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2025 수능특강 영어독해 - 4강
2025 수능특강 영어독해 - 4강
4�� - Exercise 1.
Ethical theories that appeal to experience instead of to intuition, religion or
reason, sometimes treat indeterminacy simply as a problem of difficulty in
measurement.
���, ���, �Ǵ� �̼� ��� ���迡 ȣ���ϴ� ��� �̷е�� ������ (������) �̰����� �ܼ��� ����ϱ�
���� ����� ����Ѵ�.
They may call attention to differences in what is right or good under different
psychological, historical and individual conditions.
�̷�(�͵װе�)� ���� �� �ٸɸ���, ������, ��� ������ ���Ȳ���� �ǰų� ���� ���� ���̿�
���Ǹ� ȯ���ų �� �ִ�.
In that sense, morality is relative.
�� �ǹ̿��� ����� ������̴�.
A certain action is considered wrong if done by someone who possesses typical
cognitive abilities, but not if done by someone who lacks the ability to make fine
distinctions.
� �ൿ� �Ϲ����� ���� �ɷ�� ���� ����� �ϸ� ��� ����� ���ֵ���, �̼��� �� �̸� �����ϴ�
�ɷ��� ����� ����� �ϸ� �� ���ʴ�.
You cannot expect the same rules of private property concerning land in a primitive
hunting society and a small individual peasant society.
������� ��� ��� ��ȸ�� �ұԸ��� ���� ���� ��ȸ���� ���� ���� ��� ����� ������ ��Ģ�
����� �� ���.
You cannot impose the obligation to save a drowning man by swimming out for him
upon one who cannot swim or who is desperately ill.
������� ���� ���� ���� ��� �� ��ؼ� ����� ������ �� ���� �־ǹ��� ��� �� ��
��ų� ���� ���ؽϰ� ���� ���� ������ �� ���.
Such individualization and particularization hardly constitute indeterminacy.
����� ���ȭ�� Ư��ȭ�� (������) �̰ ������ �Ǵ� ����� ���� �������� �ʴ´�.
For they call attention to the factors which make single and decisive answers
correct; in short, they remove rather than enshrine indeterminacy.
�ֳ��ϸ� �� �� ��͵װϳ��� ������� ��� ������ ����� ���ο� ���Ǹ� ȯ���Ű��, ������ ����ؼ,
(������) �̰����� ������ �ϱ⺸����� �ٴϱ� �����̴�.
4�� - Exercise 2.
4�� - Exercise 2.
One of the things that often block our creativity is our own inhibitions.
���� �츮�� â�Ƿ�� ���θ��� �� �� �ϳ��� �� �ٷ츮 ��ܼ���� ���ڽ � .�̴
Psychologists believe we have a built-in censor that limits the information we are
prepared to accept from the preconscious in order to protect ourselves from being
overwhelmed by the information we contain in our brain.
�ɸ������� �� ���ڵ, �츮�� �� ��� ����� �е����ϴ� ����κ��� ��� ��ڽȣ�ϱ� ���
���ǽ�(������)��κ��� �Ƶ��� �� �غǾ� �ִ� ����� ����ϴ� Ÿ�� �˿� ��ġ(�����ǽ�
�����)�� ����� �ִ�.
Filters appropriate to our situation ensure appropriate recollection.
�츮�� ó�� ��Ȳ�� �´� ���� ��ġ�� ������ ���� �����Ѵ�.
If we are in a leisure situation, leisure links are used and work recollections are
unwelcome.
�츮�� ���� ��Ȳ�� �ִ��� ���� ���� ���� �ٸǸ� �ϰ� ��õ� ���� ȯ������ ���Ѵ�.
If we are at work, we do the opposite.
�츮�� ��� �ϰ� �����, �츮�� ��� ��ݴѴ�.
This could well be the reason why an idea will come to us out of context.
��� �Ƹ� ���̵� �ƶ�� ��� �츮���� ������� ����� �� ��� ���̴�.
�̰
We might have been racking our brain to consider how to extend a particular story,
�츮�� Ư� �̾߱ ��� Ȯ������ ����ϱ� ��� �Ӹ��� ���¥�� �ִ� ���̾�� �� �ִµ�,
but as soon as we settle into a different activity, such as socialising with
friends or watching TV, the idea comes to us.
ģ����� ��︮ �ų � ��� ������ڷû�ϴ� �Ͱ� ���� �츮�� � �ٸȰ���� ����ϰ� ����� ����������ڸ
�︮
� �̵� 츮���� �������.
���ܼ�
It seems that during the incubation phase of the idea, because we have adjusted the
parameters of the censor, an association that we otherwise would not have
considered will be delivered to our subconscious,
���̵���� ��� �ܰ迡�� �˿� ��ġ�� ��� ����� ���߱�߱ ������� ��� �ٸȲ������ ������� �ʾ��
������ �츮�� �����ǽĿ� ��� ���̰�,
and our conscious mind will suddenly recognise it as appropriate for the problem we
were dealing with before.
�츮�� �ǽ��� ���� �� ��װ츮�� ���� �� �ٷ�� ִ�� ����� ������ ����� ���ڱν���
���ϴ�.
4�� - Exercise 3.
4�� - Exercise 3.
The success of science is better accounted for if we consider that the goal of
science is deeper understanding of nature instead of certainty.
������ ��ǥ�� Ȯ�Ǽ��̶�⺸���� �ڿ��� ���� �� ��� ���ض ٴ ���Ѵ������ ������ �ٸ
�� �� ����ȴ�.
Science thus succeeds when it produces scientific understanding.
����� ��� ������ �������� �� �� ����� �ظѴ�.
We can then easily see that science has continually advanced throughout its history
� ��ٸ � �츮�� ������ ���� ���ڽ縦 ��Ʋ�� �������� ������ �Դ�� �� ���� ��� �ٴ
�ִµ�,
because scientific understanding has increased, even if the explanations and
predictions produced are uncertain.
�� ����� ����� ����� ������ ��Ȯ���ϴ�� ������ ����ܼ��� �ذ
��߱����ܼ� � �̴
.
It can also occur even if the theories and models used to make those explanations
and predictions are uncertain.
�� ����� ����� �ϴ� �� ���� �̷а� ���� ��Ȯ���ϴ�� �� ���� ��װϾ�� �ִ�.
In fact, such advancement can occur even if the theories and models involved are
false!
���, ��õ� �̷а� ���� �߸�� ������� �� ��� ���Ͼ�� �ִ�!
Copernicus's theory improved upon Ptolemy's theory even though it included the idea
that Earth's orbit around the sun is circular.
Copernicus�� �̷��� �¾� ����� ���� �� �˵��� �����̶�� ��� ����������� �ұ��ϰ� ���װ
Ptolemy�� �̷к��� (��) �������.
Kepler's theory improved upon Copernicus's theory by holding that Earth's orbit is
elliptical rather than circular.
Kepler�� �̷�� ���� �˵��� ������ �ƴ� Ÿ�����̶�� ��������ν� Copernicus�� �̷к��� (��)
�������.
And Newton's theory of gravitation led him to make a further improvement by
recognizing that Earth's orbit is not exactly elliptical.
�� ���˵� ���� ���Ȯ�� Ÿ������ �ƴ϶�� ��� �ν�����ν� Newton�� �߷� �̷�� ��� �װ
�̻��� ����� �ϰ� ������.
Each of these theories constituted a scientific advance from their predecessors.
�� �̷е� ����� ���� �̷�� ���� �������� �� �̷���.
However, they were all false theories.
���� �̷� ��߸� ��� �͵װе��̾
��.
Despite the fact that the theories were false �� and thus clearly uncertain �� they
led to deeper understanding of Earth's orbit.
�� �̷е��� �߸�Ǿ�� ��� �и��� ��Ȯ���ϴ��� ٴǿ��� �ұ��ϰ�, ���� �� ���� ���˵� �� ��͵װ
����̾� ����ط.
4�� - Exercise 4.
4�� - Exercise 4.
Adopting a simplistic "be positive and smile" approach may be even less feasible
for leaders than for front-line service workers.
'������̰ Ҹ �����'��� ��ġ�� �ܼ�ȭ�� ��� ���� ä���ϴ� ��� �ϼ� ���� �ٷ��ڵ麸�� ����鿡��
� �̼�
�ξ� �� ���� ���ɼ��� ��� �� �ִ�.
Like front-line workers, leaders often experience frustrating work events, and
sometimes these events may have a stronger influence on them than the
organizational display rule to be positive.
�ϼ� ����� ������� ��ٷ��ڵ鵵 ���� �Ҹ������� �� ���� �����ϸ�, ���δ� �̷��� �����
������̾ ����� ٴǥ�� ��Ģ���� �鿡�� �� ū ����� ��ĥ �� �ִ�.
�� �Ѵ�
Perhaps of even greater concern, a simplistic display rule to be always positive
may deprive mid- and lower-level leaders of the discretion they need to adopt the
best emotional tone for the situation.
�Ƹ� �ξ� �� ��������� ���, �� ��̾������ �Ѵ�� �ٴġ�� �ܼ�ȭ�� ǥ�� ��Ģ� �߰�߰ ��� ���
��� ����鿡�Լ� �� ��Ȳ�� ���� ��� ���(����� ���)� ä���ϴ� �� �鿡�� �ʿ��� �緮��� �
�Ż�� �� ��� ���̴�.
Unlike many service workers, who often must display the same emotion (such as
smiling or showing sympathy) over and over again in a fairly repetitive fashion,
���� ����� �̼�( ������ �����ݺҸ� ��ų� ������ ���̴� �Ͱ� ���) ������ ���� �ŵ��Ͽ� �
巯���� �ϴ� ��� ���� �� ��ٷ��ڿ,
leaders have to display a much wider range of emotions and use considerable
judgment as to which emotions best suit the situation.
������ �ξ� �� ������� ���� �巯���� � ����� ��Ȳ�� ���� �������� ���� ����� �Ǵܷ��
������ �ؾѴ�.
Consequently, organizational display rules for leaders must give them the freedom
to display a wide range of emotions, and the autonomy to use considerable judgment
about which emotions to display at any given time.
��������, ������ ��� ����� ǥ�� ��Ģ� ������� ���� �巯�� �� �ִ� ����� ��� ���� �
���� �巯�� ������ ���� ����� �Ǵܷ�� ������ ������ �鿡�� �ο��� �ؾѴ�.
4�� - Exercise 5.
4�� - Exercise 5.
The philosopher Michel de Montaigne is an early representative of a different view
of media.
ö���� Michel de Montaigne�� �̵� ���� �� ��� ���� �ٸʱ� ��ǥ���̴�.
He considered writing to be a unique way of exploring and recording "traits of my
character and my humours," which he famously did best while working alone in his
writing tower.
�
��� ��' ��� � ������ �� �״Ư��'� Ž���ϰ� ����ϴ� ��Ư�� ������ ����µ�, � �״
����ڽ��� �۾ž���� ȥ�� ���ϴ� ���� ����� ����� ���� ���� ��װϴ�.
In fact, he actively used the opportunities of pen and paper to continuously revise
and make additions to his essays, in a manner reminiscent of what goes on in the
recording studio.
���, ��� ����� ��� �״ȸ�� �������� �̿��Ͽ� ����� �ڽ��� ����̸�� ����ؼϰ� �߰�߰ ��
ߴµ�, ����ǿ��� ����Ǵ� ��� �����Ű�� �����ο���.
The ability of writers to express their inner lives, and to imagine the experiences
of others, has always been broadly celebrated,
� ��� ������ �ڱǥ���ϰ� ����� ����� ������ �ٸϴ� ������ �ɷ�� �� �θ�
���Ǿ��
including the way novels are able to place various personalities and worldviews
into dialogue with one another.
�Ҽ��� �� ���پι��� ������ ���� ���� ��ȭ �ӿ� �쿩 �� �� �ִ� ���� �����Ͽ�.
The growth in distribution of books gave people fresh insight into the motivations
and sentiments of others.
å ����� ��� ���鿡�� �� ���� ����� ������ �ٸ鿩��� �ִ� �� �ٺο� ������ ���־.
The ability to provide increasingly detailed access to people's lives has since
been considered a defining trait of electronic media, dramatically demonstrated by
witness reports from warzones.
������ � �� �� ���� ���� ����ϴ� �ɷ�� ���� ���� ��ü�� �������� �߿��� Ư����� ���ֵǾ�
�����, �̴� ���� ���� ����� ������ ���� ������� ����Ǿ��.
These points can trigger a critical awareness of the power of mediated
communication but might also inspire a nuanced appreciation of its rewards.
�̷��� �� �Ű� Ŀ�´����̼
��� �� ���� ������ �ν�� �˹��� �� ����, ����� ���� ���װ
�̹��ϰ� �� �ٸ� ���ظҷ����ų �� ��� ���̴�.
4�� - Exercise 6.
4�� - Exercise 6.
If there is a sociology of knowledge, then there should also be a sociology of
ignorance.
���� ����� ��ȸ���� �ִ�� ������ �ٸȸ�е� �� ��־Ѵ�.
Such a sociology might begin with the question, Who does not know What?
��� �ȸ��� '���� ����� �°�?'��� ����� ������ �� ��� ���̴�.
It is worth remembering that 'we are all ignorant, just about different things', as
the American humorist Mark Twain remarked.
�̱��� ��� �۰� Mark Twain�� ���ߵ���, '�츮�� ��� �����ϴ�, ���� �Ϳ� �ٸ� ���� �ٸ
�ؼ.'��� ��� ����� ���� ��ġ�� �ִ�.
For example, the spread of the Coronavirus was predicted by epidemiologists who had
discovered the danger of the transfer of different diseases from wild animals to
humans.
���� ��� �ڷγ����̷����� Ȯ��� �� �����κ��� �ΰ����Է� ��ܼ��� ���� ���پ � �̵� 輺� �߰�߰ ���
���ڵ鿡 ���� ���ߵǾ��.
��ິ�ິ
On the other hand, governments either did not know or did not want to know about
this prediction, so they were caught unprepared.
�ݸ鿡, ��ε�� �̷� ���� ���� ���� ���߰ų� �˱⸦ ������ �ʾ����, �� ����� �㸦 ��ȴ�.
Many disasters have occurred because those who knew could not act while those who
acted did not know.
�ƴ� ���� �ൿ���� ���ϰ�, �ݸ鿡 �ൿ�ϴ� ���� ���� ���� ��� ����� �Ͼ��.
The destruction of the World Trade Center in 2001 offers a dramatic example of
failure in communication.
2001�� ���� ���� ������ �ı��� �ǻ���� ������ ������ ��ʸ� ����Ѵ�.
Agents in the security services already suspected certain individuals of planning a
terrorist attack,
���� ��� ����� �̹� Ư� ���ε��� ��� ���� �ȹ�ϰ� �ִٰ� �ǽ�����,
but their warnings were lost among the many messages sent to upper levels in
Washington in a striking example of 'information overload'.
��� ��� ���� ��'����� ���' ���� ���ʷ� ������� ������ ������ ��� ���� ���̿����̿
���
������.
As the national security adviser Condoleezza Rice admitted later, 'There was a lot
of chatter in the system.'
���� �Ⱥ� ���°��� Condoleezza Rice�� ���ߵ���� ���� '�ý��� �ȿ� ���̴� �Ҹ��� �ʹ�
���Ҵ�.'
4�� - Exercise 7.
4�� - Exercise 7.
The demands of the self usually conform so closely to societal norms that we feel
no tension in acting upon our desires.
�� ���ھ䱸�� ���� ��ȸ�� �Թ�� �ſ� ����ϰ� ��ġ�ϱ� ������ �츮�� �츮�� ���� ��� �ൿ�ϴ� ��
�ƹ��� ����� ����� �ʴ´�.
The self emerges most clearly at times when our passions clash with social
protocol.
�ھƴ� �츮�� ��� ����� ���ݷȸ�� �ൿ ��Ģ�� �浹�� �� ���� �и��ϰ� �巯����.
Their very inconvenience makes them feel "true."
��� '�����' ��ٷ� �װ��� �������� �װó�� ������ �����.
Over the last 150 years, however, psychologists and neuroscientists have warned us
against attributing too much authenticity to our thoughts.
�150 �� ����� ���� �ɸ����� ��ڵŰ� ������ ��ڵ츮�� �� ��ġ�� ��� ������� �ִٰ� ���ϴ�
�Ϳ� ���� �츮���� ����� �Դ�.
Our brains are always engaged in rationalization: framing raw demands from our
subconscious as well-grounded, logical requests.
�츮�� ��� '�ո�ȭ', �� �츮�� �����ǽĿ��� ���� �������� �䱸�� ����� �ٰŰ� �ְ� ������ �䱸�
� ¥ ���ߴ� �Ϸ� �� ��ٻڴ.
Psychologist Bruce Hood elaborates,
�ɸ����� Bruce Hood�� ���� �����ϴ� ���� �ٿ,
"Even if you deliberate over an idea, turning it over in your conscious mind, you
are simply delaying the final decision that has, to all intents and purposes,
already been made."
"�������� ���� � �� ���� �ǽ��� ����ӿ��� ���� ����� ���� �Ϳװϸ� ����� ���� �ͿװѴٰ�
�ϴ��, ����δ� �̹� ������ ��� ���� ���� �̷�� ��� ���̴�."
Later, "having been presented with a decision, we then make sense of it as if it
were our own."
���߿� "����� ��õǰ� ����, �츮�� ��� ���װġ �츮 ��� ����� ���ڽó�� �����Ѵ�."
The overwhelming number of truth-hiding mechanisms in our brains has convinced Hood
that the self is an "illusion."
�츮 �� �ִ� �е����� ���� ��� ��� ��Ŀ����� Hood���� �ھư� 'ȯ��'�̶�� �� Ȯ�Ž���״.
Whether or not this is the best framing, we should certainly abandon the idea that
the self is a "real me" cordoned off from any social influence.
�̰
��� �ּ��� ¥ ���߱�߱ ��̵
��̵�� ƴϵ�, �ھư� �� � ��ȸ�� ������κ���
͵ ��ܵ� '��¥ ��'��� ��� Ȯ����
���� �Ѵ�.
4�� - Exercise 8.
4�� - Exercise 8.
If you look at castles built during the Crusades, you will find holes in the walls
and may, at first, believe that these were made as places to shoot arrows from.
���۵��� ��ִ ���� ������� ,���� ����� ����� �� ���� ���ܼ�߰� ��ڱ ϰ� ó�����
�̰
͵ �� ȭ��� ��� ��� ��ҷ� �������ٰ� ��� �� �ִ�.
�
They were not.
�� ��͵� ���װʾҴ�.
They are legacies of a kind of construction no longer performed and thus hard for
the modern mind to imagine.
�̻� �� ��͵װ
� ������� �ʰ� ��� ����� ���� ����ϱ� ���� ����� ���� ����̴�.
When the castle was built, there was no free-standing scaffolding,
���� ����� ���� ���� ����� �� �ִ� ��谡 ��,
so wood logs were driven between the stones until the next layer and another
platform could be added;
��� ��� �� ������ ��� �����ܼ�߰� ������ �ٸ볪������ �� ���̿� ���� ��־µ�,
it wasn't until the castle was finished and all the wooden scaffolding was removed
that they realized there was no way, at the time, to repair the holes.
���� �ϼ��ǰ� ��� ���� ��谡 ��ŵǰ��� ��μ� ��� �� ��ÿ� ����� ���� ����� �� ��� �ٴ
��Ҵ�.
Any explanation that the holes were constructed in order to shoot arrows from ��
despite how well suited they appear for the task, after the fact �� is incorrect,
and the lesson applies wholesale to castles as well as to all of biology.
ȭ��� ��� ��� �� ���۵��� ����������� � �ٴ, ���� ���͵װĿ� �� �Ͽ� ��� ���� �����ϰ�
���ӿ��� �ұ��ϰ�, ���Ȯ�ϸ�, �� ����� ���� ���� ��ü�� �ϰ������ ���ȴ�.
Many erroneous assumptions are likewise made when one looks at any modern mammalian
brain and infers, hundreds of millions of years after its creation, purpose from
function.
��� ������� � �� ���캸�� � ���װâ��� �� ��� ���� �� �Ŀ� �����κ��� ����� �߷���
���� ������� ��� �߸�� ����� �̷�ܼ����� .
4�� - Exercise 9.
4�� - Exercise 9.
In the 1990s, as the Internet saw its global adoption, it became clear that not
everything connected to the Internet should be available to everyone.
1990��뿡, ���ͳ��� ��������� ä�õǸ 鼭, ���ͳ� ����� ��� ��� ��� �����̿� ̿���� �� ݿ
� ���־ϴ� ��� �ƴ϶�� ��� �и������.
An organization's server could include internal information that it never intended
to be available from the outside, yet often it was easy to find for anyone who
cared to look for it.
�� ����� ����� ���� �ܺο��� �̿��� �� �ֵ��� �ǵ����� ��� ���� ����� ���Ե� �� � ,���־
���װã�� �;� �ϴ� ����̸� ������ � ���� ��װã� �� �ִ� ��찡 ���Ҵ�.
Another challenge was that the technology was built with the idea that we trust
people to use it appropriately.
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The implied idea that no one will intentionally try to sabotage or break things was
a remnant of the early Internet days, and one that meant many servers and systems
were open for anyone to use.
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We just trusted people not to take advantage.
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One of the first demonstrations of the lack of IT security was the first recorded
Internet worm in 1988.
IT ������ ���縦 ����� ó� ���� �� �� �� �ϳ��� 1988� ��ϵ� ������ ���ͳ� ���̾ ��.
The Morris worm provided clear evidence that the technology was not at all secure
just because we tend to trust the users on the system.
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���� �ƴ϶�� ����� ��Ÿ� ����ߴ�.