TRANSITION OF FOREIGN POLICY IN IRANIAN REGIME FROM DR.

MEHMOOD AHMADI NAHYYAD TO IBRAHIM RAISI

_______________________________________________________________

M. PHIL THESIS
BY
MUHAMMAD UMAIR QURESHI

ROLL NUMBER:
FA-2022- MPHIL IR -003

SUPERVISOR: NUSRAT REHMAN (ASISTANT PROFESSOR)

SESSION: 2022-2024

DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSLAHORE

GARRISON UNIVERSITY LAHORE
IRANIAN FOREIGN POLICY

Introduction

Iran is consider a major actor in the region and as a heavy pawn on the Cold War
chessboard that included most of Asia and Europe, it managed to amass significant strategic
worth. Yet, the Islamic revolution of 1979 was what set Iran apart from other countries on the
global stage. Following the fall of the Shah by a confederation of radical, liberal, and Islamist
forces, Iran became as a defiant, fiercely independent, aggressively religious, and nonaligned
country. Iran is then unable to avoid the intent of international news agencies, academic
authorities on Islam and the Middle East, and foreign offices around the globe. No nation in the
region could afford to overlook the effects of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Iranian
revolution on its own national security. The Iranian revolution not only brought about the
dissolution of the steadily forming coalition of moderate forces in the Middle East, but it also
upset the regional order. However, as Halliday shows, the revolution also made Iran a player in
the superpowers' internal affairs, including those of the US.

Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, is the main driving force behind the foreign
policy of the Islamic Republic. Iran's elected parliament and presidency all operate under [his]
absolute sovereignty, with Khamenei serving as "the head of state, the commander in chief, and
the top ideologue. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is a paramilitary group that
is primarily in charge of carrying out the harsh foreign and internal policies—civil distancing,
missile development, and backing for proxies—that the opponents of the Islamic Republic
find most objectionable.

Iran's actions, which are mostly seen as offensive and ideological, are motivated by a
desire to advance regional and national interests. Iran's foreign policy has defensive foundations
and goals that are primarily pragmatic and focused on state-oriented and strategic problems.
Iran's post-invasion measures in Iraq will need to be pragmatic due to the nature of the issues .
State-oriented and strategic issues will take center stage due to the cyclical nature of regional
crises and the interests of outside powers, particularly the United States. Iran's approach to the
new Iraq was mostly defensive, seen as a preventative measure to address the emerging political-
security issues. Because of their respective responsibilities in the region, Iran and the US are
currently at odds over Iraq following the war. Therefore, establishing the new Iraq's position and
role in the region should be the focus of compromise. Given the future of Iran-Iraq relations and
the consequences for Iran's national security and interests, Iran has a strategic interest in having
direct discussions with the United States regarding Iraq's security.

According to these portrayals, factional politics have little bearing on Iran's foreign
policy, with all blocs—radical or moderate— being confined to carrying out the Supreme
Leader's assigned tasks. Perhaps President Rouhani regrets the financial cost of IRGC
adventurism, is more inclined towards compromise, and prefers foreign governments to
sectarian militias . But Rouhani's and other moderates' gains will be insignificant as long as
Khamenei does not agree. In Iran, the past is never truly gone. The Iranian people have a
strong sense of independence and a culture of resistance to foreign dominance and dictation
due to a contradictory combination of pride in Iranian culture and a sense of victimization.
The foundation of Iranian foreign policy is these deeply held beliefs. For Iran, the past is
always present. A paradoxical combination of pride in Iranian culture and a sense of
victimization have created a fierce sense of independence and a culture of resistance to dictation
and domination by any foreign power among the Iranian people. Iranian foreign policy is rooted
in these widely held sentiments.

The Roots of Iranian Foreign Policy

Iranians cherish the impact that Islam, Christianity, and Judaism have received from their
ancient faith, Zoroastrianism. They take pride in their thirty-century legacy of artwork and artefacts,
their ability to maintain their cultural identity over millennia, their founding of the first world state over
2,500 years ago, their establishment of the first international society that respected the cultures and
religions of the people living under their authority, their successful rescue of the Jews from Babylon, and
their influence on the cultures of the Greek, Arab, Mongol, and Turkish peoples, not to mention their
indirect influence on Western culture through Iranian contributions to Islamic civilization.

However, Iranians believe that throughout their history, foreign countries have oppressed
them. They recall that Greeks, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, and most recently, Saddam Husain’s
army, have conquered their country. Iranians also recall being attacked and occupied in two
World Wars, as well as being economically and politically oppressed by the British and Russian
empires. Four elements account for Iran's stagnant national security and foreign policyIranians
value the influence that their ancient religion, Zoroastrianism, has had on Judaism, Christianity,
and Islam. They take pride in 30 centuries of arts and artifacts, in the continuity of their cultural
identity over millennia, in having established the first world state more than 2,500 years ago, in
having organized the first international society that respected the religions and cultures of the
people under their rule, in having liberated the Jews from Babylonian captivity, and in having
influenced Greek, Arab, Mongol, and Turkish civilizations — not to mention having influenced
Western culture indirectly through Iranian contributions to Islamic civilization.

At the same time, however, Iranians feel they have been oppressed by foreign powers
throughout their history. They remember that Greeks, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, and most recently
Saddam Husayn’s forces all invaded their homeland. Iranians also remember that the British and
Russian empires exploited them economically, subjugated them politically, and invaded and
occupied their country in two World Wars.. First, a constitutional duty that restricts the
president's ability to decide on foreign policy. Second, the nation prioritizes national security
over other foreign policy concerns, particularly economic ones; third, Iran must continue to resist
Western isolation; and fourth, Iran's leadership is required to maintain its internal order.

Iran's cultural memory is etched with the fact that the United States destroyed Prime Minister
Muhammad Musaddeq's administration in 1953, installed the despotic Shah back in power, and
then controlled the nation for 25 years, dashing Iranian democratic hopes. Similar to how the
American removal of Musaddeq left an indelible mark on Iranian culture; the Iranian abduction
of American hostages in 1979 left an indelible mark on American awareness. Iran's relations
with the US have been molded not only by a shared psychological anguish but also by a shared
memory of seven decades of cordial relations between the two countries.The facts that the
United States aborted Iranian democratic aspirations in 1953 by overthrowing the government of
Prime Minister Muhammad Musaddeq, returned the autocratic Shah to the throne, and thereafter
dominated the country for a quarter century is deeply seared into Iran’s collective memory.
Likewise, just as the American overthrow of Musaddeq was etched into the Iranian psyche, the
Iranian taking of American hostages in 1979 was engraved into the American consciousness.
Iran’s relations with the United States have been shaped not only by a mutual psychological
trauma but also by collective memory on the Iranian side of 70 years of amicable Iran-US
relations.

Iran’s static foreign policy and national security principles can be explained by
four factors: (1) a constitutional mandate that limits presidential power in foreign policy
decisionmaking; (2) the country’s prioritization of national security over other foreign policy
(especially economic) interests; (3) Iran’s ongoing isolation by the West and its need to keep
pushing back; and (4) the need for Iran’s leadership to preserve its domestic ordeThe Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad administration's foreign policy was distinct from both Iran's previous and
prospective foreign policies. Compared to his predecessors, Ahmadinejad's presidency was
marked by more verbal and physical confrontation. His policy was changed as a result of a
number of internal and external actions that came after this. This was essentially a split of
relations with the rest of the world (nations like Venezuela and the Arab states of Lebanon and
Palestine) and the Western world (headed by the United States). Early in Ahmadinejad's
presidency, the Islamic Republic in the West underwent a radical transformation when "virtually
the entire corps of ambassadors based in the West" returned to Iran. These diplomats were not
only seasoned but also very reform-minded.

However, it's also critical to recognize the situations in which Iran's post-revolutionary
foreign policy has been reasonable and beneficial. The president before Ahmadinejad,
Mohammad Khatami, strongly condemned terrorism and violence, supported détente, pushed for
a "dialogue among civilizations," enhanced Iran's ties with its neighbors in the Persian Gulf,
overturned Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's fatwa against novelist Salman Rushdie, improved ties
with Europe, lessened Iran's hostile stance towards Israel, and, most importantly, extended a
"olive branch" to the United States. His foreign policy brought back to Iran's statecraft the
Iranian tradition of hekmat, or wisdom.

Western pundits have several concerns regarding the likelihood of change in Iran
following Dr. Hassan Rouhani's election to the presidency in June 2013. The P5+1's negotiated
nuclear accord is widely regarded as a positive development for Iran's foreign policy. Even while
Rouhani's government uses far more restrained rhetoric than his predecessor's, it yet functions
under the same intellectual framework. Islam, Shi'ism, and Iranism all highlight the bounds of
acceptable governmental conduct. The secret to Rouhani's success has been his ability to balance
these competing sources of identity and, when needed, give one more weight than the other.
Because of this, his government has been able to show some flexibility. President Rouhani has
found success with this strategy, and he has maintained Iran's policy of engagement with
countries that are within its historical and cultural sphere of influence. There is a definite Iranist
flavor to interactions with Afghanistan and Tajikistan; the religious parallels are emphasized
with historical, linguistic, and cultural linkages between these countries.
On August 5, during his parliamentary swearing-in ceremony, Ibrahim Raisi gave a
limited amount of information regarding his foreign policy agenda. He only restated the Islamic
Republic's long-standing principles. Prioritizing better neighbor relations, he reaffirmed that
outside interference in the area resolves no problem. Raisi further pledged that sanctions and
pressure from the US and other Western nations won't stop Iran from moving on with its nuclear
programme. Raisi has expressed support for negotiations aimed at bringing the United States and
Iran back into compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the 2015
nuclear agreement. However, he has cautioned that Iran will not tolerate prolonged conversations
and will demand concrete outcomes.
Statement of the Problem:

Iran's foreign policy has changed over time to take into account both internal and external
factors. Ideology used to be a major factor in determining foreign policy. For example, the belief
that faith would lead to triumph and that Iran had a global duty to Muslims was predicated on
Islam as its primary source of power. This supported the exporting revolution policy after 1979,
even if it had certain strategic drawbacks when applied to state-to-state relations. During
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's administration, Iran experienced a number of regional and
international issues, which made Iranian political elites more cautious about the risks associated
with ideological programs. In the regional context, the years between Dr. Mahmood Ahmad
Nahyyaad and Ibrahim Raisi were a time of extreme tension. As a result, they pursued foreign
policy to confront regional and American adversaries and overcome their political and
strategic obstacles.

Research Questions:

1. What differences in foreign policy did President Ibrahim Raisi have with President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad over the nuclear issue?

2. How Iran and Saudi Arabia diplomatic breakthrough could impact the entire middle east?

3. What makes United Sates to continuous opposition and surveillance of Islamic republic of
Iran?

4. Is the Middle East Crisis caused by Iranism or by the betrayal of regional and international
powers?
Research Objectives:

1. To find out what type of foreign policy Iran is following and what is the major principal
behind the Iranian Foreign policy.
2. To explore what changes did Ibrahim Raisi make to Iran's foreign policy towards the
United States and its allies in the West from Dr. Mahmood Ahmad Nahyyad.
3. To find the impact on Iran and other regional countries of Iran's persistent resistance
against meddling in the region by global powers?
4. To explore Iran is politically and economically isolated from the region and other world?

Hypothesis:

Iran's foreign policy is shape by past grievances and rivalries between regional powers,
which are becoming more intense due to the involvement of global powers attempting to
influence geopolitical dynamics.

Literature Review:

(Khaleel, 2023) Explains that Iran's foreign policy did not follow a pattern that does not
drastically alter when the decision-maker changes, based on experience. One of the goals of this
strategy is serving the interests of the Iranian people, therefore Abraham Raisi, the current
president, did not stray from these principles when he assumed office. It further elaborates that
he has employed strategies that may be different from those of his forebears, as evidenced by the
way he approaches regional rapprochement within the parameters of his theoretical frameworks,
which advocate for regional rapprochement as a starting point for international relations and
shifting the focus from regional to global issues in order to fortify Iran's bargaining stance. And
this was the attempt to repair diplomatic ties with Saudi Arabia following the severe break that
occurred in 2016 as a result of the circumstances leading up to the death of Sheikh Nimr Baqir
al-Nimr, a Saudi Shiite preacher.

(Soleimani, 2022) The rise and fall of various governments following the Islamic
revolution illustrates how foreign policy can alter while adhering to certain unchanging
fundamentals. A few new components, or at the very least, fresh interpretations of the previously
described principles, accompany the arrival of the thirteenth government. This means that, as a
discourse, the foreign policy executed by the 13th government carries and has certain
components that set it apart from the discourses preceding and following it. This research work
also explains the use the discourse analysis method to analyze the key components and
documents of Ibrahim Raisi's government's foreign policy. How to conceptualize the foreign
policy of the 13th government using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse system is
the article's main question. Accordingly, "pragmatic revolutionism," or more accurately, "justice-
oriented multilateralism," is regarded as the focal point (central sign) of the government's foreign
policy discourse, which is connected to its auxiliary components like the tactic of neutralizing
sanctions and the astute balancing of foreign political and economic ties through two strategies
involving the neighborhood policy and the look-east strategy; the opposition strategy, the
creation of a fair international order based on multilateralism, and the anti-sanctions method with
the two mechanisms of mimicking the political and strategic neutralization of sanctions These
peripheral components become significance when the embargo is lifted (as a technique) and the
connection between livelihood and the national economy is eventually loosened.

(Zimmt, 2021) the author of this research work elaborates that The new Iranian President
Ebrahim Raisi's planned government signals a return to strict control over all sectors of
government and represents a dramatic shift in the ideological balance of power in the executive
branch. Although the country's supreme leader Ali Khamenei is in charge of Iran's overall
strategy, the makeup of the government suggests Raisi's plan to adopt a more aggressive stance
than the previous administration in both internal and international policy matters. It further
explains that like past governments, Raisi's proposed ministry is primarily composed of
technocrats with advanced degrees, but all of the appointed ministers identify as conservatives,
and certainly some of them have strong anti-Western and radical ideologies. Gaining greater
support and collaboration from the other political power centers is probably made possible by the
government's hardline composition, the President's allegiance to the Supreme Leader, and his
cordial relationship with the Revolutionary Guards. However, it seems unlikely that this will be
sufficient to make headway towards resolving Iran's core issues.

(Litvak) Iranian politics have never been a single entity. Ideological conflicts and
divisions, both institutional and interpersonal, have always existed inside it. While Iran is not a
nation that is democratic, these conflicts, like those in other nations, have a significant influence
on the formulation of foreign policy. There are two ways to define the current split in Iran's
internal political theatre. A common strategy in Iranian discourse makes a distinction between
those who highlight the Islamic element, which gives clerics total control and diminishes the role
of the people to obedience to the clerics, and those who emphasize the republican foundation, or
the people's role, in the Islamic Republic. A common strategy in Iranian discourse makes a
distinction between those who highlight the Islamic element, which gives clerics total control
and diminishes the role of the people to obedience to the clerics, and those who emphasise the
republican foundation, or the people's role, in the Islamic Republic. The majority of the
republicans, lead by President Hassan Rouhani, are drawn from the ranks of the Majlis
(parliament) and the cabinet, which are the two elected institutions in the political system. The
dominant trend among clerics, however, is represented by the Islamists. The Revolutionary
Guards, the Basij militia, and the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei are in charge of
them.

(Tavana, 2014) this research work mainly focuses on to how can the critical theory of
international relations be used to analyze Ahmadinejad's foreign policy? It is believed that
Ahmadinejad's foreign policy can benefit from the use of the critical theory of international
relations. It appears that the Ahmadinejad administration's foreign policy criticized the unfair and
dominant world system. Thus, it may be stated that the Ahmadinejad government's foreign
policy is in line with critical theory of international relations, in a negative sense (what should
not be). Thus, it may be stated that the Ahmadinejad government's foreign policy is in line with
critical theory of international relations, in a negative sense (what should not be). The goal of the
Ahmadinejad government appears to be rebuilding the international system around the interests
of developing nations in general and Islamic nations, particularly Shia, in particular. In contrast,
the critical theory seeks to rebuild the international system based on modern logic. This cross-
sectional article is written for "test of theory with case" and "adaption of theory with case."

(Yourtaev, 2012) This article examines the key features of Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad's contemporary foreign policy, particularly his philosophy of constructive
interaction. In the framework of globalization and the process of changing international relations,
the establishment of the nuclear gate for entry into world policy and the fundamental issues with
Iranian growth as a new regional leader are taken into consideration.

(Barzegar, 2017) The Iranian foreign policy decision-making process appears to be

changing as evidenced by increased political rationality, power calculations, and a continuous
effort to strike a balance between resources and constraints. Iran is realizing that it has some
strategic limitations and that it cannot set objectives that exceed the resources at its disposal.
Utilizing low-cost engagements, remaining a strategic patient, limiting rivals' margins of
maneuver, and acting as a responsible but inevitable power are Iran's four key coping
mechanisms for the realities of its current resource and strategic limit equilibrium.

(Pillar, 2016) The United States has developed an exceptional fixation with the Islamic Republic
of Iran. One way to look at it is that an unusually high percentage of conversations regarding
American foreign policy touch on Iran. Politicians and pundits in the United States frequently list
Iran as one of the greatest risks the country confronts, usually about its nuclear program. In the
final presidential debate of the 2012 campaign, Republican contender Mitt Romney responded,
"A nuclear Iran," when asked what the single biggest threat to U.S. national security was in the
future.1. It is now mandatory for politicians from both of the major U.S. political parties to voice
worry about Iran and the necessity to combat it. The US Congress has devoted a great deal of
time to considering such statements and to implementing increasingly severe economic penalties
on Iran by lopsided votes. There are frequent and obviously serious discussions about attacking
Iran militarily, despite the fact that such an act of aggression would almost certainly result in a
costly war that would harm American interests and likely accelerate Iran's development of a
nuclear weapon, which the attack is supposed to be intended to prevent.

(Kazemzadeh, 2017)The Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policymaking process

examined in this article. It does this by examining the many state agencies, groups, and
individuals' roles in the creation and implementation of foreign policy. Since 1979, Iran's
institutions' actual powers have changed significantly. There is a brief discussion of the causes
and history of these institutional changes. Iran does not have a single dictatorship. Instead, an
oligarchy made up of lay fundamentalists and fundamentalist Shia clergy rules it. The opposing
factions of reformists, expedients, and hard-liners, as well as its sub-factions, pragmatic hard-
liners and ultra-hard-liners, make up the ruling elite. The aristocracy is sharply split on a wide
range of topics, especially foreign policy. The opinions and suggested policies of the oligarchy's
leading figures over Iran's nuclear programme, ties with the United States, and its regional
policies are presented in great depth in this article. Lastly, the research findings are applied to the
case of Iran's nuclear programme in this article. There is proof that Iran has maintained a covert
nuclear weapons programme. The responses of the governing oligarchy to the international
outcry over Iran's nuclear programme are examined in this essay.

(Hameed, 2017) The opinions and suggested policies of the oligarchy's leading figures
over Iran's nuclear programme, ties with the United States, and its regional policies are presented
in great depth in this article. Lastly, the research findings are applied to the case of Iran's nuclear
programme in this article. There is proof that Iran has maintained a covert nuclear weapons
programme. The responses of the governing oligarchy to the international outcry over Iran's
nuclear programme are examined in this essay. Lastly, FPA is utilized to investigate the proxy
war in Iraq in order to demonstrate how neighboring states display the power-seeking intentions
of Saudi Arabia and Iran as well as their anti-elitist identities. With the help of FPA, academics
and decision-makers will be better equipped to handle the Saudi-Iranian rivalry and contribute to
the creation of a more stable and secure Middle East.

Significance:

This research is an attempt to find the change in Iranian Foreign Policy from President Mahmood
Ahmad Nahyaad to the President Ibrahim Raisi. It also finds that how these governments are
responding to the national, regional and international dynamics. This study further explains the
rational of consistent Iranian foreign policy which is Ideological, independent and continuously
opposing the meddling of global powers in the region. Iran is following the foreign policy to
ensure its national security and to meet the economic and political challenges at the regional and
international level.

Research Methodology:
Research Philosophy
The interpretivist research philosophy forms the foundation of this investigation.
Interpretivism holds that social phenomena are shaped by acts, perceptions, and interpretations.
This includes the ways in which governments have formulated their foreign policy over time. Its
objective is to unravel the arbitrary meanings and motivations behind these incidents.
Research Approach

The methodology for this investigation will be deductive. The researcher into a
theoretical framework will first compile the most recent discoveries. We will next gather and
examine data in order to test and refine this design. By employing this approach, scholars can
meticulously examine the historical background of the Iranian foreign policy while concurrently
taking into account notable theoretical models.

Research Strategy

The technique of the study is grounded in historical analysis. Examining the political, economic,
and social facets of the years 2008–2023, the researcher aims to ascertain the evolution of the
Iranian government.
Research Design

Using a qualitative research design, this study will concentrate on secondary data sources from
books, government publications, academic journals, and media archives. Investigating intricate
historical and sociopolitical issues is a good fit for qualitative research methods.

Data Sources

Government papers, credible news sources, and scholarly databases like JSTOR will all
be used as primary data sources. Secondary sources will be employed in order to examine and
combine current information.

Data Collection

Choose pertinent primary and secondary sources that address the political, economic, and social
facets of Iranian governance within the selected time frame. These sources may include
academic journals, reports, and historical documents.

Data Analysis

Utilizing qualitative content analysis, classify the material from the chosen sources according to
recurrent themes, trends, and significant occasions pertaining to the development of the Iranian
government between 2008 and 2023.

Ethical Considerations

To preserve academic integrity and protect intellectual property rights, make sure that all sources
used in the research are properly cited and attributed.

Plan of work

It will take six to eight months to complete this research. first two to three months for study and
data collection. We'll employ a variety of research techniques, such as obtaining literature,
assembling the data, and working with news publishers. The data will be improved and verified
over the course of the next three months with supervisor assistance. Writing a dissertation will
take up the last two months.
Structure of Thesis

There are five chapters in this thesis. Content in each chapter varies. Here is a
quick summary of each chapter's primary idea that is covered in this thesis;

The first chapter covers the introduction in detail, including the problem statement,
background of the variables, justification and rationale, research objectives and questions, and
the topic's significance.

The second chapter includes a thorough literature review of all the variables and also
discusses a theory that underpins the research model.

The third chapter discusses methodology, which covers the nature and scope of the study,
the instruments or methods employed, and the procedures followed by the investigator when
gathering, analyzing, and reporting data.

In the fourth chapter, analysis and findings are covered.

The discussion and conclusion, hypothesis, detailed findings, implications, limitations,

and suggested future indications are covered in the fifth chapter.

References
Barzegar, K. &. (2017). Political rationality in Iranian foreign policy. The Washington Quarterly, 40(1), 39-
53.

Hameed, U. U. (2017). The Saudi-Iranian Rivalry: A Foreign Policy Analysis Approach. Towson University
Journal of International Affairs, 50(2).

Kazemzadeh, M. (2017). Foreign policy decision making in Iran and the nuclear program. Comparative
Strategy. Comparative Strategy, 36(3), 198-214.

Khaleel, A. I. (2023). The Regional Dimension in The Administration of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi:
Iranian-Saudi Relations (As A Model). resmilitaris, 13(1), 727-743. resmilitaris, 13(1), 727-743.
Litvak, M. (n.d.). Internal Political Struggles in Iran and their Impact on Foreign Policy.

Pillar, P. R. (2016). The Role of Villain: Iran and U.S. Foreign Policy. Political Science Quarterly, 131(2),
365-385.

Soleimani, R. (2022). Discourse analysis of the foreign policy of Ebrahim Raisi government. . Strategic
Studies of public policy, 12(44).

Tavana, M. A. (2014). Analysis of Ahmadinejad Government's Foreign Policy According to the Critical
Theory of International Relations . International Journal of Political Science, 4(2), 55-71.

Yourtaev, V. I. (2012). Peculiarities of Modern Foreign Policy of Iran. Vestnik RUDN, 2, 13-20.

Zimmt, R. (2021). Look Right: Iranian President Raisi Appoints a Government. Institute for National
Security Studies (INSS), 1510.