Volume 9 Number 1 January 2000
Advertising and older
consumers: image and ageism
Marylyn Carrigan and Isabelle Szmigin
'Our generation are the new old. I remember what
someone of 60 looked like when I was a kid. They
didn't look like me.' (Jack Nicholson, actor, aged
61 years, 1998)
Cher, Cliff Richard, Jane Asher, David Bowie,
Vivienne Westwood, Joanna Lumley, and the
ubiquitous Jack Nicholson all have one thing in
common apart from their celebrity status - they
are all aged over fifty years. None of these celebri-
ties conform to the stereotype of decrepit old age,
and many others in society today who are over
fifty are very unlike the commonly-held image of
older people. Healthier diets, improved life ex-
pectancy and a widespread desire to feel younger
for longer has developed a cognitively younger
mindset among those who may be considered by
some to be chronologically in their dotage.
Ageism is particularly endemic in a media that
is obsessed with the Holy Grail of youth. Minette
Marrin (1998), commenting in the Daily Telegraph
states, 'For as long as I can remember, everyone in
the media has been obsessed with getting a bigger
slice of "yoof ... But why? What is wrong with
the older market? It is enormous, and getting
bigger all the time, for the young get older every
day'. Joanna Lumley has also commented on this
youth mania (Rampton 1998). 'I'm 52 and I don't
feel past it ... there must be millions like me not
catered for by television. It's this obsession with
youth ... but the people with the most disposable
income are actually 60 and over'.
These concerns are not without foundation. A
recent brief for the ITV Advertising Education
Award for 1998/99 specifically seeks ways of
attracting 'young more upmarket viewers to
maintain its dominant position in the important
42
influential younger viewer market' (ITV 1998).
Older people are clearly not seen as 'influential' by
the advertising industry, and as research shows,
this is reflected in the attitudes and behaviour that
advertisers display towards older consumers
(Long 1998, Miller 1993, Thomas and Wolfe
1995, Corlett 1998). But this focus does not
adequately reflect 'real life'. Demographic and
economic changes in society are signalling a
growth in incidence and importance of the 'Baby
Boomer' generation represented by the over-
fifties. By 2021, 33% of the UK population will
be over 55 {Social Trends 1997). Estimates suggest
that the over 45s have nearly 80% of all financial
wealth in the UK, and are responsible for 30% of
consumer spending, and similar figures can be
found in Canada and the USA (Long 1998).
A key issue that advertisers need to grasp is that
there is a difference between the over-fifties of
today and those of previous generations. Past
experience is not a predictor of the consumer
behaviour of this new generation of over-fifties,
yet traditional prejudices against ageing persist,
and culturally ingrained stereotypes continue to
work against the older consumer in the minds of
advertisers. One of the areas where this ageism is
most prevalent is in the use of older models in
advertising. Older models are either non-existent
in mainstream advertising, or they are depicted in
inappropriate and stereotypical ways.
The advertising industry and ageism
Studies in the USA, Canada and the UK support
the view that the advertising industry is guilty of
© Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000. 108 Cowley Road, Oxford 0X4 lJF, UK
and 350 Main St, Maiden, MA 02148, USA.
 Business Ethics: A European Review
ageism in a number of ways (Long 1998, Roberts
and Zhou 1997, Zhou and Chen 1992, Carrigan
and Szmigin 1998a, 1998b). One source of the
problem is the advertising executives themselves.
The average age of most advertising executives is
below fifty years, and many researchers have
commented on the lack of empathy this seems to
create with the over-fifties population (Flanagan
1994, Greco 1989, Bedell 1998, Tregeur 1998).
Nick Long of Market Behaviour Ltd, found that
advertising executives under 30 were profoundly
uninterested in understanding the over-fifties, and
that their views and associations were largely
based on stereotypes of decrepitude, imbecility
and physical repugnance (Long 1998).
Many of these advertisers harbour the belief
that older people do not like to see older models in
advertisements, hence the removal of Jane Asher
from the McVities biscuit campaigns, and Joanna
Lumley from the Muller yoghurt campaigns, both
of whom were felt to be too old at 'fiftysome-
thing' (Anon. 1997, Deevoy 1998). Yet in the
recent Prime Time Survey by IPC Magazines
(1998) it was found that 62% of older women
prefer to see women their own age in advertise-
ments. However advertisers continue to believe
that the presence of older people in advertisements
will alienate their most important audience - the
youth market (Thomas and Wolfe 1995, Deutsch
et al. 1986, Mazis et al. 1992). This belief has never
been fully substantiated, and there is research
evidence to suggest that younger audiences view
older models at the very least neutrally, even
positively in many product advertisements
(Gubernick 1996, Greco et al. 1997, Milliman
and Erffmeyer 1990, Day and Stafford 1997).
When the industry does make use of older
models, these tend to be physically young and
attractive in appearance. Pearl Bailey (aged 56) in
her uplift bra for Age Concern, Josephine (aged
79) in her Levi jeans, and Diana Moran (aged 50)
for Oil of Ulay all conform to this pattern. This
implies that old age is only acceptable in advertis-
ing if you don't actually appear to be old. Fay
Weldon, the celebrated author, admitted under-
going her facelift in her fifties as a result of
pressure upon her to look better in her book
advertisements. 'It was about image, and also the
© Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000
feeling that age is bad for business' (Knight 1998).
The message is that 'oldness' in itself is not a state
to be encouraged. Most advertising containing
images of older people tends to depict them as
either youthful, or as caricatures, rather than as
legitimate members of society.
The advertising agency business is a huge
industry, and must take equal responsibility along
with advertisers and the media for the ethicality
of advertising (Murphy 1998). A recent Pontifical
Council monograph on ethics in advertising raised
several important moral issues (Murphy 1998).
Three key moral principles are cited upon which
advertising should be based: truthfulness, dignity
of the human person, and social responsibility.
The current attitudes of those in the advertising
field towards older people, and the insignificance
with which they are treated suggests that those
involved with advertising are not respecting their
duty to uphold the dignity of this generation of
people.
In today's society, advertising has a profound
impact upon the way that people understand life,
especially with regard to their values, and their
ways of choosing and behaving (Laczniak 1998).
There is a particular moral imperative for the
advertising industry to be a constructive force in
the community, and to respect persons, particu-
larly those who are vulnerable, such as older
people (Laczniak 1998). In the end, those who
commission, prepare or disseminate advertising
are all morally responsible for what they do. Yet,
as Murphy (1998) states, between the 'unholy
trinity' of the media, advertisers and agencies no
one seems willing to accept primary responsibility
for raising ethical standards. The consequence of
this is that ethics in advertising generally is
perceived to be rather low. The ethical position
of advertising in relation to the treatment of older
people is particularly unacceptable.
Print advertising and older consumers
Research carried out by the authors confirms that
older models are not popular with mainstream
advertisers. Two studies examined the use of older
models in print advertising; firstly in the Daily
43
 Volume 9 Number 1 January 2000

Mail, Daily Telegraph, Good Housekeeping and

Table 2: Readership profile of 50+ publications
Woman's Journal, all of which have a large per-
centage of over-fifties readers, and secondly, in Pubiication % readership aged 50+
Choice, Saga, Goodtimes and Active Life which are Choice 56%
specifically targeted at over-fifties readers. Saga 84%
Goodtimes 100%
Active Life 100%
Source: National Readership Surveys October 1996-
Table 1: Readership profile of mainstream publications September1997, Active Life (1998), ARP050 (1998).

Publication % readership aged 50+

Daily Mail (weekdays) 50

Daily Telegraph (weekdays) 51
Good Housekeeping 41
Woman's Journal 55
Source: National Readership Surveys October 1996-
September1997.
We found that the percentage of 50+ models
appearing in the mainstream publications was well
below that of the number of over-fifties in the UK
population. On the other hand, the number of
50+ models appearing in advertisements in the
over-fifties publications was far higher, and more
representative of the UK population as a whole.
Although in most cases the portrayal of older
people was seen as favourable, it was evident that
the majority of advertisements were for disability
aids, and products which helped older people
overcome infirmity (included in the 'Property-
interiors' category in Table 5).
This research echoes the findings of similar
studies in the US and Canada which confirmed a
tendency for older models to be under-represented,
and/or portrayed as debilitated (IPC Magazines
1998, Roberts and Zhou 1997, Zhou and Chen
1992, Peterson 1992, 1995). The respondents in the
IPC Magazines study stated that it was rather
depressing that many advertisers assumed that
people over fifty had a disabihty, and that so

Table 3: Comparative percentages of 50+ adults in UK population; readership figures and advertisements,
mainstream pubiications

Percentage of 50+ adults in UK Percentage of 50+ aduits in Percentage of 50+ adults in test
population 1995 readership (average of all) advertisements

25% 49%

Source: Office of Population, Censuses and Surveys (1996).

Table 4: Comparative percentages of 50+ adults !n UK popuiation; readership figures and advertisements, 50+
publications

Percentage of 50+ adults in UK Percentage of 50+ aduits in Percentage of 50+ adults in test
popuiation 1995 readership (average of all) advertisements

25% 85% 70%

Source: Office of Population, Censuses and Surveys (1996).

44 © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000

 Business Ethics: A European Review

Table 5: Product category of advertisements featuring 50+ models

Product category % featuring 50+ models/ % featuring 50+ models/

Mainstream media 50+ media
Alcohol 0 0
Cameras 0 0
Cars 0 0
Clothing 3 2
Diet Aids 0 0
Entertainment 6 0
Financial Services 6 27
Food 14 2
Health and Medicine 14 16
Homes/Estate Agents 3 0
Household appliances 19 4
Household Goods 0 0
IT (computers etc.) 0 2
Jewellery 0 0
Media 0 0
Personal Care 8 0
Property - gardens 0 2
Property - interiors 0 33
Society 8 4
Sports Goods 0 0
Tobacco 0 0
Travel and holidays 16 8
Total 100% 100%

many advertisements were fixated with infirmity
rather than portraying older people as able-bodied.
Not only are older people not used very often in
mainstream advertising, there are also a very limited
number of products that older people are con-
sidered suitable to advertise. This echoes what
Nick Long (1998) found when one of his respon-
dents commented, 'We go and shop for washing
powder just like them (i.e. younger consumers) but
they never show anybody our age'. We decided to
explore this more closely by questioning UK
advertising executives on the subject. The agency
executives were asked to indicate if they would
recommend the use of an older character as a
central figure in advertising for various product
classes, assuming that a client wished to target an
older audience. The responses confirmed what we
had already suspected from our previous research.
i.e. that advertisers have preconceived ideas about
what is, and what is not suitable for older people
to advertise. Not surprisingly, there was enthusi-
asm for the use of older models in advertisements
for health and medicine, holidays and financial
services, but definite rejection of depicting older
people in advertisements for clothing, cars, jew-
ellery or cosmetics. This demarcation appears to
be based on the belief of advertisers that older
people are happier to see models ten to fifteen
years younger than they are, and on the desire not
to alienate younger consumers of these products.
As Rachel Miller (1998) pointed out in her article
questioning the wisdom of the 'adman's thinking',
'In the world of advertising, the over-50's have
their place. They drink tea but never touch soft
drinks, don't eat crisps or chocolate ... don't
shave and therefore have no need for aftershave

© Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000 45

 Volume 9 Number 1
... but they're pretty good at calling their friends
and family'.
The ethical implications of ageism in
advertising
Any organisation today needs to maintain public
confidence in the legitimacy and integrity of their
operations and business conduct. To undermine
this 'licence to operate' by behaving in an un-
acceptable manner exposes an organisation to a
range of sanctions from the public. Companies
which fail to accept responsibility for their actions
risk a host of punitive reactions - consumer
boycott, regulation, media hostihty, financial loss,
and above all loss of reputation which surrenders
the initiative to competitors. Marketing has come
under particularly close scrutiny in recent years
with regard to its public responsibilities due to
its high visibility (Laczniak and Murphy 1985,
Nantel and Weeks 1996, Malhotra and Miller
1998, Smith and Quelch 1993).
Advertising as the most visible form of market-
ing is a particular target for criticism. A range of
high profile abuses - shock advertising, as
employed by Benetton, sexist advertising by
Wonderbra - has raised public awareness, and
today the level of sensitivity exhibited by certain
advertising professionals is being questioned.
Most marketers feel obliged to fulfil their legal
responsibilities; for instance, they will avoid using
images and portrayals in advertisements, which
are against the law, such as racist stereotypes.
However, duty weakens in the face of their less
tangible ethical responsibilities. Yet the line
between ethical and legal responsibilities is not
immutable; in fact, it is often only a matter of time
before ethical responsibilities become encapsu-
lated in legislation. Public opinion often recog-
nises ethical responsibilities before the legal or
regulatory system acts, and many people expect
organisations to embrace these newly emerging
values.
Advertisers today need to make decisions
concerning what is 'right' or 'responsible' to do.
Although everyone wants to satisfy their custo-
mers (utilitarian criteria), this should not be
46
January 2000
achieved by a process which creates negative
consequences for other stakeholders (deontologi-
cal criteria). To enable marketers and advertisers
to make decisions, elements of both these philos-
ophies need to be incorporated into ethical
frameworks which encourage people to consider
both the effects of carrying out their decision (the
means) as well as the consequences of that
decision (the ends). Ross (1930) suggests that the
behaviour of individuals and organisations should
observe six fundamental moral principles, termed
the six 'prima facie' duties. These are the moral
duty of honesty and exactitude, the duty of
gratitude, the duty of justice, the duty of charity,
the duty of self-improvement, and finally the duty
not to cause harm to others (Nantel and Weeks
1996). According to Garrett (1966) any moral
decision involves three elements: what we intend,
how we carry out the intention, and what
happens. Marketers and advertisers must there-
fore concern themselves with their intention, their
action and the consequences of that action.
Laczniak (1983) presents a framework that
incorporates both Garrett's (1966) and Ross's
(1930) theories, and attempts as they do, to
approach ethics in both a utilitarian and deonto-
logical manner. If an advertiser or marketer can
answer the following questions negatively, then
the action is probably ethical.
(i) Does action A violate the law?
(ii) Does action A violate any general moral
obligations?
• duties of fidelity?
• duties of gratitude?
• duties of justice?
• duties of beneficence?
• duties of self-improvement?
• duties of nonmaleficence?
(iii) Does action A violate any special obliga-
tions stemming from the type of marketing
organisation in question?
(iv) Is the intent of action an evil?
(v) Are any major evils likely to result from, or
because of action A?
(vi) Is a satisfactory alternative B, which pro-
duces equal or more good with less evil than
A, being knowingly rejected?
© Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000
 Business Ethics: A European Review
(vii) Does action A infringe on the inalienable
rights of the consumer?
(viii) Does action A leave another person or
group less well off?
(ix) Is this person or group already relatively
under-privileged?
The major purpose of the framework is as a
pedagogical tool to sensitise marketing pro-
fessionals to the factors that are important in
dealing with issues of responsibility. As Nantel
and Weeks (1996) point out, the advantage of the
framework is that it is both functional and simple.
If we take the action of 'portraying older people
as comical or infirm caricatures', and apply the
framework, we can see where ethical dilemmas
may arise. For example, we know that no laws are
being violated, and there may be no evil intended,
but can we be certain that no evils may result
from the action? Advertisements create negative
opinions of old age among society, and older
people themselves. Negative portrayals of older
people are not the only way to use older people
in advertising, and so there are satisfactory
alternatives, which would produce equal good
with less evil, yet these are being rejected. There is
no doubt that by their actions, advertisers are
leaving older people as a group within society
less well off, because their advertisements serve
to perpetuate ageism. A recent designer jean
advertisement used a black and white photograph
of a glum-looking older couple, semi-naked on a
parkbench with the caption 'Age doesn't improve
everything'. When this advertisement was criti-
cised as being undignified and mocking, the action
was defended by saying the intention was to be
humorous. Humorous to whom? Perhaps an
eighteen-year-old might consider this humorous,
but is it really necessary to ridicule older people in
order to communicate humour to younger con-
sumers? Contrast this example with the recent
Nike advertisement which pictured an older,
female athlete with the copy line 'I am a thorn
in time's side'. Both were advertisements for
products bought by young people; both featured
older people. It is not difficult to see which
advertiser has recognised their ethical responsi-
bilities and which has not.
© Blackwell Publishers Lid. 2000
A new age for old age: can we move
forward?
Does advertising reflect the values of individuals
in society, or is it responsible for creating and
influencing those values? It is surely naive to
suggest that advertising is merely a 'source of
purchase-related information to consumers' (Zhou
and Chen 1992). Advertising is a means of social
communication (Leiss et al. 1990), and plays a
significant role in the socialisation process by
providing visual symbolic models for learning how
to behave (Langmeyer 1993). Past research into
race and gender role models has demonstrated the
importance of advertising in influencing social
relationships both positively and negatively
(Langmeyer 1993, Hess 1974). Advertising exerts
a significant impact on consumers' lives (Pollay
1986); on the positive side, advertising has dis-
couraged participation in harmful behaviours and
encouraged participation in socially beneficial
behaviours; on the negative side, advertising has
misled and deceived consumers (Davis 1994).
The United Nations International Year of Older
Persons (1999) is the culmination of the United
Nations action programme on ageing. Initiated in
recognition of the growing population of older
people worldwide, it aims to promote 'a transition
to a positive, active and developmentally oriented
view of ageing ... a society for all ages ... possibili-
ties of a new age for old age' (United Nations 1995).
The UN's guiding principles for the International
Year of Older Persons state that there should be a
positive, active and developmentally oriented view
of ageing. Unfortunately, many depictions of
older people in advertising achieve the opposite
effect. The negative and stereotypical representa-
tions of older people by many advertisers actively
harm both the self-perception of older people, and
the attitudes of the rest of society towards older
people. As with gender and race, how older people
are featured in advertising has implications for the
social and psychological well-being of the elderly.
Smith et al. (1984) found that advertisements
provided expectational messages to older people
about their behaviour. The negative portrayal of
older people in advertising negatively affects their
self-perception as well as wider societal attitudes
47
 Volume 9 Number 1
towards older people (Swayne and Greco 1987,
Zhou and Chen 1992, Langmeyer 1993).
Advertising, when called upon to defend itself
against accusations of discrimination or negativ-
ity, often makes the argument that the images it
shows are society's construct, and that ageism
itself is socially constructed (Featherstone and
Hepworth 1995, Chaney 1995, Vincent 1995).
Society arbitrarily imposes the rules of retirement,
retirement represents a loss of function and
income, and when coupled with consumer culture
images of youth, fitness and beauty lifestyles, the
result is a new set of exclusions for older people.
Through a variety of mass media images, audi-
ences are encouraged to see being young as strong,
independent and sexy (Chaney 1995).. In contrast,
ageing is necessarily unattractive, tending to be
characterised by images that are the converse of
strength, independence and sexiness.
The images of mass media are a cultural
resource, and they provide important evidence of
the kinds of cultural resources a specific society
draws upon to give meaning to later life. Images,
therefore, can act as representations of the general
ideals, which shape social practice (Featherstone
and Hepworth 1995). With this in mind, social
gerontologists advocate radical deconstruction
and displacement of negative images of ageing.
This means the deconstruction of the long-held
associations between old age and illness, disability,
disengagement and decline, and a more positive
elaboration of the new norms of positive ageing.
As Vincent (1995) argues, society needs to build a
community of values that does not devalue and
restrict people on the basis of age criteria, and this
is as much the responsibility of advertising, as is it
the rest of society. If advertising can change the
way that it portrays ageing, not only will this be a
valuable contribution to the deconstruction of
negative ageing imagery, but it will be a positive
acceptance of the responsibility to observe the
ethical duties outlined by Laczniak (1983).
What is needed is a more accurate representa-
tion of older people in advertising and television;
treating older people as a 'funny minority' is
grossly unfair on the part of the mass media.
Ambassador Julia Alvarez, speaking at the launch
of the UN International Year of Older Persons
48
January 2000
commented, "I suggest that we could begin ... by
bolstering the image of older people in the media
... the image of older people as full, useful and
active citizens must become implanted in the
popular imagination". Already in the United
States, ]V[odern IVTaturity magazine and the
American Association of Retired Persons (AARP)
have recognised the implications of the number
of 'infirmity' related advertisements being placed
in age-specific media and have developed a set of
advertising guidelines to screen them out. In
particular, they will only accept advertisements
which do not 'foster stereotypes and which
accomplish that purpose without making a nega-
tive statement about ageing' (AARP 1998). When
questioned, it became clear that none of the UK
publications in the studies followed any other
guidelines beyond the British Code of Advertising
Practice, which although containing clauses
against discrimination on the grounds of race,
sex, religion or disability, makes no reference to
discrimination on the grounds of age.
There is much that the advertising industry can
do to amend their perpetuation of these negative
images of ageing. Apart from the need for a
change of attitude by young advertising executives
who see themselves as the most important group
in society, there is also the problem of limited
creative imagination among the advertising in-
dustry when dealing with older consumers. It is
easier to use the shorthand of stereotypical
messages than it is to face the creative challenge
of producing sophisticated, innovative well re-
searched, unpatronising advertising campaigns
featuring and targeting older consumers. There is
evidence of a small number of advertisers who
have managed to create advertising, which uses
older people as integral members of society, rather
than as something quaint, comical or to be pitied.
Persil have used older couples in their recent
'talking heads' campaign for washing powder
tablets, as have Prudential Banking in their 'Egg'
account advertising; Marks and Spencer have
featured a mother and daughter in their jeans
campaign; and even designers Donna Karan and
Giorgio Armani have used female model Bene-
detta Barzini, who is visibly over fifty. Columbia
sportswear have also broken tradition by using
© Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000
 Business Ethics: A European Review
Mother Gert Boyle, the company Chairman, in
their clothing advertisements as a positive por-
trayal of the experience of age.
Conclusion
It is time for advertisers to recognise that ageism
can no longer be tolerated. In keeping with any
other organisation today, advertisers have a duty
to respect the dignity and the rights of older
people. This means neither ignoring them, nor
ridiculing them as a route to sales. The balance of
power is shifting towards the older generation,
and the current disenchantment felt by this older
group of consumers is not surprising. Older people
consume like everyone else; some are less affluent
and buy discount brands; others are more prosper-
ous and buy premier brands. All wish to be treated
with respect and dignity. This means that adver-
tising which is targeted at them should be
aspirational in their terms, and when portraying
old age it should use fit, active and healthy role
models from their own generation. At the same
time, if advertisers use older people to reach
younger markets, their portrayal should avoid
mockery and ridicule. Many older consumers wish
to see at least some advertisements with which
they can identify, and will switch to brands which
recognise their existence and portray them as
attractive people with plenty to offer. By behaving
detrimentally towards older people, advertisers
not only violate their ethical responsibilities, they
also potentially violate their commercial responsi-
bilities by failing to reach an important and affluent
consumer market. It is time for the advertising
community to assume their responsibility for the
ethical standards of their industry towards the
older generation.
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