Tourism representation and strategies on
public signs: linguistic landscape of a
Saudi southern tourist destination
Abduljalil Nasr Hazaea, Bakr Bagash Mansour Ahmed Al-Sofi and Abdullah Alfaifi
Abduljalil Nasr Hazaea is
based at the Department of
English Language Skills, PY,
Najran University, Najran,
Saudi Arabia.
Bakr Bagash Mansour Ahmed
Al-Sofi and Abdullah Alfaifi are
both based at the Department
of English Language and
Literature, College of Arts and
Letters, University of Bisha,
Bisha, Saudi Arabia.
Received 6 July 2023
Revised 24 September 2023
24 October 2023
Accepted 6 December 2023
© International Tourism Studies
Association
The authors are thankful to the
Deanship of Scientific
Research at Najran University
for funding this work under the
Research Groups Funding
Program grant code (NU/RG/
SEHRC/12/8).
Corrigendum: It has come to the
attention of the publisher that
the article, Hazaea, A.N., Al-Sofi,
B.B.M.A. and Alfaifi, A. (2024),
“Tourism representation and
strategies on public signs:
linguistic landscape of a Saudi
southern tourist destination”,
International Journal of Tourism
Cities, Vol. ahead-of-print No.
ahead-of-print. https://doi.org/
10.1108/IJTC-07-2023-0130
excluded details in the
acknowledgment section of the
paper. The authors wish to
acknowledge ‘Additionally, the
authors are thankful to the
Deanship of Scientific Research
at University of Bisha for
supporting this work through the
Fast-Track Research Support
Program’. The authors sincerely
apologise for this error and for
any misunderstanding.
PAGE 302 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024, pp. 302-323, Emerald Publishing Limited, ISSN 2056-5607
Abstract
Purpose – This study aims to investigate multilingual representation on public signs in the High City
tourist destination in Abha, Saudi Arabia. It also reveals the linguistic strategies used in such
representation.
Design/methodology/approach – This exploratory qualitative study used purposive sampling to
analyze bottom-up public signs collected from the target tourist destination. A preliminary analysis was
conducted for a more in-depth qualitative analysis of every sign. An Excel database was used to provide
a general description and a preliminary reading of the strategies before using an in-depth analysis of
every sign.
Findings – The study revealed that monolingualism (Arabic or English) and bilingualism (Arabic and
English) represented the High City as a tourist destination where the signs served information and
symbolic functions. No single multilingual sign was found. Certain linguistic strategies were used on the
public signs, including politeness, transliteration, hybrid representation, personification and fragmentary.
Some tourist-oriented strategies, such as the crisis communication strategy, are still missing.
Practical implications – These findings indicate that this tourist destination still targets local and
regional visitors, and its linguistic landscape (LL) needs further consideration in terms of
internationalization and targeting international visitors. This study implies that bilingual Arabic and English
tourist destinations are potential domains for translation students and English language learners.
Originality/value – This study has focused on the LL of a newly established tourist destination in Saudi
Arabia. It has shed light on the nuanced representations and strategies used through public signage. It
contributes to understanding how linguistic elements can shape tourists’ perceptions and experiences.
Keywords Bilingualism, Linguistic landscape, Linguistic strategies, Public signs, Saudi southern region,
Tourism, The High City
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
The English language plays a crucial role in the international tourism industry. Bruyèl-
Olmedo & Juan-Garau (2019) asserted that tourism and the English language are
inextricably linked. As lingua franca, the English language serves as a means of
communication between tourists and locals, as well as among tourists from different
countries (Bruyèl-Olmedo & Juan-Garau, 2009). English is a worldwide language; it is
spoken by over 1.5 billion people (Crystal, 2018). This makes it an essential tool for tourism
businesses to communicate with their customers and provide them with information about
their services and products. Furthermore, English is often used by the United Nations World
Tourism Organization (UNWTO, 2021). Tourism is also an important economic sector
worldwide, and many countries are launching plans to restore the industry after the
pandemic. According to UNWTO (2023), the year 2022 showed a strong recovery in
tourism, with over 900 million tourists traveling internationally, but it is still below
DOI 10.1108/IJTC-07-2023-0130
prepandemic levels. Europe was the largest destination region, whereas the Middle East
saw the strongest relative increase.
Saudi Arabia has decided to bring tourism to the forefront of its priorities (Mir & Kulibi,
2023). It aims to attract 100–150 million visitors annually by 2030 (International Trade
Administration, 2022; Nassar, 2023). Annual and seasonal religious tourism is also
increasing. The Ministry of Tourism plans to invest up to $4bn in the industry through the
Tourism Development Fund and work with private sector investors to capitalize on growth
opportunities in the post-pandemic rebound phase (Tourism Development Fund, 2023). In
the past two years, the Saudi southern tourist areas, including Abha City, have become an
international tourist destination that has attracted domestic and international visitors due to
their unique weather and diverse features (Al-Harbi, 2020). Under the theme of “Peaks and
Values,” the local authorities seek to turn the city into an all-year-round international tourist
hotspot destination by 2030. When evaluating a tourist destination, several questions come
to mind. How can tourists get a good first impression of that place? Who are the target
visitors to that place? Are public signs monolingual, bilingual or multilingual? How can
language choices on public signage represent a place as a tourist destination? And finally,
what functions do such linguistic choices serve?
In line with these questions, linguistic landscape (LL), a field that has existed for two
decades now, analyzes the linguistic aspects displayed on public signs spread in public
spheres (Gorter, 2021). It studies language as it appears within a specific geographic
region, especially in public spaces, which can provide sociolinguistic information about the
linguistic dynamics in a given region. Studies on LL cover all types of written or printed
language that one encounters in a particular environment, including signs, billboards, street
names, storefronts, advertisements and various other forms of public text. Gorter & Cenoz
(2023) considered LL as “one of the most dynamic and fastest-growing fields in applied
linguistics and sociolinguistics” (p. 2). It studies how languages are represented and
displayed on signs in public places. It reflects the multilingual and multicultural nature of a
given area and, as a result, shapes locals’ and visitors’ perceptions and experiences of
public spheres, especially tourist destinations.
The LL of various tourist destinations has been investigated around the world, including
tourist streets in China (Yan & Lee, 2014), static and non-static signs of tourist sites in
Ireland (Moriarty, 2015), public signs in Indonesia (Silva, Tjung, Wijayanti, & Suwartono,
2021), commercial signs (Prasert & Zilli, 2019) and tourist destinations in Spain (Bruyèl-
Olmedo & Juan-Garau, 2009, 2015, 2019). The Middle East is not an exception; many LL
studies were also conducted (Alhaider, 2018; Al-Naimat & Alomoush, 2018; Alomoush,
2018; Alotaibi & Alamri, 2022). These studies would have been more useful if they had
focused on both multilingual representation and the strategies used in such representation.
Therefore, the present study fills in this existing gap by investigating the role of public signs
in representing a tourist destination through a twofold objective. It examines evident
languages and their representation. It also reveals the linguistic strategies used in such
representation. The study attempts to answer the following questions:
Q1. To what extent does the bottom-up signage represent the High City in Abha as a
tourist destination?
Q2. What are the linguistic strategies used to represent the High City in Abha as a tourist
destination?

Literature review
Linguistic landscape
LL studies public signs, including commercial shop signs, in public spheres of a given
region (Landry & Bourhis, 1997). Gorter (2021) stated that LL centers on “language in the

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 environment, words and images displayed and exposed in public spaces” (p. 4). Public
signs also constitute a public platform for tourism studies (Jack, Phipps, & Arriaga, 2020).
The choice of language and images on public signs can vary depending on the location,
the function of the sign and the intended audience. In some cases, signs may be
multilingual, bilingual or monolingual. Such language choice plays an essential role in
communication and accessibility. By using bi/multiple languages, signs are accessible to a
wider audience.
Public signs play a key role in representing a tourist space (Chen, 2023) in that they are
silent static promoters for a public tourist space. In LL studies, bottom-up commercial
signage refers to any sign located outside a private business, and it is often created by
shop owners. In doing so, the business sector contributes to the overall construction of the
LL, which pays attention to the use of language in public domains (Backhaus, 2006; Ben-
Rafael, Shohamy, Amara, & Trumper-Hecht, 2006; Reh, 2004). The private sector also
attracts and persuades guests to visit tourist places through certain linguistic strategies
used on public signs (Thongtong, 2016).
Bottom-up public signs in the LL of a territory serve both informational and symbolic
functions (Landry & Bourhis, 1997). On the one hand, informational function refers to the
written words or icons on the signboard that can inform, direct, guide or warn the public. It
provides information about the monolingualism, bilingualism and/or multilingualism of a
specified area and the level of the area’s involvement in internationalization processes. On
the other hand, the LL is symbolic when it indicates that a language is dominant,
marginalized or powerful in a tourist space. In sum, the level of mono/bi/multilingualism on
these signs is a clear indicator of the nature of the intended audience of that place,
including tourist destinations.

Linguistic landscape and tourism in the Arab countries

As elsewhere, various LL studies have been carried out in the Arab countries. This section
briefly summarizes some of the previous research in the context of tourism landscape
studies.
In Abha, the city of our research site, Alhaider (2018) contrasted the use of Arabic and
English on storefront signs in two commercial locations, i.e. Souk Althulatha’a and Asir Mall.
The first site was found to be monolingual (i.e. Arabic-only). By contrast, storefront signs at
the other location displayed mostly English acronyms, Arabic transliterations of English
texts, English-only signs and English signs with Arabic translations. It indicated that Arabic
or English is evident in this tourist city.
In the Yemeni context, Hopkyns & Al-Athwary (2023) explored the semiotic and LL of
Socotra Island. They found a predominance of Arabic and Yemeni nationalism. Arabic and
English were also present through Gulf development programs, where English had
symbolic status.
In Jordan, Al-Naimat & Alomoush (2018) examined the relationship between the use of
English on signs and the materials used in the LL of Petra, a tourist town. The study
analyzed how the materials and design of signs reflect Jordanian identity formation and
cultural norms. Signs were categorized based on language and material, revealing that
signs on stone and metal surfaces with uppercase English letters often convey a sense of
quality and permanence. Wooden signs with English in block capitals symbolize creativity
and freshness. Paper signs with uppercase English letters represent the dynamic nature of
the LL. Notably, monolingual English signs in sand bottles provide important information
about Petra, making it a popular tourist destination, especially among international visitors.
Similarly, Alomoush (2018) investigated the use of English in the LL of Jarash. English was
found to be dominant in the domains of innovation, technology and fashion, while it was less

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prevalent in supermarkets and grocery stores. Specifically, English monolingual signs were
more widely spread in the LL than Arabic ones.
These studies demonstrate some common findings. As elsewhere, the tourist LL in the Arab
countries is still dominated either by monolingual Arabic or bilingual Arabic-English. To
varying degrees, Arabic is the dominant language, but Arabic-English bilingualism is
common. Multilingualism is rarely used on public signs.

Linguistic landscape and tourist destinations around the world

Several LL studies have been conducted at tourist destinations in different countries around
the world. In Spain, Bruyèl-Olmedo and Juan-Garau reported three studies about public
signage in tourist areas. In 2019, they discussed the signage of tourist resorts in S’Arenal
and Magalluf in the Bay of Palma, focusing on the coexistence of two varieties of English. In
2015, they examined the visibility of the Catalan language in the Bay of Palma, a popular
tourist destination in Mallorca. In 2009, they focused on S’Arenal in Mallorca and examined
the expectations and perceptions of holidaymakers from various countries. These studies
reported strong competition between localization and globalization.
In South Korea, Lee (2019) analyzed commercial signs in the Myeongdong and Insadong
tourism districts, focusing on beauty and food businesses. Paquin & Schwitzgue bel (2021)
examined the media representation of the tourist landscape in Turisme de Barcelona’s
YouTube promotional videos. The study analyzed the physical locations, symbolic and
tourist attractions and individuals featured to understand the storytelling within the context
of overtourism. Using a mixed-method research design, the results revealed that
Barcelona’s projected image primarily revolved around its tangible heritage, especially
monuments, its recognizable cityscape and its culinary assets. This portrayal is
concentrated in neighborhoods perceived as tourist hubs. The analysis critically evaluates
the strategies used by destination management organizations and the narratives they
communicate. Public signs remain an untouched topic in terms of their discursive
representation.
Overall, the English language coexists with local/national languages at tourist sites. The
level of monolingualism, bilingualism or multilingualism reflects the nature of the tourists who
visit those destinations. Through such linguistic choices, a tourist area can be represented
as a national or international tourist site.

Representation strategies in tourist destinations

Public signs can use language choice to represent a tourist destination through several
strategies. Hybrid representation is a strategy that might help in examining a tourist
destination. Demska (2019) argued that an LL of a space can be identified as “hybrid” when
several languages and pictures work together to represent a public space through public
signs such as shop signs. In another study, Rubdy (2013) examined the use of English and
Hindi in signage and advertising in three Indian cities. The study found a hybrid “third
space” that is neither local nor global, neither traditional nor modern, neither indigenous nor
cosmopolitan.
Thongtong (2016) examined how the LL reflects and creates a tourist space in Thailand.
The study found that tourism influences language choices, resulting in monolingual,
bilingual and trilingual signs written in Thai, English and/or Chinese. The study found
transliteration, word formation, lexical blends, speech acts and personification strategies.
Transliteration refers to the strategy of the visual conversion of words in one language into
another by using phonetically similar letters. Speech acts refer to utterances that function as
actions, such as greetings and warnings. Personification refers to a type of figure of speech
where an inanimate object is portrayed as if it can act like a human being.

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 Ribeiro & Torkington (2023) examined how Portuguese online news reports address
overtourism in Lisbon and the impact it has on the city and its residents. Using critical
discourse analysis, they found that the media often uses legitimating strategies to highlight
the benefits of tourism growth while also using de-legitimating strategies to minimize
overtourism issues. The results emphasized the media’s role in shaping the tourism
discourse and revealed the complexities surrounding discussions on tourism’s effects. This
study, however, dealt with news reports; it did not investigate the role of public signs in the
discursive representation of a tourist destination.
In a word, representation strategies are of vital significance for researchers to examine the
identity of a tourist space. Accordingly, this site-based study contributes to the LL research
by investigating the LL as well as the linguistic strategies used on public signs to represent
a tourist destination in Saudi Arabia. Unlike existing research, it explores representation
strategies, language choice, monolingualism, bilingualism and multilingualism, and the
functions that such linguistic choices serve.

Methodology
This section presents the research design and background information about the research
site. Then, it describes the overlapping procedures for qualitative data collection and
analysis.

Research design
This study uses an exploratory qualitative research design, which enables LL researchers to
capture nuanced details and provides rich insights into the representation of a tourist
destination. In line with this design, Rose (2016) argued that content analysis is inclusive
with qualitative interpretation, something that matches with cultural analytics. She further
recommended four steps for image analysis. Accordingly, we selected the High City as the
research site to find images. This purposive sampling matches the first step. Then, we
developed categories to best serve the research questions. During this step, we used an
Excel database with an internal coding system for each image. In this report, however, we
use figures with sequence numbers. Finally, we explored the relationship between the
identified categories and interpreted them in line with the wider tourist context.

Background about the tourist destination

This study scrutinizes the tourist representation of signage in the High City, one of the most
visited places in Abha, the southern region of Saudi Arabia. The High City is a private tourist
entertainment project that was officially inaugurated on June 25, 2020, during the COVID-19
pandemic. The project spans a geographical area of over 26,000 square meters, which
offers picturesque views that overlook Tihamat Aseer from the southeastern side and Abha
from the northwestern side (Plate 1).
As its name indicates, the High City was derived from the mountainous environment of
Abha, which is 2,270 m above sea level. The High City is also at the top of a hill on the main
King Abdulaziz Road in Abha. Moreover, the temperate, rainy and warm climate enhances
the overall experience of the tourists, where the summer temperature ranges between 18
and 32˚C and the winter temperature between 7 and 28˚C.
In the High City, some places are traditionally designed, while others have a modern
design. The High City offers various aspects of entertainment and beautiful views. The good
planning and preparation of this tourist destination, with its well-equipped cafes,
restaurants, shops, accommodation, public facilities, playgrounds and cable cars,
contribute to its appeal as a desirable destination for both local and international visitors. It
also contains accommodation options for tourists. The historical sites and landmarks of the

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 Plate 1 An aerial view of the High City

region and various summer and winter activities play a role in attracting visitors to this tourist
destination. The mix of the past and the present makes it a target destination for many local,
regional and international visitors, whose number ranges between 4,000 and 8,000 visitors
a day (Saudi Press Agency, 2020).
According to a report from the Saudi Ministry of Tourism, in 2021, the Aseer region, home to
Abha, accounted for 9.21% of the total domestic tourist trips in Saudi Arabia, totaling
5,884,396 trips. In this report, Abha was shown to be the predominant destination within the
Aseer region, attracting over 33% of these trips. In the following year, the number of trips to
the Aseer region surged to 6,329,982, and once again, Abha retained its status as the
primary destination within the region, with 2,307,921 trips, comprising 36.46% of the total
visits (Ministry of Tourism, 2023). In 2021, the total number of inbound international tourists
in the country was 16,637,861, and Aseer was the chosen destination for 20,305 of these
trips. Although this figure represents only approximately 0.12% of the total, a significant
portion of these trips within Aseer (69.95%) was directed toward Abha, accounting for
14,204 trips. In 2022, the number of trips to Abha increased, reaching 43,942 trips. The
report did not provide specific information about the origins of those trips.

Data collection procedures

The data were collected from the on-site High City in Abha, using a smartphone high-
resolution camera. One of the researchers walked through the target tourist destination in
March and May 2023 to collect pictures of the public signs. During the March visit, some of
the store, cafe and restaurant signs were undergoing renovations, something to prepare for
the summer season, which necessitated a second visit in May to collect the remaining
pictures. In both stages of data collection, the researcher/photographer took pictures of all
types of fixed public signage, something to cope with the scope of this study and its
objectives. To provide clear pictures, all of them were taken during the day. Then, they were
transferred to online storage. In total, the 52 available pictures were purposively collected
and qualitatively analyzed.

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 Even though the High City is a public domain, relevant ethical issues were considered while
taking pictures of the public signs. Specific attention was paid to the written and visual
elements of the public signs. Irrelevant information, such as cars’ plate numbers and
passersby, was removed from the collected signs. In some cases, the researcher/
photographer retook a picture to ensure it is free from cultural sensitivity or information that
requires informed consent. In this tourist destination, no single sign was posted to indicate
the non-taking of pictures, let alone a public sign. This process involves a commitment to
respecting the rights, privacy and cultural norms of both the visitors and the tourist
destination. The researcher/photographer kept a balance between the research objectives
and ethical responsibilities, ensuring that data collection procedures were conducted with
integrity at the public tourist destination.

Data analysis procedures

To facilitate data analysis, an Excel database was developed to classify public signs (see
Appendix). It includes information such as the name of the public sign, its type and its
function. Another important issue was the language(s) used on those public signs. These
issues aimed to provide a preliminary analysis for a more in-depth qualitative analysis of
every sign. Each sign was assigned a unique code for identification purposes.
To ensure the validity and reliability of the analysis, the three researchers independently
interpreted all the signs, providing a brief description, interpretation and explanation before
reaching a consensus about the findings. Such intra-rater reliability enhances the credibility
of the study. For description, the researchers analyzed the linguistic choices available in a
sign and its multimodal features, such as the use of color. For interpretation, the researchers
analyzed Arabic monolingual signs with local tourists in mind. Similarly, they analyzed
English monolingual signs with international tourists in mind. As for bilingual signs, the
researchers considered both types of tourists. In doing so, the target tourists are revealed.
For explanation, the researchers, being multilingual and multicultural scholars, discussed
the emerging issues and linked them with their intercultural background knowledge. Finally,
they agreed on the analysis of every public sign. Samples of analysis are presented in the
findings.
As for the identification of a representation strategy, the researchers moved back and forth
between data analysis and the existing strategies evident in the literature. This iterative
process of connecting emerging issues with existing strategies in the literature is a dynamic
and evolving approach. It involves continuous refinement, leading to the identification of
representation strategies that are well-suited to addressing the contemporary challenges
and complexities of a tourist destination. This process helps bridge the gap between theory
and practice, ensuring that research findings are not only academically rigorous but also
impactful.

Findings
In line with the research questions, the findings are presented. This section reports the
tourist representation of the High City. It then shows the linguistic strategies used on the
signs to make the High City more appealing. The public signs are categorized based on
their type, including whether they represent different types of businesses or have other
purposes (Table 1). Signs falling under the “other” category encompass directional signs,
advertising signs, welcome signs and those displaying regulations relevant to the research
site.
Table 1 reveals that the slight majority of signs are monolingual, with languages being either
Arabic or English. On the other hand, bilingual signs are in Arabic and English, with a
complete absence of other languages.

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 Table 1 Classification of signs in the research site, the High City
Type of sign Cafes Restaurants Perfumeries Mini markets Beverage shops Celebration hall Other Total

Monolingual 6 1 3 0 1 0 14 25
Bilingual 4 8 1 1 1 1 11 27
Source: Created by authors

Tourist representation of the High City

The data analysis revealed that 13 Arabic monolingual signs (see Section 1 in the Appendix)
were used for instructional and directional information purposes; they specifically target local
and regional visitors who are assumed to understand the Arabic language. Some of these
signs directed visitors to tourist places, entertainment locations and public services spread
out at the tourist destination. For example, Plate 2 directed visitors to the outdoor theatres,
overlooking sessions, waterfalls and the game city. This sign was designed to attract visitors
and convey the idea that all entertaining activities are available at this tourist destination.
Other Arabic monolingual signs primarily focused on visitors’ instructions and regulations.
For example, instructional signs (Plate 3) had four sections, which included a welcoming
message, instructions on responsible picnics, designated smoking areas and adherence to
the Saudi Public Decency Regulations. However, there is a clear necessity for these signs
to accommodate a wider range of visitors, which will in turn increase the exposure of
businesses in the tourist destination and improve the quality of the visitors’ experience.
Another Arabic monolingual sign (Plate 4) offers crucial information to visitors regarding the
enforced policies in the High City, covering areas such as dress code, smoking policies
and working hours. By displaying this information prominently, visitors can familiarize
themselves with the guidelines and adhere to them accordingly. Such signs should be at
least bilingual to guarantee a pleasant and respectful experience for international tourists.

Plate 2 Arabic monolingual directional sign

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 Plate 3 Arabic monolingual sign showing politeness strategies

The data analysis shows that fourteen English monolingual signs (see Section 2 in the
Appendix) have been used to represent a prestigious first impression of the tourist
destination. Once visitors enter the main gate of the city, they can see the foregrounded
English monolingual sign of the tourist destination, the High City. Some of the English
monolingual signs are Lemon Cheesecake, Hello, High City Villa VIP, ROOF TOP, Reef
Perfumes, Grasse Perfume, Candy Tree Lounge, Minimarket, Fog Coffee, Trampoline, Piano
 Bavanda and Friesly. The prevalence of English on these signs may be intended to
Cafe,
create the impression that these venues cater to the elite, inadvertently overlooking the
needs of local and regional visitors, who get an idea of the services offered only when they
step foot inside these shops. This may create a communication gap and hinder Arabic-
speaking visitors from accessing relevant information about the services available to them.

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 Plate 4 Arabic monolingual instructional sign

To address this issue, the signs need to serve an informational function for both Arabic and
non-Arabic speakers, bridging the linguistic gap and enhancing inclusivity.
For example, the Candy Tree Lounge sign (Plate 5) is one of the prestigious places
represented at the tourist destination. Despite its name, it does not serve candy but offers
coffee, tea, juice and baked goods, suitable for gatherings with friends and family.
However, the sign’s name misleads visitors, creating a gap between their expectations and
the actual offerings. The sign should accurately represent the lounge’s food and drinks,
including Arabic cuisine options, for a better visitor experience.
Moving to the bilingual landscape of the city, the analysis shows that 25 bilingual signs were
written in Arabic and English (see Section 3 in the Appendix). No other languages were
used. Moreover, some well-known brands and chains were transliterated. These signs
effectively conveyed messages to local and international visitors. They represented local
and international brands of shops, such as the Seven Dates Cafe, Sarawat Hall, Almajed
Oud, Happy Jungle, Saraya Palace, S90 hot & cold, among others.
For example, the data analysis shows that a hybrid sign (Plate 6) was not fully translated.
It also serves international food and local coffee. On the one hand, the Arabic phrase was
not translated into English. Rather, the sign designer relied on the presence of the Italian
flag as a symbol to represent the translation of the Arabic monolingual name. It can be

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 Plate 5 English monolingual sign

Plate 6 Hybrid representation

noted that the sign designer created a hybrid representation by blending the local (seven
dates) with the international (the Italian cafe and restaurant). The use of this local/cultural
term on the sign can also be interpreted to promote a sense of identity. To prove this
match, the three colors used in the Arabic version also represent the Italian flag. The
blending of the local component with the international component might send confusing
messages to visitors. Specifically, visitors might expect Arabic coffee due to the mention
of dates, while international visitors may not grasp the shop’s nature from the Arabic
name alone. The use of the Italian flag’s colors adds to the complexity. Recognizing the
significance of the three colors of the Italian flag is also necessary for understanding the
underlying message. To ensure clarity, all components of the sign should be accurately
and fully translated.
Bilingual signs were also used for the informational purpose of selling perfumes. In the
bilingual informational sign (Plate 7), the Arabic text “Almajedlil-Oud” was translated as
“Almajed Oud,” indicating that the store sells oud. However, only Arabic was used for sales
advertisements. It denotes that the tourist destination meets the visitors’ different interests,
in the case of selling perfumes from local and international brands.

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 Plate 7 Bilingual informational sign

Representation strategies
Several linguistic strategies were used on the signs to enhance the appeal of this
destination as a tourist site. The transliteration strategy was widely used on some bilingual
signs to internationalize the tourist destination. Saraya Cafe, Dough Source, Lounge, Olabs
and The Caffeine signs have been transliterated from English into Arabic orthography to
draw the attention of visitors who are not proficient in English to the products being sold or
services offered in such locations. For example, the primary ingredient in coffee and tea is
caffeine; therefore, common people can recognize what is available in Plate 8, The Caffeine.
However, some transliterated signs were found to be ineffective in conveying the nature of
their business. For example, in Plate 9, Olabs (inspired to discover), people might not
recognize that this place is a roastery and a bakery as there is no indication of its services,
potentially causing confusion. To provide a clearer image for visitors, the words “Cafe and
Bakery” could be added to the sign, making it Olabs Cafe and Bakery.
Politeness strategies were also used on Arabic signs to promote the tourist destination to
local and regional tourists. As illustrated in Plate 3, a welcoming message and three
warning messages used direct commands to tell visitors what they should or should not do.
The first section warmly welcomed Aseer region visitors, establishing a friendly tone. The
second section used a bold, on-record politeness strategy through direct commands to

Plate 8 Transliterated sign

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 Plate 9 Transliteration strategy

address specific behaviors. The third section directly warned about smoking. It conveyed
the message, “Do not smoke in undesignated areas; a fine of 200 SR will be applied in the
case of smoking in undesignated areas,” two face-threatening acts aimed to discourage a
certain behavior while imposing potential consequences. The fourth section addressed
cultural aspects, urging visitors to adhere to the Saudi “Public Decency Regulations.”
Considering that the sign is only in Arabic, non-Arabic speakers may not realize these
messages and may unintentionally violate the instructions.
A personification strategy was also used, as shown in Plate 10. The designer of the “Happy
Jungle” sign associated “happiness” with “jungle.” Typically, “happiness” is a trait that is
used to describe individuals. This sign is used to describe the jungle in a way to attracts
visitors, especially children. This playground is specifically designed to care for children
and provide them with various entertaining activities so parents can leave their children and
enjoy their picnic outside in the High City.
A fragmentary translation strategy was used on some bilingual signs, leading to incomplete
information. For example, the Arabic text in Plate 11 conveyed less information than what is
mentioned in the English text. For instance, the sign lacked the inclusion of the word “Hot,”
implying only cold drinks were available. Moreover, the English text uses the abbreviation “S” to
stand for “season,” something that might cause potential confusion among visitors. Both
languages should be equally represented to provide accurate information, translated as “90
Season Establishment for Cold and Hot Refreshments.” This would eliminate any confusion or
misinterpretation.

Plate 10 Personification strategy

PAGE 314 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024

 Plate 11 Fragmentary strategy

An unexpected finding shows that certain bilingual signs exhibit ambiguity in their syntactic
structure. In Plate 12, the Arabic instructional text was not written clearly.
It mistakenly conveys that 10-year-old boys or older are allowed to attend places where
women celebrate. The English translation, on the other hand, correctly denotes that only 10-
year-old boys or younger are allowed to enter this place. Such errors in culturally bound signs
might lead to confusion and misinterpretation. It might have serious consequences, as men
and women in the Saudi conservative context celebrate various occasions separately, where
10-year-old boys and above are not allowed to attend places where women celebrate.

Discussion and conclusion

This study has investigated tourism representation as well as the strategies used on the
bottom-up public signs at the High City, a tourist destination in Abha, Saudi Arabia. Using a
qualitative research design, this study first examines the language choice, mono/bi and
multilingualism and the functions served by these public signs. Then, the study reveals the
linguistic strategies used in tourism representation. In line with these two objectives, this
section discusses the main findings.

Plate 12 Bilingual instructional sign with a structural ambiguity

VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 315

 In addressing the first research objective, the study revealed that monolingualism (Arabic or
English) and bilingualism (Arabic and English) represented the High City as a tourist
destination in the bottom-up signage that serves information and symbolic functions, with no
other languages. Arabic mainly conveyed informational functions such as directions and
instructions, while English fulfilled both informational and symbolic functions. It was used to
internationalize and represent a prestigious tourist destination. Similarly, Arabic-English
signs serve both informational and symbolic functions. Most of the English monolingual and
bilingual signs carried names for international brands and chains to attract visitors,
especially the elite. Due to internationalization, signs are not only a form of advertising or
addressing a potential audience, but they also carry the implicit intention of conveying the
culture of those international signs. This practice symbolized prestige and modernity to
appeal to international visitors. Despite this, it was noticed that popular local restaurants
were conspicuously absent when compared with the famous brands and chains of
restaurants. Similarly, shops displaying the unique cultural heritage of the Aseer region and
its locally sourced products were noticeably absent.
These findings align with research in national and regional contexts. Nationally, Alhaider
(2018) found that monolingual and bilingual representations were evident in the LL of Souk
Athulatha’a in Abha, which was marked by Arabic transliterations of international names. In
Riyadh, Alotaibi & Alamri (2022) found that English on shop signs often signals prestige.
Regionally, Alomoush (2015) found that around half of public signs used Arabic and
English, whereas Jordanian Arabic was used to emphasize local culture.
Internationally, Bruyèl-Olmedo & Juan-Garau (2019) found that English is not homogeneous in
the Bay. The same authors (2015) found that Catalan had a limited presence in tourist areas
due to the mass-tourist market and lack of prestige. Lee (2019) found that business types,
marketing focus and intended sales pitch influence linguistic choices in signage. Thongtong
(2016) found that tourism influences language choices, resulting in monolingual, bilingual and
trilingual signs written in Thai, English and/or Chinese. However, the findings of the present
study do not align with these multilingual representations, as Saudi tourist destinations
primarily feature monolingual or bilingual signs.
For the second research objective, the High City represents its tourist identity through
various linguistic strategies such as transliteration, hybrid representation, speech acts,
politeness and personification, with transliteration being dominant. Additionally, the use of
bilingualism and the reference to some local terms can be interpreted as a promotion of the
tourist identity of the tourist destination. These findings go in line with existing research.
Thongtong (2016) found linguistic strategies such as transliteration, speech acts and
personification. Fragmentary strategy, one of Reh’s (2004) strategies, was found in the
present tourist destination. Politeness strategies are new strategies reported in this study.
To conclude, multilingual signs, designed to attract tourists and convey intended messages
clearly and easily, are an important means to convey information and symbolic messages to
tourists. However, this study indicated that the High City still targets local and regional visitors,
and its LL needs further consideration in terms of internationalization and targeting various
international visitors.
This tourist destination sets a sample for further research on linguistic diversity in other
Saudi tourist sites. To address the identified issues, it is recommended to redesign the
signs to be bilingual/multilingual, enhancing accessibility for a wider audience. Moreover,
this study recommends internationalization of the Aseer region in terms of its rich heritage
and cuisine by carefully choosing linguistic choices on tourism signage to ensure
information clarity. Such representation will only improve the overall experience for tourists.
By taking this step, the tourist destination can establish itself as a more welcoming and
professional destination for all visitors. Finally, these qualitative findings are limited to the
world of the collected data at this tourist destination. Future studies could triangulate public

PAGE 316 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024

signs with quantitative analysis of surveys, more signs and comparative tourist destinations.
Semistructured interviews with tourists and shop owners could provide a broader image of
the role of public signs in representing a tourist site. This study contributes to the research
literature on urban and city tourism. It has paid specific attention to the LL representation of
a recently established tourist destination in Saudi Arabia, which has not been investigated
before. The findings and recommendations have practical value for linguists and city
tourism practitioners aiming to create inclusive, informative and culturally sensitive signage
to enhance the LL and the overall urban tourism experience.
This study has some limitations. First, data collection relies solely on static signs, which may
not capture the full language used within the tourist sites, such as dynamic elements like
digital displays and audio announcements. Further research on digital signs and the role of
multimodal interactive signage in tourism representation is recommended. Due to the
advent of communication technology, multimodal signage can display information and
convey touristic messages in different languages to accommodate the linguistic diversity of
visitors. Second, this interpretive study focused on the linguistic elements of public signs
with some multimodal manifestations. However, further research is recommended on an
exploratory semiotic analysis guided by a semiotic approach that would be beneficial to
reveal tourism semiotic representation.
This study has some managerial, practical and pedagogical implications. Tourist destinations
are interesting domains for English language teaching. Students in translation studies can
practice their skills in translation by evaluating bilingual signs in tourist areas. The High City
needs to optimize its LL to cater to a wider range of visitors. To do so, public signs can be
reproduced in a way to effectively addresses a diverse audience. Multilingualism and
bilingualism can replace monolingualism and transliteration, something to ensure that public
signs are inclusive and achieve their intended goals of adequately informing and guiding
potential local and international visitors toward their needs and the regulations and expectations
of the tourist destination. Moreover, it is imperative to carefully consider whether the culturally
sensitive messages conveyed on public signs are clear, accurate and easily understood. This
step is expected to make the tourist destination more attractive to visitors and increase tourism
revenue. In other words, tourism authorities can coordinate with other authorities to design and
reproduce multilingual public signs, ensuring an inclusive environment for all tourists and
keeping in mind their sociolinguistic backgrounds. The stakeholders at the High City could
consider hiring professional translators to help with the accurate dissemination of Arabic
monolingual information into other languages, or at least English.
Furthermore, although it is crucial for tourist destinations to have a crisis communication
strategy in place to manage and mitigate the adverse consequences of unforeseen events
(Yozcu & Cetin, 2019), it was observed that the tourist destination under study did not have
such a strategy in existence. Consequently, to guarantee the safety and welfare of visitors, it
is imperative to establish and implement a proactive strategy along with prompt action plans
and concise directives for use during potential emergencies or unexpected situations.
In addition, providing inclusive, physically accessible tourism materials and services at tourist
destinations and mega-events for people with special needs is a matter of social responsibility
and social justice in everyday life (Duignana et al., 2023). Likewise, Doan & Nguyen (2023)
emphasized the crucial need to use assistive technologies to enhance the accessibility in
heritage cities for people with special needs. Therefore, by implementing the strategy of
accessibility, which is untouched in the present study, tourist destinations can reach a wider
range of visitors, including those with disabilities. The LL of the present tourist destination should
consider the demands of these people by using easily accessible places and readable images
in multiple languages. In conclusion, both the touched and untouched strategies should undergo
continuous development to cater to the demands of all tourists. This will enhance the accessibility
and inclusivity of the tourist destination. Feedback from regular and impaired visitors should be
gathered to understand their experiences and to consistently satisfy their needs.

VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 317

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 Appendix: Classification of the public signs at the High City

Table A1 Arabic monolingual signs

Translation of the
# Name of public sign Arabic signs Type Function

1 ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ‬ Nonemployees are not Regulation Informational

allowed
2 ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺓ‬/ Happy jungle/women’s Directional Informational
‫ ﻣﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺎﺀ‬/ prayer place/women’s WC/
‫ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺎﺀ‬/ view/men’s WC
‫ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻞ‬/
‫ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬/
Fog Coffee
3 ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ Men’s WC Identification Informational
4 ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺎﺀ‬ Women’s WC Identification Informational
5 ‫ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺔ‬/‫ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺎً ﺃﻟﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺴﻴﺮ‬ Warmly welcome to Aseer/ Welcome/regulation Informational
‫ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻻﺋﺤﺔ‬/‫ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬200 ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ 200 SR fine/application of
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ the public decency
regulations
6 ‫ ﻣﻤﺸﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬/ City walk/heritage village/ Directional Informational
‫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺛﻴﺔ‬/ city view
‫ﻣﻄﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
7 ‫ﻣﺴﺮﺡ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻑ‬/ Outdoor theatre/ Advertisement Informational
‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻞ‬/ overlooking places/
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻼﻻﺕ‬/ waterfalls/games city
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻌﺎﺏ‬
8 ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ The High City Identification Informational
symbolic
9 ‫ﻣﻘﻬﻰ ﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ Tea Garden Cafe 
Cafe Informational
symbolic
10 ‫ﺳﺤﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﺩﺏ ﺃﺩﺏ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺴﺢ‬ Literature cloud. Audio Advertisement Informational
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺰ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﻥ‬ literature. Scan the code
and listen now.
11 ‫ﻣﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺎﺀ‬ Women’s prayer place Identification Informational
12 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ Entry policy and Regulation Informational
(High City) ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ instructions of the High City
13 ‫ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺷﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﺩﻫﻦ‬ Tayeb Al-Qurashi for Oud, Perfumery Informational
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻄﻮﺭ‬ Oud Oil, Amber and
Perfumes
Source: Created by authors

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Table A2 English monolingual signs
# Name of public sign Type Function

1 High City Villa VIP Identification Informational

2 Rooftop Restaurant Informational
symbolic
3 Candy Tree Lounge 
Cafe Informational
symbolic
4 Friesly Kiosk Informational
5 HC Mini Market mini market Informational
6 Fog Coffee 
Cafe Informational
7 High Up Trampoline Playground Informational
8 Piano Cafe 
Cafe Informational
9 High City Villa VIP Identification Informational
10 Reef Perfume Perfumery Informational
11 Grasse Perfume Perfumery Informational
symbolic
12 High City Welcome Informational
symbolic
13 Bavanda 
Cafe Informational
14 OIA Coffee Shop coffee is all about taste 
Cafe Informational
Source: Created by authors

VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j PAGE 321

 Table A3 Arabic–English bilingual signs
# Name of public sign Type Function

1 ‫ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎ‬Saraya Restaurant Informational

2 ‫ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎ‬Saraya Restaurant Informational
3 Lounge, the Dough Source, 7 dates 7 Directional Informational
‫ﺗﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬/ Candy Tree Lounge ‫ﺷﺠﺮﺓ‬
‫ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎ‬/ ‫ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻮﻯ‬Saraya palace
4 High Up Regulation Informational
‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬10
No men allowed. Boys till 10 years
only
5 Lemon Cheesecake / ‫ ﺷﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻮﻯ‬/ Advertisement Informational
candy tree
6 High City ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ Advertisement Informational
symbolic
7 7 dates / ‫ ﺗﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬7 /‫ﻣﻄﻌﻢ ﺇﻳﻄﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻛﺎﻓﻴﻪ‬ Restaurant Informational
8 Sarawat Hall ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻭﺍﺕ‬ Celebration hall Informational
9 Almajed Oud / ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺪ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺩ‬ Perfumery Informational
10 Happy Jungle ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺓ‬ Playground Informational
symbolic
11 ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﺠﺎﺕ‬ Kiosk Informational
S90 Hot & Cold
12 ‫ ﺃﺭﻛﻮﻥ‬Arkoon Restaurant Informational
13 ‫ ﻣﻨﺶ‬Munch bakery 
Cafe Informational
symbolic
14 Starbucks ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺑﻜﺲ‬ 
Cafe Informational
15 ‫ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻗﻒ‬ Parking information Informational
A mechanism for using the parking
16 ‫ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻑ‬No Parking Regulation Informational
17 Do not Disturb ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻹﺯﻋﺎﺝ‬ Regulation Informational
18 ‫ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻙ‬Sarwat Park Hotel Hotel Informational
19 Lemon Cheesecake / ‫ ﺷﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻮﻯ‬/ Advertisement Informational
candy tree lounge symbolic
20 Dough Source ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺱ‬ Restaurant Informational
21 Lounge ‫ﻻﻭﻧﺞ‬ Restaurant Informational
22. Hello‫ﺍﻭﻻﺑﺰ‬ Restaurant Informational
23 OLABS / inspired to discover / ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺑﺰ‬ Restaurant Informational
24 The Caffeine ‫ﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﻴﻦ‬ 
Cafe Informational
25 Nestretto ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻳﺘﻮ‬ 
Cafe Informational
Source: Created by authors

PAGE 322 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j VOL. 10 NO. 1 2024

About the authors
Abduljalil Nasr Hazaea works as an Associate Professor at the Department of English
Language Skills (PY), Najran University, Saudi Arabia. His research interests include
sociolinguistics, critical discourse analysis, linguistic landscape, timed reading, media literacy
and intercultural communication. He has published research papers in applied linguistics in
high-indexed international journals.

Bakr Bagash Mansour Ahmed Al-Sofi is an assistant professor of applied linguistics at the
Department of English Language and Literature, College of Arts and Letters at the
University of Bisha in Saudi Arabia. He obtained his PhD and MA in “Language, Culture, &
Communication.” His academic and administrative experience spans more than ten years.
His main research interests include applied linguistics, sociolinguistics, cultural studies and
E-learning. Bakr Bagash Mansour Ahmed Al-Sofi is corresponding author and can be
contacted at: bakr4all@gmail.com

Abdullah Alfaifi is an assistant professor of Linguistics at the Department of English

Language and Literature, College of Arts and Letters at the University of Bisha in Saudi
Arabia. He obtained his PhD in linguistics. His main research interests include the phonetics
and phonology of Arabic dialects and dialect preservation and documentation.

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