for two decades and more than New York and Los
Angeles combined.
Information collected regarding types of weapons used in violent crime showed
that firearms were used in 69% of the nation’s murders, 40% of robberies, and 21.6% of
aggravated assaults. Most murders were intraracial. From 1980 through 2008, 84% of
white homicide victims were murdered by whites and 93% of black victims were mur-
dered by blacks. During this same period, blacks were disproportionately represented
among homicide victims and offenders. Blacks were six times more likely than whites
to be homicide victims and seven times more likely than whites to commit homicide
(crime in the United States Department of Justice, 2014).
 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence 7

National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC)

Associated with traditional crime reporting are data centers operated by the FBI.
The primary mission of the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime
(NCAVC) is to provide behavioral-based investigative support to the FBI, national
security agencies, and other federal, state, local, and international law enforcement
involved in the investigation of unusual or repetitive violent crimes. NCAVC is
comprised of FBI agents and agents from other federal agencies, including the U.S.
Capitol Police, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), and
the Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS). The NCAVC staff provide opera-
tional support for a range of cases such as domestic and international terrorism;
threats of targeted violence (e.g., active shooters in schools, workplaces, and public
areas or buildings); cybercrime; public corruption; cases involving child victims
(child abduction or mysterious disappearances, child homicides, and victimization
of children); cases involving adult victims (e.g., serial, spree, mass, and other mur-
ders); serial rape; extortion; kidnapping; product tampering; arson and bombing;
and weapons of mass destruction (FBI, 2016).

Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (VICAP)

In addition to the services offered by NCAVC, the FBI tracks and compiles violent
crime statistics known as VICAP. The Violent Criminal Apprehension Program
(VICAP) is a nationwide data center designed to collect, collate, and analyze infor-
mation about crimes of violence—specifically murder. It examines the following
types of cases:
• Solved or unsolved homicides or attempted homicides, especially those that in-
volve an abduction; that are apparently random, motiveless, or sexually oriented;
or that are known or suspected to be part of a series
• Missing persons, especially when the circumstances indicate a strong possibility
of foul play and the victim is still missing
• Unidentified dead bodies when the manner of death is known or suspected to be
homicide
VICAP assists law enforcement agencies by coordinating a multiagency investigative
force. Multiagency cooperation becomes especially important when the suspect or sus-
pects have traveled between states and across jurisdictions. Especially valuable is the
coordination of activities, such as obtaining search warrants, interviewing, and testing.
In most violent crimes, murder rates differ based on victim characteristics, but the
relationship between victim characteristics and incidence of homicide tends to remain
the same as in past years. Some demographic characteristics of homicide are presented
here (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011):

THE NATIONAL CRIME VICTIMIZATION SURVEY (NCVS). The National Crime

Victimization Survey (NCVS) is another source of victimization data. The NCVS, begun
in 1972 to complement the UCR, recognizes incidents not reported to the police and
includes a detailed report of crime incidents, victims involved, and trends affecting
victims. Unlike the UCR, which collects data on the crime, the NCVS seeks detailed
8 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

information on the victim. It tracks the crimes of rape, robbery, assault, burglary, per-
sonal and household larceny, and motor vehicle theft; it does not track murder, kidnap-
ping, so-called victimless crimes, or commercial robbery and burglary.
Perhaps the most important contribution of the NCVS is its data about the dark
figure of crime, those crimes not reported to the police. Data published by the NCVS are
gathered from household surveys conducted by trained U.S. Census Bureau interview-
ers. The NCVS reports the following information:
• Crime records
• Profiles of crime victims
• Methods that victims of violent crime use to protect themselves
• The relationship of the victim to the offender
• The amount of crime that occurs in schools
• The extent to which weapons are involved in crimes
• Data concerning whether crimes are reported to the police
Unfortunately, not all crimes are reported to law enforcement. The data for rape as
reported by the UCR and the NCVS are quite different, suggesting that for various rea-
sons, many rapes go unreported. The most common reason given by victims of violent
crime (including rape) for not reporting a crime was that it was a private or personal
matter. Nonreporting is also attributed to fear of reprisal, embarrassment, or the belief
that the victim may not be believed. The questionnaire in Appendix C is designed to
assess victimization and official reporting.

Law Enforcement Officers Killed or Assaulted on Duty

Police officers are also victimized by violent crime. In 1972, the FBI began to pro-
duce two reports annually, the Law Enforcement Officers Killed Summary and the
Analysis of Assaults on Federal Officers. These two reports were combined in 1982
to create the annual publication Law Enforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted
(LEOKA). In looking at data collected by the FBI, 96 law enforcement officers were
killed in line-of-duty incidents in 2014. Of these, 51 law enforcement officers died
as a result of felonious acts, and 45 officers died in accidents. In addition, 48,315
officers were victims of line-of-duty assaults. The circumstances surrounding the
51 officer deaths resulted from 11 killed while answering disturbance calls, 9 were
conducting traffic pursuits/stops, 7 were ambushed, 7 were investigating suspicious
persons or circumstances, 5 were conducting investigative activities (such as surveil-
lances, searches, or interviews), 4 were killed in arrest situations, 4 were involved
in tactical situations, and 3 were handling persons with mental illnesses. One officer
was killed in an unprovoked attack (FBI, LEOKA, 2014).
The statistics are worse for 2016 where 63 law enforcement officers died in
firearms-related incidents, marking a 68% increase since 2015 (NLEO, 2016). The
worst single attack occurred on July 7, 2016, when five Dallas police officers were
killed and seven others wounded by a sniper who ambushed officers during a police
use-of-force protest rally. It was the highest number of police officers killed during one
incident since September 1, 2001. Since the Dallas police shootings, there are move-
ments to expand hate crime legislation to include law enforcement officers. However,
there is some doubt that this will pass since hate crime laws generally pertain to specific
demographics such as gender, race, and religion, not occupation.
 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence 9

Understanding Violence
Crime statistics provide us with demographic factors associated with violence, but
the underlying reasons are not included. There is no shortage of theories explain-
ing the causes of human violence. However, it is not the intention of this book to
critically examine all theories of violence, nor to advance any one theory or cause
over another. Suffice to say, violence is often situational and difficult to predict or
plan against it. Yet, violence pervades our culture in many ways. Americans not only
engage in violence, they are entertained by it as evidenced by violence portrayed in
films and video games (Kozy, 2015). In major cities, Americans often witness vio-
lence in their communities every day. The election of Donald Trump in 2016, while
popular for many, also incited discontent for others. A number of demonstrations in
our cities evolved into property destruction and violence. This is a form of situational
violence, where social or political events spawned violence although the intention
was peaceful protest.
Most theories addressing violence are grouped into trait theories: biosocial, psy-
chological, sociological learning theories, and so forth (see generally: Pratt et al.,
2010; Ferrell, 2004; Ferri, 2003; Robbins, Monahan, and Silver, 2003; Williams,
2004; Wilson, 1985). In general, unsanctioned violence is the result of a number of
personal and social factors, including mental illness, childhood abuse and neglect,
brain injuries, retaliation (e.g., street gang warfare), drug use, jealousy, twisted politi-
cal or religious beliefs, and so forth. Others take the approach that antisocial behavior
results from a series of evolutionary stages. In other words, people become violent
through a process called violentization, which involves four stages: brutalization
and subjugation, belligerency, violent coaching, and criminal activity (virulency). It
begins when a person is a victim of violence and feels powerless to avoid it. Then the
victim is taught how and when to become violent and to profit from it, and then acts
out on the violence. If a person from a violent environment does not become violent,
it is because some part of the process is missing (Athens, 1992).
Violent acts may be reactionary or planned or committed in the furtherance
of other crimes, such as robbery, or they may be committed to advance a particular
cause (terrorism) or to conceal the commission of other crimes. Some turn to vio-
lence because of sudden changes in lifestyle (e.g., divorce, sudden loss of employ-
ment), for thrill, or the need for instant gratification. And, we cannot ignore the fact
that the infliction of violence in some cases is a matter of rational choice (Earls and
Reiss, 1994). Despite the seductions or other influences of crime, crime is rewarding
for some, and many offenders easily justify their crimes through perverse rationaliza-
tions. Robbing another is rationalized by the criminals’ needs or wants due to their own
disenfranchisement and feelings of hopelessness.

INFLUENCES OF VIOLENCE
For the purposes of this discussion, the study of violence encompasses a three-
level social-ecological model. This model (Figure 1–2) considers the interplay
between individual, familial, and community influences experienced by a per-
son. In addressing the sources of violence, we can look to these three influences,
although the individual and familial influences are viewed as the most prominent
contributors. According to the office of Juvenile Justice Programs (Loeber, 2003),
10 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

Individual
Influences

Community Individual Familiar

Influences Behavior Influences

FIGURE 1–2 Influences of Violence

the most important risk factors for delinquency and violence stem from individual
and family influences, which include genetics and the child’s environment. This is
not to dismiss community influences; however, having quality individual charac-
teristics and positive familial relationships will compensate for harmful community
influences.
This chapter focuses on the influences of violence occurring among individu-
als or groups. An example is presented in Focus 1–1.

FOCUS 1–1
Explaining Violence: Aileen Wuornos

Aileen Wuornos was born in 1959. Her mother mar-
ried her father when she was 15. Wuornos’s parents
divorced within 2 years of the troubled marriage,
before Aileen was born. Her biological father was a
convicted child molester and sociopath who was stran-
gled in prison. Her mother was unwilling to care for
her children, resulting in Aileen and her brother being
adopted by their maternal grandparents. Her grand-
mother drank heavily and was strict with the children;
her grandfather physically and sexually abused Aileen
as a child. Reportedly, she was often whipped with a
belt by her grandfather. Her grandparents raised her
and her brother with their own children. They did not
reveal that they were, in fact, the children’s grandpar-
ents. At the age of 12, Aileen and her brother discov-
ered that their grandparents were not their biological
parents. When they discovered their true parentage,
they became more incorrigible. Aileen claimed to have
had sex with multiple partners, including her own
brother, at a young age. Aileen became pregnant at
the age of 14. The father was unknown. Upon giv-
ing birth, the baby was put up for adoption; she was
banished from her grandparents’ home and disowned
by the small community in which she lived. Aileen sub-
sequently dropped out of school, left the area, and
took up hitchhiking and prostitution. In 1974, she was
jailed for drunk driving and firing a pistol from a mov-
ing vehicle. In 1976, Wuornos hitchhiked to Florida,
where she met a 76-year-old yacht club president.
They married that same year. However, Wuornos con-
tinually involved herself in confrontations at the local
bar and was eventually sent to jail for assault. She also
hit her elderly husband with his own cane, leading him
to get a restraining order against her. She returned to
prostitution and eventually murdered seven men she
met while hitchhiking and soliciting truck drivers at
truck stops. In 1992, Aileen was executed for the mur-
ders in Florida.
 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence 11

Individual Influences

Literally speaking, bad brains lead to bad behavior. … One of the reasons why we have
repeatedly failed to stop crime is because we have systematically ignored the biological and
genetic contributions to crime causation.
—Adrain Raine, from “Unlocking Crime: The Biological Key,” BBC News,
December 2004

After watching the 2008 New York Giants super bowl victory over the New England
Patriots, I began thinking about the athletic accomplishments of quarterback Eli
Manning and his brother Payton Manning of the Indianapolis Colts. Their father, Archie
Manning, was an NFL quarterback for the New Orleans Saints for many years. Is the
success of the Manning brothers a matter of luck, environment, or genes? Maybe a little
of each, but their success in football could not have happened if they were 5′7″ and unable
to throw a football more than 20 yards and lacked the ability to remember and success-
fully execute dozens of plays. What we inherit has an effect on who we are or what
we become. As for violent behavior, are such persons the product of their biological
makeup as well? We cannot discount the argument that biology or genetics plays a role
in behavior, including violent behavior.
The individual influence identifies biological and personal traits that increase
the likelihood of becoming a perpetrator of violence. Behavioral genetic research has
shown that genes influence individual differences in a wide range of human behaviors—
cognition, academic achievement, personality and temperament (including such traits as
aggression and hostility), psychopathology, and even vocational interests and social atti-
tudes (Plomin, DeFries, and McClearn, 1989). More specifically, violent behavior and
heritable factors have been implicated in the research (Barnes, Beaver, and Boutwell,
2011; Moffitt, 2005). In other words, genes could be a strong predictor of whether
you engage in a life of crime. Thus, genes may cause a person to become a persistent
offender, which is characterized by antisocial behavior during childhood that can prog-
ress to violent or serious criminal acts later in life (Barnes et al., 2011). This is not to say
that some are born violent and doomed to become sociopathic murderers, but there may
be a tendency for some to be more aggressive and thus less likely to control emotions
absent some type of positive interventions. Of course, strong nurturing forces such as a
caring family may shield against certain negative inheritable traits.
Medical studies have indicated that certain diseases such as cystic fibrosis, sickle-
cell anemia, and diabetes have genetic links. Generally, if a parent has the condition, it
is possible that an offspring may develop the disease later in life. As for mental illnesses,
there is evidence that certain mental conditions such as chronic depression and so-called
bipolar disorders are present in families and may be transmitted especially if both parents
have the same illness (Zandi, 2002). A history of antisocial personality disorder in a parent
is the strongest predictor of persistence of conduct disorder from childhood into adoles-
cence, and researchers have recognized that genetic factors contribute to conduct prob-
lems in children. In support of this position, studies have indicated that conduct disorder is
significantly heritable, with estimates ranging from 27% to 78% (Scourfield, 2004).
It is also well documented that many prisoners in our nation’s jails suffer from
a variety of mental disorders, and the majority of mentally ill inmates reported
having a family member who has been incarcerated (James and Glaze, 2006).
12 Chapter 1 • Measuring and Understanding Violence

Mentally ill offenders in state and federal prisons were three times more likely to
report having had an incarcerated father than an incarcerated mother. Borderline per-
sonality disorder has also been reported as one of the top disorders in prison inmates,
and between 25% and 50% of inmates in prison suffer from borderline personality
disorder, mostly shown within females (Sansone, 2009). The suggestion is there may
be a mental illness link between parents and children (along with other factors).
Other conditions such as attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) have her-
itable links, with experts suggesting that ADHD has a strong genetic basis and is more
common among people who have a close relative with the disorder. Current research
is focusing on investigating genes and the brain chemical dopamine. In other words,
people with ADHD seem to have lower levels of dopamine in the brain, which influ-
ences risk-taking behavior, leading to unacceptable social behavior and crime (Martin,
2007). Untreated children with ADHD, and other related mental disorders, are likely to
experience problems at school and difficulties getting along with parents and teachers,
resulting in low self-esteem and rejection.
As these children become adults, they may experience low employment, poor aca-
demic achievement, high rates of automobile accidents, family difficulties, antisocial
behavior, and mood problems (Waschbusch et al., 2002). It is not surprising that ADHD
is remarkably high among prison inmates.
A study of 82 male prisoners convicted of murder, sexual offenses, and other vio-
lent acts also found a high prevalence of reading disability and personality disorders
among prisoners associated with ADHD. Eighty-six percent of the prisoners qualified
for a diagnosis of personality disorder, with a significant relationship between ADHD
and personality disorders (Rasmussen, Almvik, and Levander, 2001).
Studies on twins and adopted children raised apart from the biological parents lend
credence to the argument that individual differences in violent/antisocial behavior are
heritable (Rhee and Waldman, 2002). The twin studies have been utilized to investigate
the heritability of certain disorders such as oppositional defiant disorder. Several twin
studies have found significant genetic influences in oppositional defiant disorder symp-
toms, with heritability estimates ranging from 14% to 65% (Coolidge, 2000).
As for adoptees, research has looked at the rate of criminal behavior in young
adoptees whose birth mother was a criminal. Studies found that almost 50% of the
adoptees whose mother had a criminal record had a record of criminal behavior them-
selves by age 18. In the control group, only 5% of adoptees had criminal records by age
18 if their birth mother was not a criminal (DiLalla, 1991).
In another study of 199 male adoptees, it was discovered that 85.7% of males
with a criminal or minor offenses record had a birth father with a criminal record. They
further noted that young male adoptees without a criminal record had a criminal father
31.1% of the time (Burke, 2001). Although other factors may account for their crimes,
there may be some biological connections.
Further research on parental influences comes from studies on parents’ alcoholism
and its effects on their children. It is well recognized that alcohol abuse is often present
in violent criminal behavior, posing the argument that there is an indirect connection
between biological factors and later criminal behavior. The risk for developing alcohol-
ism is familial, with males having the greatest risk if one of the parents has an alcohol
abuse problem (Crabbe, 2002). Accordingly, individuals whose mothers drink three or
more glasses of alcohol at any one occasion in early pregnancy have an increased risk
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
nicht! whatever’s the matter wi’ ye, laddie?” All in the room said,
“James!” but before Mrs. Barrie had time to apologize, which she
was proceeding to do to James for forgetting the skates, although
the strict bargain was that she would speak to me if he slept like a
good boy, he threw light on the interruption, greatly to Bell’s relief, by
saying, “Mamma, have you spoken to Mr. Martin about the skates?”
James’ single sentence told the whole story better than any other
words could have done it, and I told him to come to see me to-
morrow, and I would find him a pair. Mr. Barrie’s “Oh, Mr. Martin, you
—” and Mrs. Barrie’s “My dear boy, you must—” and Bell’s “Skates!
you’ll break your legs, or drown—” were all interrupted, and all three
silenced by James’s very pronounced “Oh, thank you, Mr. Martin,
thank you very much;” and “Good night, James,” had come from all
round the supper table, and Bell had got him in hand to lead him
away, and the door was all but closed, when it opened again. There
seemed a struggle going on between James and Bell before he
reappeared, this time at full length, with his one arm distended
towards the lobby, his feet planted and his body inclined forwards, as
if in resistance to an outward pull, and his other arm clenching firmly
the upper bead of the dado of the parlour.
“Oh, Mr. Martin, please, sir, when will I come to-morrow?” said the
boy eagerly.
“Nine o’clock, James,” said I, “or any time after that.”
“Oh, thank you, sir,” said he; and looking at Mrs. Barrie, said, “May I
go, mamma?”
“We’ll see to-morrow,” replied Mrs. Barrie; “do go to bed like a good
boy.”
This was too indefinite for James. “But please, mamma, may I go?”
pleaded the boy with difficulty, for Bell was pulling him strongly
outwards.
“Yes,” came from Mr. Barrie, fettered by some
CAUGHT conditions about not going on the “Loch” without
TRIPPING. getting mamma’s permission, which James did not
hear. Bell’s strength had mastered his, and the door
was closed. They went up-stairs, Bell enlarging on broken legs and
drowning, James on trying to learn on the “pattens;” and Bell had to
threaten to go down to me, and tell me not to give him them, and had
actually feigned a determined start on that errand, when James said,
“Oh, don’t, Bell; I’ll be a good boy, and sleep,” which he did.
James being thus pleasantly disposed of, Mrs. Barrie began her
record of experiences, which proved so interesting, that before she
had gone on long, I so far forgot myself as to say, “Oh! how I wish
Agnes had been here!” Mrs. Barrie caught me at once, and said with
a merry smile, “Can you not do with us for an hour? or rather, why
did you not bring her with you?”—then went on in a homely way with
her useful hints and good advice, illustrating these by incidents that
had occurred in her household.
A “for instance,” or “I remember on one occasion,” was followed by
an account of a sudden call on her larder,—or a valuable dress torn,
or soiled, or spoiled,—or a breakage,—or an unexpectedly heavy
tradesman’s account,—or something that was much needed and
apparently beyond her power and purse, yet eventually procured by
her ingenuity and patience,—or her little plans to make Mr. Barrie’s
coat into a suit for James and possibly a vest for Lewie. And as her
family increased, her scheming, and shaping, and sewing, and
turning of garments to keep them “cosy,” were prettily told, and, if I
may use such a term, romantic in their very simplicity. I cannot forget
the pathos with which she told of a serious and alarming illness
caught by Mr. Barrie the week after Nellie’s death, at a funeral in a
distant part of the parish, but doubtless aggravated by the disturbed
state of his mind and the disorganized state of his frame. For, good
man as he was, and perfectly resigned to God’s will, he felt keenly
the blank in the home,—for “a little chair was empty there;” and
although I could not say he murmured, I know that he greatly missed
“the touch of a vanished hand, and the sound of a voice that is still”
(Tennyson).
“He was very ill,” said she; “alarmingly ill,—so ill that I
suggested to Dr. Stevenson, or rather it struck the MR.
doctor and myself at the same moment, that it would BARRIE’S
be desirable to call in an Edinburgh consulting ILLNESS.
physician. I confess that the fee was a serious consideration, as I
knew that it would prevent my getting the new wincey dresses for
myself and the girls that I was saving up for; although this only
floated through my mind in its excited state, and required no effort to
cast off. The professor came, and went into the case minutely. Never
can I forget the kindly way in which he said that our family doctor had
treated the case exactly as he himself would have done,—that Mr.
Barrie was a splendid patient, self-possessed, scrupulously obedient
to the doctor’s orders, a model of passive subjection to the minutiæ
of medical requirements; and that his good constitution, which had
been conserved by his regular and correct life, rendered the case a
hopeful one, still one requiring every attention and care. He said
something about myself in that matter that I will not repeat. All I said
was, I had a servant worth her weight in gold,—Bell.”
“That’s beyond doubt,” said Mr. Barrie and I simultaneously. Mrs.
Barrie went on:
“He also said that he had successfully treated similar cases on a
method of his own, and that the surroundings of Mr. Barrie’s case
were such as to make him most anxious to have it treated with
scrupulous attention to the most minute details of this new system,—
that he would write these out carefully, and be in correspondence
with Dr. Stevenson, and come out again if necessary. I asked his fee;
he said not to mind at present, and when I pressed him he said he
would write me. He was very particular in writing specific directions;
and Dr. Stevenson more fully explained these, so that we were able
to carry them out to the letter. Three days after his visit the carrier
brought a small hamper of medicines and cordials from the
professor, with full instructions as to their use, and a letter to
myself”—here she sobbed. Tears had frequently trembled in her
eyes as she told the story of the illness, but they trickled down as
she spoke of the letter.
Drying her tears, however, she proceeded: “In the
letter he expressed his gratitude at having it in his “THE
power to minister ‘to the necessities of saints,’ his GOOD
delight at having his method of treatment tried so SAMARITA
N.”
completely, and”—here she halted; then after a
moment’s pause said, “Well, I’m quoting,—and with such nursing. He
added that as he had promised to refer to the fee, he would say that
he would be more than repaid by Mr. Barrie’s recovery, as it would
fortify him in adopting the treatment generally, and announcing it to
the profession. Mr. Barrie had meantime got ‘the turn.’ I snatched a
few minutes to reply to the professor’s letter. It was written with a full
heart, but a shaking hand. I fear my letter was but a sorry production;
but,” she said firmly, and with a beaming eye, “the professor’s letter
is lying in my mother’s Bible, beside my marriage lines and little
Nellie’s hair. It is not exactly as he sent it; there are not only the
crumpled spots where my tears fell, but under his signature I wrote,
before putting it amongst my treasures, ‘the Good Samaritan.’ Mr.
Barrie wonders why I did not rather write the ‘Beloved Physician;’
that would have done very well, but I like ‘the Good Samaritan’
better; and now that I think of it, I will get it out to-morrow, and Mr.
Barrie can add ‘the Beloved Physician’ himself.”
She did not tell then, but I heard from the “carrier,” that the basket in
which the cordials were sent was first well washed and bleached by
Bell, then filled with the best her hen-roost, and dairy, and garden
could afford, and sent to the physician without any address,—Bell
herself having charged the carrier “just to hand it in an’ come away,
—no’ to say where it cam’ frae.”
Mrs. Barrie did not confine herself merely to matters of thrift and
housekeeping, but dwelt on the higher feelings of our nature, the
social sympathies, and the ties and joys of home and kindred. But I
could not do justice to the fine taste with which she described or
enforced these.
Mr. Barrie occasionally joined in the conversation; but he was
interjectional, and more impressive from his tone, the expression of
his countenance, and his slight gestures, than from the words he
used. When the soiled dress was spoken of, he said with a smile,
“Birniepark,”—referring to an awkward servant having spilt a
sauceboat full of gravy on Mrs. Barrie’s wedding dress. When
“breakage” was mentioned, he said, “Janet,”—recalling an officious,
brisk young lady, who, at one of the annual tea meetings of the
Sabbath-school teachers in the manse, had seized the tray with
great bounce, to help away with the tea-things, and had literally
succeeded, as in crossing the lobby she stumbled, and every dish
was broken. When the physician’s letter was referred to, he merely
said, “Ebenezer,—Epaphroditus,—Onesiphorus.”
Mrs. Barrie finished by giving a few simple rules which she had
herself tried to carry out: “Never buy anything you do not need; look
twice at a cheap bargain; use the least of everything, lose the least
of everything, and make the most of everything; save all you can,
use all you can, and be sure and give all you can. So much for the
housekeeping; but be as careful of your heart as of your purse, and
be kindly affectioned one towards another, in honour preferring one
another.”
Mr. Barrie summed up with: “In fact, be judeecious.
DILEMMAS Practise economy, not parsimony; use the world as
. not abusing it; owe no man anything but to love one
another,—a debt that can never be fully discharged.
Love begets love.”
Glancing at the timepiece, I saw that the hour was rather later than I
imagined; and having risen, I was thanking Mrs. Barrie for her hearty
counsel, and had added that I hoped she would call at Greenknowe
before the marriage, and be as kind to Agnes as she had been to
me. I saw by Mrs. Barrie’s eye that she had me again.
“I suppose,” said she with great glee, “you will not wish me to call on
you both after you are married! I quite expected you to invite me; but
Agnes will be calling to say good-bye.”
“What!” said I; “good-bye? She’s not going so far away.”
“But,” said she, “she will make a P.P.C. call.”
“A what?” said I; for I did not know what P.P.C. meant.
“Ask her,” replied she; “I dare not trust myself to quote French in full
now.”
I had begun to thank Mr. Barrie, when he said gravely, “Mr. Martin, I
greatly desire that there shall be family worship in every house in the
parish, and I impress this on all intending young housekeepers; so
you will kindly take the service for me to-night.” And without waiting
for a reply, he moved towards the handle of the bell, and was pulling
it (it was a little bone barrel at the end of a bit of green cord), saying,
“We’ll call Bell in,” when I put my hand on his, and said excitedly, “Mr.
Barrie! please, Mr. Barrie, do excuse me,—pray, don’t ask me to-
night, please don’t!” for the sudden call and circumstances made me
quite nervous.
Mrs. Barrie kindly came to my relief by wishing me a hearty good-
night, and saying, “Mr. Martin may have another call to make to-
night, my dear.”
Mr. Barrie followed me to the lobby, and said he hoped I would
excuse his rather hasty invitation to conduct family worship; he had
forgotten the apostolic injunction, “Lay hands suddenly on no man.”
Then, taking me warmly by the hand, he said, “I rejoice with you to-
night at the step you are taking; it is not only judeecious, but
promises to be a very happy one for yourselves and your circle. But
pray remember the ‘Nisi Dominus frustra’ of your college days,
—‘Except the Lord do build the house, they labour in vain that build
it.’” There was another firm shake of the hand as we parted, and I
heard his voice saying something about taking care of the slippery
roads, as I was “some other body’s property now.”
 CHAPTER III.
THE MARRIAGE AND THE HOME-COMING.

“We’re a’ noddin’,
Nid, nid, noddin’,
We’re a’ noddin’
At our house at hame.”

M Y stay at the manse had been longer than I expected. When I

reached Greenknowe, I had hardly recovered from the scare I
had got by the proposal to conduct family worship, and my
account of the visit to the manse, although short, was a jumble about
Bell, and skates, and good Samaritans. Agnes looked at me
anxiously, and said, “Are you well enough? You look excited.” I told
her what had excited me, at which she first laughed, then looked
thoughtful, then sympathetic, and said, “You’re tired, and it is late;
come over to-morrow night, if you can;” and after a pause she said,
“My mother has often wished me to ask you to make family worship
here, and you will just begin to-morrow night.”
This was adding fuel to flame; so, observing my restlessness, she
said, “Oh, Robert, forgive me for adding to your excitement” (that
was easily done,—the forgiveness, I mean); “you need a good
night’s rest.” I did very much, but I did not get it.
I went to bed immediately on going home, tossed and tumbled
about, angry at myself for being so unwilling to undertake a duty
which, as at one time an aspirant to the ministry, should not have
unhinged me. Then my conscience smote me for being undecided in
religious matters; then I resolved to be more decided, and began to
compose my first social prayer. As I tried this, I found one bit
forgotten as another was being thought over. I was about to rise and
write a prayer, but checked myself, and resolved to be a man (when
a man does this, he is more likely to prove himself a child), and to
look for help when it was needed where it was to be found.
Next night found me at Greenknowe, quietly retailing Mr.
P.P.C. and Mrs. Barrie’s sayings; and the “books” were brought
in before supper, and I at least got through. Agnes said
she was much obliged to me. Mrs. Stewart said little more than
“Thank you;” but after the old lady had retired, Agnes told me, in an
indirect, quiet way, that Mr. McNab never referred to her mother as
“His aged servant,” which I had unwisely done, but as “the handmaid
of the Lord.” A young college friend had lost a legacy by a similar
mistake in the case of a maiden aunt. My readers will excuse me for
leaving this bit to suggest its own lesson. Mrs. Stewart was barely
sixty years old: how our ideas of “aged” change as we age
ourselves!
I carried quite a bundle of letters to the post office that night, many of
them invitations to the marriage, others P.P.Cs., which I got
explained by Agnes, after a quick sideward movement of the head
down, followed by a slow movement of it up, and an inquiring stare,
as much as to say, Do you really not know? “It’s pour prendre congé
—to take leave, to say good-bye.”
“Oh,” said I, “Mrs. Barrie spoke about P.P.C.; and when I asked the
meaning, she said something about French, and to ask you. That’s
P.P.C., is it?”
The marriage took place, but I spare my readers an account of it. I
could not describe the dresses so as to inform the ladies, nor the
presents (which now-a-days are so numerous and costly as to have
to undergo the trying ordeal of being laid out for exhibition in a
special room), for these were more useful than ornamental. Many of
them were esteemed for the donor’s sake rather than for their
intrinsic value; none more so than a book, called Cottage Comforts,
from Mrs. Barrie, which proved very useful to us, and became
Agnes’s present to young housekeepers she was interested in, many
of whom in after life thanked her for the good hints and help it gave
them. Mr. Barrie gave me a copy of the Confession of Faith, and
asked me to read it carefully. Although it was the standard of the
Church to which I belonged, and I had declared my adherence to it, I
had till then hardly opened it. When I did look into it, many of its
statements seemed harsh, and stated so baldly in logical order and
theological language, that they seemed to me very different from the
teachings of the Bible, interwoven and relieved as these are by
illustration, narrative, and incident; and I still think, because it wants
the charm of the associations with which the doctrines are joined in
the Scriptures, that it is apt to bewilder, if not to prejudice
unfavourably, the ordinary reader; but the more I examine it, and
compare the parallel passages (i.e. references to texts confirming
the doctrines), I see it deserves the name Mr. Barrie gives it in its
relation to the Bible,—“an excellent summary of which is to be found
in the Westminster Confession of Faith.” Although the excellence is
more marked than the summariness; it is a pretty long summary. The
“Apostles’ Creed” comes nearer that.
Dinner followed almost immediately after the marriage.
There was a little speechmaking after dinner, or “the PLAIN
collation,” as Mrs. McNab called it. Mr. Barrie, in SPEAKING
.
proposing our health, was neat and hearty. He had a
hit at me “once thinking of getting married;”—told a story of a lad
who, when going to seek a wife, looked so unhappy that his mother
said to him, “Keep up yer heart, Johnnie, ma man; faint heart never
won fair lady;” “Eh, mother,” said Johnnie, “I’ve mair need to keep it
down, for it’s amaist in my mou’ a’ready;”—wished us many happy
days, and hoped our married life would be happier than his had
been. It took some of us a few seconds to see that this was a very,
very good wish.
My uncle proposed Mrs. Stewart’s health. He was a plain, blunt man,
and spoke of her as his “auld friend.” Mrs. Stewart was in grand
spirits, and said, “Auld, Mr. Martin! auld! I’m no’ sae auld as you.”
“Weel, ye’re as auld-like, ony way,” said the honest man; and Mrs.
Stewart and he joined as heartily in the laugh that followed as any of
us, and it was so long that he ended his speech by a nod to Mrs.
Stewart, and “Here’s t’ye, mem; your very good health.”
A confirmed bachelor proposed the bridesmaids. He was, of course,
unable to do justice to the toast, with “such” bridesmaids, etc.
Mr. McNab gave the health of Mr. Barrie. He spoke well; my uncle
said he had “a grand stock o’ dictionar’ and college-bred words.”.
Some songs were sung. The bachelor friend had a
“THE fine voice, and had cultivated it carefully. Few could
FROSTIT equal him at “Gae fetch to me a pint o’ wine;” and
CORN.” when pressed to sing it, he bantered about having
lost his best song, “O Nanny, wilt thou gang wi’ me?”
he had not even got round sufficiently to try “My Nannie’s awa’,” but
he hoped he would regain his spirits; he would try “When our king
comes o’er the water,” and gave it in fine style. A cousin of Agnes’s,
her senior by a very few years, sang “A’body’s like to get married but
me,” with sweetness and humour, the last three verses so very well
as to put our bachelor friend in great spirits. When she finished the
following verse, the last one—

“It’s hard to tak’ shelter behint a laigh dyke,

It’s hard to gang wi’ ane ye dinna weel like,
It’s hard to forsake ane ye fain wad gang wi’,
But it’s harder that a’body’s married but me,”—

my uncle said, “Ye maun be ill to please; it canna hae been for want
o’ offers.” He was then pressed to sing, and did his best; the words
were new to all of us, but the tune, “Johnnie Cope,” was familiar. He
said it was written by a friend of his, a farmer beside him. We
suspected that the author was always very near him. He had sung it
at the rent dinner in his laird’s house, and the laird was delighted
with it, although it “wasna jist exactly what he wad like to happen to
himsel’:”
THE FROSTIT CORN.
Tune—“Johnnie Cope.”

“Oh, I’m a young farmer hard set by the frost,

My gude expectations hae sairly been cross’t,
My craps that look’t weel, they are noo nearly lost,
By thir calamitous mornin’s.

“In the midst o’ last simmer it was understude

 That we wad a’ haen plenty o’ gude halesome fude,
For man an’ for beast; an’ we ettled to dae gude,
But the frost it has backit it sairly.

“An’ when that the frost it did gang awa’,

The rain it came on like to ruin us a’;
It rained that lang, that it shortened the straw,
An’ added aye the mair till our mornin’.

“But yet for a’ that we maunna compleen,

It was sae ordered, or it ne’er wad ha’ been;
It was maybe for our gude, tho’ that hasna yet been seen,
For to humble our pride in the mornin’.

“When things lookit weel, a scheme I had laid,

I promised to marry a bloomin’ young maid,
To share o’ the o’ercome when a’thing was paid,
But the frost it has backit it sairly.

“But my crap as it is, it is noo in the yaird,

An’ still for the lassie I hae a regaird;
I think that I’ll marry her, an’ no pay the laird,—
Let him ken there was frost in the mornin’.

“An’ if he should break out in ragin’ and strife,

He may weel tak’ the gear, but he’ll no tak’ my life;
If I should hae naething else, I will aye hae my wife
To comfort me in the mornin’.”

Need I say that the applause was loud, and long, and real?
Marriage trips, wedding tours, were not so common
forty years ago as they are now: we had none. Shortly “BLITHE
after my uncle’s song was finished, and with the glee it AN’
inspired still beaming in their faces, the guests went to MERRY
our house. We were the last to leave, which we did WERE WE
A’.”
under a shower of old shoes “for luck.” There was the
usual gathering of noisy children round the bride’s door, waiting for
the coppers scattered on such occasions; and as they scrambled for
them, we got into the drosky, and were driven home, followed by an
increasing number of children cheering in an intermittent way, all
anxious to be in time for the “scatterin’ o’ the ha’pennies,” which had
to be repeated at the bridegroom’s door. There was an outer circle of
grown-up people, who showed their goodwill by a welcoming cheer.
As Agnes crossed her threshold, my oldest sister, who had come to
“receive” her, allowed an oat cake to fall on the young wife’s head;
and the younger folks scrambled for the bits, as these had some not
very clearly defined faculty of foretelling their future luck, especially if
confirmed by a dream over the bridescake. Agnes was placed by the
matrons present at the head of the supper table, and thereby
installed as mistress of the house. After supper there were games, in
which the elderly folks joined, the older men with demonstrative glee.
The more matronly matrons required a good deal of pressing—their
“play days were bye;” but most of them went through a short game,
others kept remonstrating with the old men, especially their own
husbands, who were oftener up, and who even when looking on
capered and “hooched” (i.e. shouted merrily):—“Tammas, Tammas!
ye’re forgettin’ yersel’;”—“Stop that auld man o’ mine; he’ll hurt
himsel’;”—“Oh man, James, ye’re ower auld for sic nonsense. Let
the young folks carry on the games noo.”
After the first round of games, in which all the guests—old and young
—took part, and the seniors had shown their skill, these mostly
settled to be spectators, all the while enjoying the frolics of the young
folk as much as their own canty cracks, whilst the younger portion
had the carrying on of the fun, which they did right merrily. Old
Scotch songs were sung, and kindly sentiments uttered, as those will
readily believe whose memory can recall the homely convivialities of
forty or fifty years ago. My uncle was pressed by old and young to
sing another song like “The Frostit Corn,”—“one we did not hear
every day,”—“a real country-fireside song.” He said he “would gie
ane; it was no’ as gude as ‘The Frostit Corn.’ It was ca’d ‘The
Country Rockin’.’ But maist o’ ye’ll no’ ken what a rockin’ is. It’s a
gatherin’ o’ neebors for a night’s diversion. The women brang their
‘rocks’—things for spinning woo’ or lint wi’, an’ birled an’ span an’
crackit awa’. I’ve seen them hunders o’ times in my young days, but
there’s no sic a thing noo as ‘the rock and the wee pickle tow.’ Mind
it’s hamespun an’ countrified.” Then he began:—
THE COUNTRY ROCKIN’.
 “It has often been alloo’d that the best o’ human life
Is the hours o’ social harmony when free from party strife,
When freendship smiles and love beguiles ’mang lads an’ lasses kindly jokin’;
These joys we only find when assembled at a country rockin’.

“When the gudeman frae the fire bids us frankly venture ben,
In hamely sangs and social joys a nicht wi’ him to spen’,
The welcome kind attracts each mind, we needna ither friendly token,
When we join the honest social core assembled at a country rockin’.

“Noo, since we’re cheerie met for a nicht o’ social joy,

Let every care be banished far that wad our peace destroy;
When friendship smiles and love beguiles, at sangs we’ll hae a hearty yokin’,
An’ we’ll chant the lays o’ Robbie Burns, wha first described the country rockin’.

“An’ when we tak’ our hameward road, it’s no taen sair amiss,
Tho’ frae some bonny smilin’ face we steal a wee bit kiss,
Her heart to move, an’ tell our love in vows that never will be broken,
Till in some biggin’ o’ our ain we hae a hearty country rockin’.”

In the enthusiastic chorus every voice joined, and

AUNTIE
MATTIE ON
over and over again after the last verse did the
SONGS. chorus ring through the room; and, “Anither, Mr.
Martin, anither like that!” was rained on the canny
man. During the pause, Auntie Mattie, a sister of Mrs. Stewart’s,
said, “Sing the ‘Farmer’s Ingle,’ Mr. Martin, for auld langsyne. I like it
better than the ‘Rockin’.”
“Sae dae I,” said my uncle, “but it’s threadbare noo.”
“Threadbare!” said Auntie Mattie; “threadbare, did ye say, Mr.
Martin? A sang that’s worth ca’in’ a sang at a’ will never get
threadbare, ony mair than the sun’ll get auld-fashioned altho’ we
see’t every day o’ our lives; and ye’ll surely sing’t to obleege me?”
Auntie Mattie was a sonsy, kindly, cheery woman—a’body’s body;
but she hardly expected that my uncle would bring her in for a song
by the paction he made.
“Mattie,” said he,—“oh, I beg yer pardon, I should hae ca’d ye Mrs.
Dickson, but ye lookit sae like what ye did langsyne that Mattie cam’
oot afore I kent,—I’ll sing the ‘Farmer’s Ingle’ if ye’ll sing the
‘Lawland lads think they are fine.’ Ye sang’t at our waddin’, an’ it’s
ringin’ in my heid yet. Thae auld sangs are worth a bushel o’ the new
trash the folk ca’ sangs noo-a-days. Come awa’, my bonnie leddy,
let’s hear the ‘Lawland Lads,’ and ye’ll hae the ‘Farmer’s Ingle’ as
weel as I can gie’t; that ye will.”
Auntie Mattie said, “Hoots!” and “Nonsense!” and that “her voice was
clean gane;” but her singing of the “Lawland Lads” contradicted all
these statements, and was so sweet, and so true, and so natural, as
to command strict silence at the second note, which deepened as
she proceeded. The verse—

“Few compliments between us pass,

I ca’ him aye my Hieland laddie,
An’ he ca’s me his Lawland lass,
An’ rows me in his tartan plaidie”—

as she sung it, was a thing to be remembered. When she had

finished and the sincere applause was over, which took the shape of
little complimentary speeches to her, and expressions of mutual
delight to one another, rather than the noisy demonstration which
had followed my uncle’s songs, my uncle said, “Eh, Mattie—hoots!
excuse me. Eh, Mrs. Dickson, there’s no’ a fail’d inch o’ ye. That
sang was like caller air; it was jist grand, splendid a’thegither. It’s
taen the breath frae me completely. I daurna sing after that.”
“Come away, Mr. Martin,” said she; “a bargain’s a
“THE bargain. Come away wi’ the ‘Farmer’s Ingle,’” which
FARMER’S he did. And I give the song as he sang it, as,
INGLE.” although common in country districts in my young
days, it is little sung now. The chorus was well
known to us all, and we did join in it:—

“Let Turks triumph, let tyrants pray,

Let poets sing melodiously,
Let Turks triumph and priests live single,
But my delight’s at the farmer’s ingle.

Chorus—For the farmer’s ingle is the place

 Where freedom shines on ilka face.
My wish is while on earth to mingle
Wi’ gude honest people at the farmer’s ingle.

“In winter when the frost an’ snaw

Drives a’ the masons frae the wa’,
Your hearts wad warm and yer ears wad tingle
To hear the cracks at the farmer’s ingle.

Chorus—For the farmer’s ingle is the place, etc.

“The British ship’s the seaman’s boast,

Success to tredd’s the merchant’s toast,
The miser for his money does pingle,
But my delight’s in the farmer’s ingle.

Chorus—For the farmer’s ingle is the place, etc.

“The sailor boldly ploughs the main,

The soldier flies o’er heaps of slain,
But my wish on earth’s ne’er to live single;
Here’s a bumper to the farmer’s ingle.

Chorus—For the farmer’s ingle is the place,” etc.

The “thinking of going home,” which had been hinted at once or

twice before, was now general, and the party broke up with good
wishes and kind feelings warmly expressed: “We’ve haen a grand
nicht o’t!”—“Lang may ye be spared to ane anither, an’ aye be as
happy as ye’ve made your freends the nicht!”—crowned by “Auld
Langsyne,” with, as the play-bills have it, “the whole strength of the
company.”
Our house was above the shop; separate villas, now so common for
tradesmen and shopkeepers, were then only occupied by the gentry.
The system of villas in the outskirts has shortened the hours of
business, and is healthier, but the above-the-shop houses kept a
man, and often, be it said with all honour, his wife, thoroughly at the
head of affairs. In many businesses, then as yet, the wives were
invaluable. Who cannot recall the active, polite, effective way in
which the Mistress “kept the shop”? and how nice it was to be served
by her own self, with her interchange of homely civilities, and the
ready knack she had of hitting on what was wanted! This good
custom is happily still not uncommon. Long may it continue!
My business did not require Agnes to be in the shop,
but in my absence she used to look in to help the lad PEGGY
or lads, and took to it, and the customers took to her. RITCHIE
Often, also, when the assistants were out, she came ON THE
down to keep me (maybe to keep herself) from KIRKYARD.
wearying; and she soon made such changes as only an orderly
woman can devise; and from being interested, she easily became
acquainted with the details, and made alterations here and reforms
there that resulted in our increased prosperity and comfort. We went
on steadily making things better, soon got to be easier in money
matters, then laid past a little, then looked out for some investment.
But I am the writer, not the subject, of these “bits,” and will spare my
readers the dry details of a homely life in a country village. I only add
that we had no extra call on our means in the way of having to bring
up a family. This was a sore subject many years ago, but it is a mere
fact now.
My wife being anxious to get everything to her mind about the house,
began next morning to clear up, and sent for some folks who were
very glad to get some of the substantial remains to eke out their
scanty tables. One of these was Peggy Ritchie. She had been a
servant in my father’s house at the time of his death, and my
housekeeper for nearly a year thereafter. She had married Gavin
Sinclair, a widower with a moderately-sized family. Her father was
the sexton and minister’s man, but now unfit for work, and Gavin, or
Guy as he was commonly called, “officiated” instead of old Adam
Ritchie. Peggy said she was “thankfu’ to get onything, forbye being
proud to be mindit, for Guy was very slack the noo, there werena
near sae mony deaths as ane would expect this cauld weather. It
was very unfortunate, it came at an ill time; if there wasna something
doin’ in the kirkyard soon, it wad be a bad job. Guy could say, as the
beadle o’ Borthwick said to the Lord Chief Baron, ‘he hadna buried a
leevin’ craitur for six weeks.’”
“And how’s your father, Peggy?” said my wife.
“Very middlin’, Mrs. Martin” (Peggy used Mrs. very often and very
graciously); “but he was sayin’ to Guy last nicht, after Mr. Barrie gaed
out,—he ca’d in to see my faither; he often ca’s. I’m aye glad to see
him. He kens what puir folk need in cauld weather. Well, as I was
sayin’, my faither says to Guy, ‘Be thankfu’ ye hae Mr. Barrie to deal
wi’; he’s a considerate man an’ a gentleman. Ane o’ the ministers
before him, no’ to name onybody,—it’s as weel no’ to gie names,—
weel, ane o’ the ministers in my day,’ says my faither, ‘was the maist
pernickety, impatient, bathersome craitur’ ever was seen. If he
wanted onything, ye must do’t in an instant, or he was fair dancin’ wi’
passion. It was a thrang time in the kirkyard, a sair winter, and I had
some idle men helpin’ me. The minister was getting something done
to the manse, and aye send-sendin’ for me to help, and to come that
very moment. I’ve actually seen me,’ says my faither, ‘hae to bring
men out o’ the very grave to serve him.’ My faither’s sair failed.”
Knowing that Peggy had been my housekeeper, my wife asked if
there was anything I was specially fond of, any special dishes, etc.
Peggy’s sense of importance was flattered at being
consulted (as she afterwards put it), and she said, with MATHIESO
a gesture of surprise, “The maister,—Maister Martin,— N’S HEID.
there was nae man could be easier pleased wi’ his
meat than him. Gie him a lamb leg an’ a berry tart to his denner, an’
he was perfectly satisfied.” So he may, thought my wife.
“Speakin’ about denners,” continued Peggy, “Miss Park got a terrible
fricht last Saturday nicht. The flesher’s laddie was takin’ a sheep’s
heid to the Mathiesons, but as there was naebody in the house, he
raps on Miss Park’s door,—she stops next them. Weel, her servant
was out, an’ she answers the door hersel’. She’s an awfu’ nervish
craitur’, so she opens a wee bit o’ the door, a’ shakin’, and disna the
laddie shove the sheep’s heid bang in? The door was that little open
that the neck rubbit against her hands; and he bawls out,
‘Mathieson’s heid,’ an’ let it fa’ in the lobby an’ awa’ in a moment.
She was that fear’d that she couldna move, but keepit starin’ awa’ at
the ugly black head, thinking a’ sorts o’ things. When her servant
cam’ in she was fair chitterin’ wi’ fear. It was real thochtless o’ the
laddie.”
Blinkbonny had its events and “foys” (i.e. entertainments), but
nothing of special interest occurred until the Disruption of 1843, of
which I will treat in my next chapter.
 CHAPTER IV.
THE TWO SIDES OF THE CHURCH QUESTION.

“They lay aside their private cares

To mind the Kirk and State affairs;
They’ll talk o’ patronage and priests
Wi’ kindling fury in their breasts,
Or tell what new taxation ’s comin’,
And ferlie at the folk in Lon’on.”—Burns.

T HE agitation which resulted in the Disruption of

THE SEED
1843, when nearly five hundred ministers left the POTATOES
Established Church of Scotland and formed the .
“Free Church,” extended even to the quiet parish of
Blinkbonny, although Mr. Barrie had not taken an active part in the
conferences held on the subjects in dispute between the
Government and the Non-Intrusionists, as they were sometimes
called. He rather avoided the subject; but in the presbytery his
attitude indicated that his sympathies were with those who ultimately
formed the Free Church,—so much so that many of his friends
remonstrated with him, urging him to be careful, to consider his
family, not to commit himself hastily. The latter advice Mr. Barrie
carried out by thanking is advisers very sincerely, assuring them that
he would endeavour to act conscientiously and “judeeciously;” and
although he did not commit himself, his answer was made the basis
of different conclusions, according as the “conscientiously” or the
“judeeciously” was put foremost.
He more nearly committed himself to Bell than to any other person,
and this accidentally. She was the head, the only gardener, and early
spring found her deeply absorbed in the arrangement of the
season’s crops. She had already planted peas and beans, and
sundry vegetables; had carefully cut the seed of the early potatoes,
making each potato yield as many bits with eyes or buds as she
thought safe; and had the “dibble” in her hand to form the holes into
which to drop the seed, when Mr. Barrie, returning from the village,
stopped at the “break” which she was beginning to plant.
He never passed Bell without some kindly word. In the garden it was
generally, “Well, Bell, always at it?” and Bell’s “Yes, sir” followed him,
for he generally walked on. But on this occasion he stood for a few
seconds, long enough for Bell to look at him inquiringly, then to
wonder whether to speak or not. At length Mr. Barrie said, with
something like an introductory sigh:
“Well, Bell, planting the early potatoes, I see. How will you look if we
have to flit soon and leave the crop to some other body?”
“Flit!” said Bell; “flit! What d’ye mean, sir? We’ll flit nane;” and
forgetting her usual good manners, she added, “Ye havena gotten a
call to ony ither kirk that I’ve heard o’, or to ony o’ the big town kirks,
have ye, sir?”
“No, not exactly that, Bell; but we may have to leave the manse for
all that. But if we have, we will leave the garden in such a state as to
be a credit to us.” Then collecting himself, and observing her
perplexed face, he made a passing remark on the weather, and had
moved towards the manse, too confused to be able to reply to Bell’s
practical question, which cut him to the quick, simple as it was,
“What for did ye no’ speak about that before I cut the pitaties, sir?”
The question was not asked in Bell’s usual respectful
tone, and although she saw that Mr. Barrie had got COMING
into the house, she kept looking at the closed door as EVENTS
if it should answer her; then slowly surveyed the CAST
THEIR
garden, the mould of which had been enriched by her
SHADOWS
industry. She rested her eye first on what she had BEFORE.
already planted, next on what she intended to plant;
wistfully on the rows that were already above the ground, and that
had an hour before been her pride; then looked again at the manse
door with an expression of bewilderment. She took the hamper
which contained the seed-potatoes in the one hand, still holding the
dibble in the other, and walked dreamily round the parts of the
garden that were planted. The pace was very unlike her everyday