Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis
and Conservative Rebirth
C H A P T E R
John F. Kenn':'dy'sPr')mise
Lyndon B. hl-.:iscn ar:J the Grcdt
Society
Rebirth cif th1= V/omen's Mcvem~nt
Escalation Under Johnson
Public Opinion and the War
The Student Movement
Days of Rag~ 1968- 1972
War Abroad, Tragedy at Home
The Antiwar Movement and the
1968 Election
The Nationalist Turn
Women's liberation and Black and
Chicana Feminism
Stonewall and Gay Liberation
Risa of the SIient Majority
Nixon In Vietnam
The Silent Majority Speaks Out
The 1972 Election
1961-1972
he civil rights movement ■AP·•iti;i~••~tNi·ii•!~
T stirred Ameri.:an liberals
<'nd pu)hed t!,em to launch
oo!d new government initidtives to
What were liberalism's social
and political achievements
in the 1960s, and how did
.:dvance racial equality. That pro- debates over liberal values con-
gressive spirit inspired an expan- tribute to conflict at home and
sive reform agenda that came to reflect war abroad?
include women's rights, new social
programs for the poor and the
aged, job training, environmental laws, and other educational and social benefits
for the middle class. All told, Congress passed more liberal legislation between
1964 and 1972 than in any period since the 1930s.The great bulk of it came during
the 1965-1966 legislative session, one of the most active in American history.
Liberalism was at high tide.
It did not stay there long. Liberalism quickly came under assault from two
directions. First, young, left-leaning activists became frustrated with slow prog-
ress on civil rights and rebelled against the Vietnam War. Some of them had been
among the young idealists inspired by President John F. Kennedy's inaugural
address and the civil rights movement. Now they rejected everything that Cold
War liberalism stood for. Their rebellion was symbolized by protests at the 1968
Democratic National Convention in Chicago, where police teargassed and clubbed
antiwar demonstrators, who chanted (as the TV cameras rolled), "The whole world
is watching!" Inside the convention hall, the proceedings were chaotic, the atmo•
sphere poisonous, the delegates bitterly divided over Vietnam.
A second assault on liberalism came from conservatives, who found their foot•
ing after being marginalized during the 1950s. Conservatives opposed the dramatic
expansion of the federal government under President Lyndon B. Johnson and dis-
dained the"permissive society•they believed liberalism had encouraged.Advocating
law and order, belittling welfare, and resisting key civil rights reforms, conservatives
leaped back to political life In the sixties. Their champion was Barry Goldwater, a
Republican senator from Arizona, who warned that •a government big enough to
give you everything you want is also big enough to take away everything you have:
The clashing of left, right, and center made the years between the inaugura-
tion of President Kennedy in 1961 and the landslide reelection of Richard Nixon in
1972 one of the most contentious, complicated, and explosive eras in American
history. There were thousands of marches and demonstrations; massive new fed·
eral programs aimed at achieving civil rights, ending poverty, and extending the
welfare state; and new voices among women, African Americans, Latinos, and gay
men and lesbians demanding to be heard. With heated, vitriolic rhetoric on all
sides, these developments overlapped with political assassinations and violence
both overseas and at home. In this chapter, we undertake to explain how the
rekindling of liberal reform under the twin auspices of the civil rights movement
and the leadership of President Johnson gave way to a profound liberal crisis and
the resurgence of conservatism.
 CHAPTER CHRONOLOGY "

.- -
I As )"OU l"Nd. •sk YC>Unelfwl'ly this dwipffl' begin s u,d ~s with these datH •nd ktentify the lfnt.s among~••~ ev.nu.

1961
-- -
► John F. Kennedy inauguratro .u presidrot 1961 ► Tel o~stve begins (JM tMry)
► Martin Luther l<ing Jr. end Rober t F. Kennedy assanlnated
1963

1964
► John f . Kennedy •~sslnated, lyndon 8. Johnson a~sunx-s

►
presidency

CMl Rights Act

► Women\ liberation protest 111 Miss t.merka pagt'ant
► Riot lit Dcmocr11tk National Convention In Chicago (August}
► Rkh11rd Nixon elected president
l
► Economic Opportunity Act inaugurates War on Po,<E"rty 1969 ► Stonewall not~ (June) '
► fl'N! Speec'h M ~ t at Be-n.t"lcy
► Gulf ofTonUn Resoluh<>n 1970 ► National Women\ Strike for Equality

1965 ► Immigration Act •bol<Shes national quota systM'I 1971 ► Sw<m v. Cliorlorte-Mecklenburg approves countywlde busing
► Medical'I! •nd Medicaid programs established
1972 .. Nixon visits China (February)
► Operation Rolloog Thundef escalates bombing campaign
► Nixon wins a second term (November 7)
(March)
"' First U.S. combat t ~ an-M In V1etnam 1973 ► Paris Peace Accords end Vietnam War
19 67 Countffeulture\ "Summer of love• 1974 ► Milliken v. Bradley limits busing to school d istrict boundaries
I 00.000 march In antrwar proteSt in Wa~hington. D.C.
\0...--tober) 19 7S >- Vietnam reunified under Communist rnle

- ... ---- --------------

,r:;n To see a longer exce:-pl
1m from President Johnson's
"Great Society• speech, along
with other pnmary sources from
this period, see Souttu for
America's History.
Turn to the Glossary of
ll
I
Aademk & Historical
Terms in the back of the book
for definitions of bolded terms.
Liberalism at High Tide
In May 196-1, Lyndon B. Johnson, president for barely six months, delivered the com-
mencement address at the University of Michigan, where he offered a grand and inspi-
rational vision of a new liberal age. "We have the opportunity to move not only toward
the rich society and the powerful society; Johnson continued, "but upward to the Great
Society:' As the graduates listened, Johnson spelled out what he meant: "The Great
Society rests on abundance and liberty for all. It demands an end to poverty and racial
injustice." Even this, Johnson declared, was just the beginning. He would push to renew
American education, rebuild the cities, and restore the natural environment. Ambitious
even audacious, Johnson's vision was a New Deal for a new era. A tragic irony, however:
was that he held the presidency at all.
John F. Kennedy's Promise
In 1961, three years before Johnson's Great Society speech, John F. Kennedy declared at
his presidential inauguration: "Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend
and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans.• He
challenged his fellow citizens to "ask what you can do for your country:' a call to service
that inspired many Americans. The British journalist Henry Fairley called Kennedy's
activism "the politics of expectation." Over time, the expectations Kennedy embodied,
combined with his ability to inspire a younger generation, encouraged the emerging
spirit of liberal reform.
Kennedy's legislative record did not live up to his promising image. This was not
entirely his fault; congressional partisanship and resistance stymied many presidents in
the twentieth century. Kennedy's domestic advisors devised bold plans for health insur-
ance for the aged, a new antipoverty program, and a tax cut. After enormous pressure
from Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders- and pushed by the demon-
strations in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963 - they added a civil rights bill. None of
these initiatives went anywhere in the Senate, where powerful conservative interests
practiced an old legislative art: delay, delay, delay. All Kennedy's bills were at a virtual
standstill when tragedy struck.
On November 22, 1963, Kennedy was in Dallas, Texas, on a political trip. As he and
his wife, Jacqueline, rode in an open car past the Texas School Book Depository, he was
shot through the head and neck by a sniper. He died within the hour. (The accused

S46
 CH APTER 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Conservative Rebirth, 1961 - 1972 847

lifftf, 1wenly-four-year-old Lee Harvey ~)swald, was himself killed while In custody a
ftw ,lays larcr by on ai1sassin, a Dallas _nigh~club owner named Jack Ruby.) Before Air
r(lf(e One left IJall.u to take the president s body back 10 Washington. a grim-faced
,ton Johnson was sworn in as Kennedy's successor.
1
.,-nKennedy's youthful Image, the trauma of his assa~sination, and the nation's sense of
kiss contributed to a powe~ful ~ennedy mystique, Hi~ canonization after death capped
h I had been an extraordinarily stage-managed presidency. An admiring country saw
: ;a,k and Jackie Kennedy an ideal American marriage (though JFK was, in fact, an
obsessive womanize r); i~ Ke~n~dy the epit~me of robust good ~ealth (though he was
Uy afflicted by Add1sons disease); and m the Kennedy White House a glamorous
actuaId of high fashion
· and ce Iebnty.
. No ot her pres1"dency ever
matched the Kennedy
"-or but every president after him embraced the idea t_hat image mattered as much as
aur~.
rrality in conducting a po1·1t1ca
· IIye f',ect·1ve pres,"dency.

Lyndon B. Johnso n and the Great Society

In rnanY ways, Lyndon Johnson was the opposite of Kennedy. A seasoned Texas politi·
. and longtime Senate leader, Johnson was most at home in the back rooms of power.
~~was a rough-edged character who had scrambled his way up, with few scruples, to
wealth and political eminence. But he never forgot his modest, hill-country origins or
lost his sympathy for the downtrodden. Johnson lacked Kennedy's style, but he rose to
the political challenge after Kennedy's assassination, applying his astonishing energy
and negotiating skills ~o. revive several_ of Kennedy's stalled programs, and many more
of his own, in the ambitious Great Society.
On assuming the presidency, Johnson promptly pushed for civil rights legislation
a memorial to his slain predecessor. His motives were complex. As a southerner
~o had previously opposed civil rights for African Americans, Johnson wished to Recognizing the express.ion of
liberal ideas in Lyndon
rove that he was more than a regional figure - he would be the president of all the
Johnson's Great Society is critical
~pie. He also wanted to make a mark on history, telling Martin Luther King Jr. and
for succes.s on the AP• exam.
ther black leaders to lace up their sneakers because he would move so fast on
;ivil rights they would be running to catch up. Politically, the choice was risky.
Johnson would please the Democratic Party's liberal wing, but because most northern
African Americans already voted
Democratic, the party would gain
few additional votes. Moreover,
southern white Democrats would
likely revolt, dividing the party at a
time when Johnson's legislative
agenda most required unanimity.
But Johnson pushed ahead, and the
!964 Civil Rights Act stands, in
part, as a testament to the presi-
dent's political risk-taking.
More than civil rights, what drove
Johnson hardest was his determina-
tion to "end poverty in our time'.' The
president called it a national disgrace
that in the midst of plenty, one-fifth
of all Americans - hidden from
most people's sight in Appalachia,
wban ghettos, migrant labor camps,
and Indian reservations- lived in
The Great Society President Lyndon Johnson toured poverty-stricken regions of the country In
poverty, But, Johnson declared, "for 1964. Here he visits with Tom Fletcher,
a father of eight children in Martin County, Kentucky. Johnson
the first time in our history, it is envisioned adramatic expansion of liberal social programs, both to assist the needy and to strengthen
possible to conquer poverty." the middle class. that he called the Great Society. e,umMin/GeflY Imago~
848 l>ART 8 THE M ODERN ST"TE " NO THE "GE O F lll\CRMISM, 19<4S - 19 fl0

l'h t' fa-onon,k or~mmil)' A..-t ,,f l % 4, whk h et'Cl\h.'ll I\ ~erk~ o f pmir11111~ to
n'~,-h , h,'l-<' .'.mNi ,•An!-. ,,11s thr f'r<'s kknt'!. ftllSW\'r- wh11t h e cl\llcJ the \.\'nr ml l\wt'tty.
This k~i!.IAti1,n indu,ll"\I ~,·wml ,li1fo1't'nt i nitfath't'~. l lcnJ St1111 p rovlJ cJ f rce nut,('ry
~h,",t~ "' l'"-'l'l\f'C ,li!-., ,i, 11n1~,,l l'l'\'i-d,,x,\c,~ fur l-hl\kf"811rtcn. The Job C orps anJ

Evalua~tM lmpactof~al
AP E\ AMTIP

leg1$Lation deslgnN:I to &dd~ss

social •nd "'-""OOOmlc Inequality.
I t irwl\nl R,,1mJ rl'\" i ,l,,t ),,111,~ l""'l'k with , raining nnJ employment. Volunlccts In
&-rYk'<' t\) ., m,•rk11 (\'ISTA). m,"kht ,m the l\'1\1."C C orps, offered tcchnicnl assislanct
to thc ui~n 11nJ "'rat l"'IOr. •' " array of fl.1!-ional dcvdopmenl prugrnms focused on
i-pl•rriTIS <'-"'-' Mmk ~l'\",1h in in11xw-crishoo a~l\s. On balance, lhe 1964 legislation pro.
,iJl-d ~cl"\i,'C'S "'' tht' l""-'r mt her than j,m s, leading some critics to charge the War on
l\w<•rty "i lh 11,,iTIS t('() little.

The 1964 Election \\'ith the Ci\'il Rights Act passed and his War on Poverty lnitia-
tiw s off the gl'\,und, Johnson turned his attention to the upcoming presidential elcc-
til,n. NN ('0nt<'nt to go,·crn in Kennedy's shadow, he wanted a national mandate of his
own . Prh.itcly, Johnson saw himsclflcss as akin Kennedy than as the heir of Franklin
Roosc,·dt, who.~ political sk;ills he had long admired, and the expansive liberalism of
th(' 1930$.. He reminded his ad,'isors never to forget "the meek and the humble and the
lowl~;" l-c.:ause •r rcsidcnt Roosew lt never did."
In th<' 1964 election, Johnson faced Republican Barry Goldwater of Arizona. An arch.
conscn -:iuvc, Gold\\·ater ran on an anticommunist, antigovernment platform, offering •a
choice, not an ecllo" - meaning he represented a genuinely conse.rvative alternative to
liberalism rather than the echo of liberalism offered by the moderate wing of the
Repubhca."l Party (Chapter 24). Goldwater campaigned against the Civil Rights Act of
1964 and promised a more vigorous Cold War foreign policy. Among those supporting
hun was fonner actor Ronald Reagan, whose speech on behalf of Goldwater at the
Republican convention, called "A Time for Choosing:• made him a rising star in the party.
But Goldwater's strident foreign policy alienated voters. "Extremism in the defense
ofliberty is no vice," he told Republicans at the convention. Moreover, there remained
strong national sentiment for Kennedy. Telling Americans that he was
running to fulfill Kennedy's legacy, Johnson and his running mate,
Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota, won in a landslide (Map 27.1). In
the long run, Goldwater's candidacy marked the beginning ofa grass.
roots conservative revolt that would eventually transform the
Republican Party. In the short run, however, Johnson's sweeping vic-
tory gave him a popular mandate and, equally important, congressio-
nal majorities that rivaled FDR's in 1935- just what he and liberal
Democrats needed to push the Great Society forward (Table 27.1).

Great Society Initiatives One of Johnson's first successes was

(J]WNlqlOn, DC breaking a congressional deadlock on education and health care.
Passed in April 1965, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act
authorized $1 billion in federal funds for teacher training and other
....... ,__ educational programs. Standing in his old Texas schoolhouse,
t:loclera1
..,.,v...
c::J
c........
l y,llloll 8 Jollnlon
(Oemocrll1
...
v.u v...
43 121,085 111
Johnson, a former teacher, said: "I believe no law I have signed or will
ever sign means more to the future of America:• Six months later,
□ BanyMGoldwllet' 52 Zl',145,111 31 5 Johnson signed the Higher Education Act, providing federal scholar-
(~ )
ships for college students. Johnson also had the votes he needed to
achieve some form of national health insurance. That year, he won
MAP 27.1 The Prtsldtntlal Election of 1964
This map reveals how one-sided was the victory of Lyndon passage of two new programs: Medicare, a health plan for the elderly
Johnson over Barry Goldwater in 1964. Except for Arizona, funded by a surcharge on Social Security payroll taxes, and Medicaid,
hishome state, Goldwater won only five states in the Deep a health plan for the poor paid for by general tax revenues and
South-not of much Immediate consolation to him, but a
administered by the states.
sure Indicator that the South was cutting Its historic ties to
the Democratic Party. Moreover, although soundly rejected In
The Great Society's agenda included environmental reform as
\964, Goldwater's far-right critique of'blg government" laid well: an expanded national park system, improvement of the nation's
the foundation for a Republican resurgence In the 1980s. air and water, protection for endangered species, stronger land-use
 CH APT Ek 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Conservative Rebirth, 1961 - 1972
8 49

•• 11:1 ■ ,1 ..
-

- M,jot Great Society Leg lslatIon

---
ClfilRlghtt
.
1964 Twenty-fourth Amendment Outl.t~d poll ,.,c In federal el«tlons
Clvll Rights Act Banned discrimination In employment and public accommodation
s on the
basis of race, r~llglon, sex, or national origin
~

196S Voting Rights Act Outl ~ literat.y tests for voting; provided federal su~ls lon of
registration In hlstorlcally low-registration areas
50(111 Welfare
1964 Economic Opportunity Act Created Officf ol Economk Opportunity (OEO) to administer War on
Poverty
programs such as Head 5'art, Job Co,ps, andVolunteen In Service
to
America (VISTA)
1965 Medical Care Act Provided medkal care for the poor (Medicaid) and the elderly (Medicare)
-1966 Minimum Wage Act Raised hourly minimum Wl9I! from S1.25 to S1AO and n~nde d coverag
e
to new groups
EdUC1tlon
1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act Granted federal aid for education of poor children
National Endowment for the Arts and PrOYldecl federal funding lfld support for artists and scholars
Humanities
Higher Education Act Provided federal scholarships for ~ r y education
Housing and Urban Development
1964 Urban Mass Transportation Act Provided federal aid to urban mass transit
Omnibus Housing Act Provided federal funds for public housing and rent subsidies for low-inc
ome
families
1965 Housing and Urban Development Act Created Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
1966 Metropolitan Area Redevelopment and Designated 150 •model cities· for combined programs of public housing
Demonstration Cities Acts .
social services, and Job training
Environment
1964 Wilderness Preservation Act Designated 9.1 million acres of federal lands as "wilderness areas;
barring
future roads. buildings. or commercial use
196S Air and Water Quality Acts Set tougher air quality standards; required states to enforce water
quality
standards for Interstate waters
Miscellaneous

1964 Tax Reduction Act Reduced personal and corporate income tax rates
1965 Immigration Act Abandoned national quotas of 1924 law, allowing more non-European
Immigration
Appalachian Regional and Development Provided federc1I funding for roads, health clinics, and other public
works
Act projects in economically depressed regions

planning, and highway beautification. Hardly pausing for breath, Johnson oversaw the
mationof th.e Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD); won funding
for hundreds of thousands of units of public housing; made investments
in urban rapid
transit such as the new Washington, D.C., Metro and the Bay Area Rapid
Transit
(BART) system in San Francisco; ushered child safety and consumer protecti
on laws
8S0 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE AND TH E AGE O F LIBERALISM , 19-4 S- 19B0

thn,ii1o:h c \,t~n.•s..~ and lwlr•1.,l cn.' nlc the NAthmnl Endllwmcnt fol' the Arts nnJ lht
Nnti\,;,nl En,to\\,n<'nt for the 1hm,anitks "' s11p1xwt the \\'\)l'k of nrtl!lts, wtitcN, and
~'h\,1,1~ .. ,
1t C'\'t"I\ \lt',;'Rmc l'\"'-~ ihl<', at this monwnt ,~form zc1\I, to tllcklc the mttlons dis•
\ll
ctimim,l\.'I")' immi~rnti,,n \l\,lky. The lmmi~n,tion Act of 1965 l\b1ut1.loncd the quota
sr-stcm that fu,\,n'\l northern t '\11\'l~l\llS, ,~pl,,d"S it with numcrknl limits that diJ not
,tis,·timinatc amo1~ nati\ll\S. T\, l'"'motc family rcunitknlion, the law olso stipulated
that d1., sc rdati,"l'.'s \,fl~al n.'skknts in the Unit<'<l States could be admitted outside the
numcrk al limits. an ex..-cpti\,n th.,t cspL•dally bencftttcd Asian and Latin American
immi~nmts. Sin ..-c 1%S, l\S a n.'sult, immigrants from those regions have become
in-:re; sillgly pn,minr nt ill Amc rkal\ sodcty (Chapter 30).

AP 0:AMllP
Evaluatt! the response of
c-onservati~ critic-s to Great
Society program~
I Assessing the Great Society The Great Society enjoyed mixed results. The pro•
portfon (If Americans li\; ng bdow the poverty line dropped from 20 percent to
13 rcr..:ent hctwt.'Cn 1963 and 1968 (Figure 27.1). Medicare and Medicaid, the most
enduring <lf the Great Society programs, helped millions of elderly and poor citizens
afford nccess.iry health care. Further, as millions of African Americans moved into
the midd le class, the black poverty rate fell by half. Liberals believed they were on the
right tr.ick.
Conser,atives, however, gave more credit for these changes to the decade's booming
. 4 ' ~lJ?ltR.1 :, e.:onom}' than 10 government program s. Indeed, conservative critics accused Johnson

I
and other liberals of believing that every social problem could be solved with a govern-
C0i'HD,7 'UI..LIZATION
What new roles d·d the federal ,.
, ment program. ln the final analysis, the Great Society dramatically improved the finan-
cial situation of the elderly, reached millions of children, and increased the racial
government assume under Great diYersity of American society and workplaces. However, entrenched poverty remained,
Socie ty initiatives, and how did
racial segregation in the largest cities worsened, and the national distribution of wealth
they extend the New Deal
tradition?
remained highly skewed. ln relative terms, the bottom 20 percent remained as far
behind as ever. In these arenas, the Great Society made little progress.

Rebirth of the Women's Movement

In the new era of liberal reform the women's movement reawakened. Inspired by the
civil rights movement and legislative advances under the Great Society, but frustrated
by the lack of attention both gave to women, feminists entered the political fray and
demanded not simply inclusion, but a rethinking ofnational priorities (AP• Interpreting
the Past).

so I - - - - - - - - - - - - ----
4S f------------ - - - - - ---- ------ --- - - -
40 ~ - - - - - - - - - - -
35 , - - - - - - - - - - ---------- - -- ----·- -
~ 30 lI________________
12s -- --------- _ - - --- - -------
--------

I~
~ 20 t-- ---------- Poverty rate _ _ _ _ _
"
IS - --===- ----- ·-~ - - - - -
10 , - - - · - - - · - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ---

5 r_
. ..._ ____ _ .____.._-' - - ~ - - . 1 _ . l __ ..L_ I _ _L__ !._L_LJ--L-.l_t__ J I I J I
19S9 '61 '63 '65 '67 '69 '71 '73 '75 '77 '79 '81 '83 '8S '87 '89 '91 '93 '95 '97 '99
Year

FIGURE 27.1 Americans In Poverty, 1959-2000

Between 1959 and 1973 the poverty rate among American families dropped by more than half-from 23 percent to 11 percent
There was, however, sharp disagreement about the reasons for that notable decline. Liberals credited the War on Poverty, while
conservatives favored the high-performing economy, with the significant poverty dip of 1965-1966 caused by military spending.
not Johnson's domestic programs.
 AP J I NT ERP RET-.1NG T H E PAST
The women's rights movement has a long history, but scholars and activists talk about
a •second wave• of feminist activism emerging In the 1960s. Unlike early-twentieth·
century feminism, whichi focused on gaining the right to vote for women, this later
phase attacked discrimination and gender Inequalities In the workplace, In schools,
and within the home and marriage. Many scholars argue that the second wave
emerged in response to the 1950s•,~urn to domesticity"followlng World War 11, when
What Are the Origins women were expected to embrace their roles as wlws and mothers. Betty Friedan's
1963 book The Feminine Mysrique critiqued popular depictions of women's domestic
of 1960s Feminism? roles and argued that gender discrimination limited women's potential.
Friedan's book was a catalyst for many activists who achieved such milestones as
the Equal Pay Act, Title IX, and legalized abortion, bu1 are scholars right to locate the
movement's origins there? Were all feminist activists in the 1960s shaped by the con-
straints of domesticity? Sara Evans and Paula Giddings offer contrasting perspectives
on 1960s feminism when lhey highlight the life experiences, wortc. and class characteris-
tics of different groups offemlnists.

SARA EVANS PAULA GIDDINGS

io--.a. SIii El'llls, Pmo11a/ Pol,ricJ: The RootJ of Women) ubtrat,on In th, Cm/
'11" !,/Ot'tffll•I and tht Ntw Lt/I (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1979), 22-2.J. Tl,,,,..,.,
5o.,ICI: Paula Goddinp. W,,,,,-,1 W1it,y I E1lttr.
RMt Md Sa h i ~ • (New Yon: Willwn ~ 19&4). 6-7.
o/ Bltacl, w-,,""

Within the context of cultural unrest and the attack on tradi-
tionmade by women like Friedan, the catalyst for a pro-
binder critidsrn and a mass mobilization of American
~menproved to be the young female participants in the
!OCial movements of the 1960s. These daughters of the middle
class had received mixed, paradoxical messages about what it
meant to grow up to be women in America. On the one hand,
the cultural ideal . .. informed them that their only true hap-
piness lay in the twin roles of wife and mother. At the same
l1lllt theycou!d observe the reality that housewifery was dis-
llllctly unsatisfactory for millions of suburban women... .
!uchcontradictions left young, educated women in the 1960s
dry tinder for the spark of revolt. . . . (Their] experiences in
lhe southern civil rights movement and parts of the student
otW left catalyud a new feminist consciousness.
In the course ofmy research. several themes emerged. 0 ne
of them, dearly exposed through the experience of Black
women. is the relationship between sexism and racism. ...
Of course, Black women could understand the relationship
between racism and sexism because they had to strive
against both. In doing so, they became the linchpin between
the two most important social reform movements in
American history: the struggles for Black rights and women's
rights. In the course of defying the imposed limitations on
race and sex, they loosened the chains around both.

tm SHORT ANSWER PRACTICE

1, Howdo Evans and Giddings differ In their explanation of the 3. How does the discussion in Chapters 26 and 27 of the civil
chronology and pioneers of 1960s feminism? rights movement and women's activism shed light on the
2. To what extent do these scholars see the domestic idea I for arguments about the origins of feminism that these two
women as a factor In shaping second-wave feminism? scholars make?

lmor Feminists The women's movement had not languished entirely in the postwar
fM. Feminist concerns were kept alive in the 1950s and early 1960s by working
IIOlllen, who campaigned for such policies as maternity leave and equal pay for equal Identify the causes and explain
the impact of the resurgence of
WOik. One historian has called these women "labor feminists,• because they belonged
feminism In the 1950s and 1960s.
kllracie unions and fought for equality and dignity in the workplace. "It became appar-
ent to me why so many employers could legally discriminate against women - because
Ins written right into the law; said one female labor activist. Trode-union women
wm especially critical in pushing for, and winning. congressional passage of the 1963
Equal Pay Act, which established the principle of equal pay for equal work.

851
r-- 852 PARTS THE MODERN STATE AND THE AGE OF ll!ILRALISM, 194S- 1980

:'
I

ul>,...,r r,·mi"i~ls ,wrc l\'~l'l\'"'lin8 "' Ihe t hrn.'s. Mor~ w,)mcn - lndudlng married
"''nH•n (40 1-er..-.:-nl t-y 19, 0) n1hl motht.'11- with pmng chikln.·n (.'O percenl by
19,0) - ,,,,rt' "'"'kil'Ql \''1\lli;i,k thc lH,mc ti""' cwr bcfiwe. llut tlwy focc,I l l lnhor market
thnt \llhkrvnlut."1.1 thl'ir \'\mtrilmlil,ns. Mm,-...m .'r, most working \\l\1111c n foceJ lht
-,i,,uNc Jay•: thq· ,,,,rt' c,pt'\:h.-...1 n, cnrn n rn.p.·h..x k nn'-1 then return home to domestic
lntx,.r. Onc\,,,11,:,1\ 1,1,t the r1,,1'1,' lll l-\t\.·d 1Ktly: 'T he \\\lrkh,g mother h ns no 'wife' lo
,-art' for her \·hil,ll\'n:'

. I
The significa~ of ~
~ A!)~ is a "mmt
l..now"for the A~ e~am.
Betty Friedan ~nd the National Organization for Wome n When Hetty Friedan's
in,lktmcnt ofimburban d\)lnl'Stkit)', n,c l~minine MJ1sliq11e, appeared In 1963, It tar-
~<'teJ a dillcrt'nt 1m,Hen"-c: l'olkge-cdu{'.t\leJ, middle-class women who found thcm-
st.•h-c-s not W\"rl-.ing for wages but rather stilled by their domestic routine. Tens of
thNisanJs of '''\)men n•aJ P1i<-,lan's book and thought, "She's talking about me." Tht
Fcmi11i11\' M,1-i:ri,JII( t-Hxamc a runaway best-seller. Friedan persuaded middle-class
,,·onH'n that they ne<'dcd more than the convenience foods, improved diapers, and
lx-ttcr laundry "ktcrgcnts that magazines and television urged them to buy. To live rich
and fult\llins lh-cs, the)' needed education and work outside the home.
ParaJ,ixkalty, the domesticity described in TIie Feminine Mystique was already
.:nnnl-lin~. After the rostwar baby boom, women were again having fewer children
:11-ied now l-y the birth control pill, first marketed in 1960. And as states liberalized
dJ\'or.:-e la"-s, mC1:-e wom;,n wt>re divorcing. Educational levels were also rising: by 1970
womt:1 made up 42 per.:ent ofthl' college population. All of these changes undermined
traJitional gender roles and enabled many women to embrace The Feminine Mystiqut's
liber.ating prescriptions.
Go\'ernment action .Jso made a difference. In 1961, Kennedy had appointed the
Presidential Commission on the Status ofWomen, which issued a 1963 report docu-
menting job and educational discrimination. A bigger breakthrough came when
Congress added the word sex to the categories protected against discrimination in the
Ch-il Rights Act of 1964. Women suddenly had a powerful legal tool for fighting gender
discrimination. ·
To force compliance with the new act, Friedan and others, including many labor
feminists from around the country, founded the National Organization for Women
(NOW) in 1966. Modeled on the
NAACP, NOW intended to be a civil
rights organization for women, with
the aim of bringing "women into full
participation in .. . American society
now, exercising all the privileges and
responsibilities thereof in truly
equal partnership with men." Under
Friedan's leadership, membership
grew to fifteen thousand by 1971,
and NOW became a powerful voice
for equal rights.
One of the ironies of the 1960s
was the enormous strain that all of
this liberal activism placed on the
New Deal coalition. Faced with often
competing demands from the civil
(l rights movement, feminists, the poor,
National Women's Political Caucus Leaders of the National Women's Political Caucus speak labor unions, conservative southern
with the press In 1971 ..From left to right are: activist and journalist Gloria Steinem, Congresswoman Democrats, the suburban middle
Bella Abzug. Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, and author and activist Betty Friedan. Founded to
class, and urban political machines,
advance a broad politkal program on behalf of American women, the Caucus called for reproductive
and economic rights. women's social and legal equality, and an increase in women's participation in the old Rooseveltian coalition had
local, state, and national government AP PhotolChj,~ Gotry begun to fray. Johnson hoped that the
 CHAPTER 27
Uncivil Wa . Lib
rs. eral Crisis and Conservative Reb irth, 1961- 1972 853

l'lltin was strong enough to negotiate competin d

f}t3I , o:i ;i,lle simultaneously resisting conservative a~ac~a nds among its o~n
rl'"1110cr1t' \ le II would not remain so for long. · In 1965, that still
(l'f'~t<i pos.db · _
,_<ffl ~- otlH WORDS What explains the surge In libe I
,,, 10&1fl I th• early 1960s7
[ ~paN<Y n
-
,. PGlttlcs and
J CAUSATION
What factors accounted for the
resurgence of feminism in the
1960s7

~ a m War Begins .
f~ • rights revolution placed strain on the Democrat ·
clcra 1108 .•
tll'a' ' d' 'dcdthecountry. Ina CBS .mterVJew ..
beforehisdcath
re coa11t1on the war
K d ,
M 11\ w• •
y1,U1a the south Vietname se whether "their war" would•L-enne yremarktd
il' s up 10
dl't It wa resident had a ready pIa.ced the United
J . =
won or lost. But
States on a course that would make
,..,)'()11118 P It Like other U.S. presidents, Kennedy believed that crivin . Vi
P" difliCU '
l(lt'tat aken Americas erecUb'l'ty"
, " w· hd "
• • . it rawaJ would be a great er· ~.g up tn 1etnam
mistake," he said
,~~ W: ossible to know how JFK would have managed Vietnam had he lived Wha
It iS irtl,P that in the fall of 1963, Kennedy t
~ ~wn 15 • nee with Ngo Dinh Diem, the
" t paue
bad IOS. head of South Vietnam whom
~10~~ States had supported since 1955
ibt Vlll~ 24). The president let it be known in
(ciiapteth t the United States would support a
Sai80" a up. Kennedy's hope was that if
~~,;;ed throughout th~ .south because
Di~ brutal repression of pohtical opponents,
JhiS be replaced by a popular general or other
~ figure, a stable government would
aulitarY_ 0 ne strong enough to repel the South
~"' National Liberati on Front (NLF), or
V'itlJl.....
V'ictc0ng. · proved overly opt · · ·
'Jhat calculation mustic.
Emboldened by Kennedy's approval of their
~ a handful of South Vietnamese generals
Clltrthrew Diem on November 1, and then
l(ula)ly killed him and his brother. Rather
than stability, the coup brought chaos. South
V'ittnam fell into a period of turmoil marked by
die increasing ungovernability of both the cities
81 countryside. Kennedy himself was assassi-
nitd in late November and would not live to
re the grim results ofDiem's murder: American
South
mgagtment in a long and costly civil conflict in + Ho Chi Minh Trail China
dname of fighting communism. • Ttt.uacb.1961 Sea
Ci:J Communlal natioaa
- Nalloal allied with U.S.
Escalation Under Johnson D Ncutralutioaa 0 100 ---
• IOI -~
lust as Kennedy had inherited Vietnam from
Fiscnhower, so Lyndon Johnson inherited MAP 27.2 Th• VletMm War, 1961
The Vietnam War was a guerrilla war, fought In skirmishes rather than set-piece battles.
Y'ltlnam from Kennedy. Johnson's inheritance Despite repeated airstrikes, the United States was never able to halt the flow of North
was more ~urdensome, however, for by now Vietnamese troops and supplies down the Ho Chi Minh Trail, which wound through Laos
fdr massive American intervention could and Cambodia. In January 1968, Vietcong forces launched the Tet offensive, a surprise
attack on cities and provincial centers across South Vietnam. Although the attackers were
l:;'1t the collapse of South Vietnam pushed back with heavy losses, the Tet offensive revealed the futility of American efforts to
27·2), Johnson,
like Kennedy, was a suppress the Vietcong guerrillas and marked a turning point In the war.
854 PART 8 THE MODERN ST1'TE i\NDTHE i\GE OFllB[Ri\LISM, 1945- 1980

suh.•,,:nt,.c.r h, tht' c,,1,t Wnr tl'lll'I~ ,,f itl,,hnl c.mt11lnmc111. "I 11111 not going to I,~
\ ictnnm:' ht' '""''C'\t ,,n takin~ ,,ffkt'. "I nm n,,t gtiing to he the l'l'c~hlcnt who s.,"

I
~,uth,•a~t A~in Sl' thC' way Chi1111 ,wnt" (Chnptcr 2-4),

Explain the role of ~ Vlt'tnam \'Var
in expanding the role of the
president in military actions.
Gulf of Tonkin It ,ti,t "'-'' tnke lot~ for Johnson to place his stnmp on I he war. During
the sumnwr {lf 1%4-. the pm,i,knt g,,t rc1llwts that North Vietnamese torpe,lo boa1s
haJ fil\,t on the U.S. ,k~tl\))W M,1cldox in the Gulf of Tonkin. In the first attack, on
Augu~t 2, the damage int1kt,-J was limited tll a single bullet hole; a second attack. on
Augu~t 4. \a1.-r rl\)\'t'Xi to l'C only mi:srcad radar sightings. To Johnson, it didn't maucr
if tht atta..:k was ~al ,,r imagin,,t; the pre!-idcnt believed a wider war \vas inevitable
anJ ii:.-:ul'd ~ call to arms, sending his n,1tiona\ approval rating from 42 to 72 percent.
ln the entire Cong~ ss, only two senators votc<l against his request for authorization to
"takl' all nr.:cssary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United
States anJ to prc,·cnt further aggression:' The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, as it became
known, ga,·e Johnson the freedom to conduct operations in Vietnam as he saw fit.
Despite his congressional mandate, Johnson was initially cautious about revealing
his plans to the American people. "I had no choice but to keep my foreign policy in the
" i ngs . . . ; Johnson later said. "I knew that the day it exploded into a major debate on
the war, that day would be the beginning of the end of the Great Society." So he ran in
l % 4 on the pledge that there would be no escalation - no 'i\mcrican boys" fighting
Vietnam's fight, he said. Privately, he doubted the pledge could be kept.

l.me,i,a::-, Estalatlon \Vith the 1964 election safely behind him, Johnson began an
American takeover of the war in Vietnam (AP• Analyzing Voices). The escalation
beginning in the early months of 1965, took two forms: deployment of Americar:
ground troops and intensive bombing of North Vietnam.
On March 8, 1965, the first marines waded ashore at Da Nang. By 1966, more than
380,000 American soldiers were stationed in Vietnam; by 1967, 485,000; and by 1968,
536,000 (Figure 27.2). General William Westmoreland, the commander of U.S. forces
and Robert McNamara, the secretary of defense, pushed Johnson to Americani;
the ground war in an attempt to stabilize South Vietnam. "I can't run and pull a
Chamberlain at Munich;' Johnson privately told a reporter in early March 1965, refer-
ring to the British prime minister who
had appeased Hitler in 1938.
------ -- - - - Meanwhile, Johnson authorized
600,00(I I
Operation Rolling Thunder, a massive
! bombing campaign against North
E I
i 500,000 - - - - - - - - - - - --
c: Vietnam that began in 1965 and contin-
;; I
> I ued for three years. Over the entire
l I
1 ---- -----
..c:
400,000 course of the war, the United States
dropped twice as many tons of bombs
.s on Vietnam as the Allies had dropped in
"C
= 300,000 both Europe and the Pacific during the
~ whole of World War II. To McNamara's
t.
t- 200,000 surprise, the bombing had little effect
! on the Vietcong's ability to wage war
l
r1i 100,000
in the South. The North Vietnamese
:i quickly rebuilt roads and bridges and
moved munitions plants underground
0
1960 19611962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 Instead of destroying the morale of
the North Vietnamese, Operation
FIGURE27,2 U.S.TroopslnVletnam, 1960-1973 Rolling Thunder hardened their will to
This figure graphkally tracks America's Involvement In Vietnam. After Lyndon Johnson decided
fight. The massive commitment of
on escalation In 1964, troop levels Jumped from 23,300 to apeak of 543,000 personnel In 1968.
Under Richard Nixon'sVietnamization program, beginning in the summer of 1969, levels drastically ground troops and air power devastated
declined; the last U.S. military forces left South Vietnam on March 29, 1973. Vietnam's countryside, however. After
 CHAPTER 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Conservat ive Rebirth, 1961-197 2 855

~ hmh but not unusual engagement, a command ing officer reported that • became
ll«t~~ry to 11
destroy the town In order to save it" - a statement that came to symbolize
thf t,rrible logic of the war. .
The Johnson administration gambled that American superiority in personnel and
rtipllnry would ultimately triumph. This strategy was inextricably tied to political POINT OF VIEW
~siJcratlons. For domestic reasons, policymaker., searched for an elusive middle
In what larger context did President
' nd between all-out invasion of North Vietnam, which included the possibility of Johnson view the Vietnam conflict.
grouwith China, and disengagement. •in effect, we are fighting a war of attrition" said and why was he determined to
,-ar
(i(ncral WestmoreI and. "Theon Iya Iternallve· ·ts a war of annihilatio '
n." support South ~m7

Public Opinion and the War

jolmSOO gradually grew more confident that his Vietnam policy had the support of the
A r!can people. Both Democrats and Republicans approved Johnson's escalation in
:~am, and so did ~ublic o~ini~n polls in 1965 and 1966. But then opinion began to R@Cognlze the causes and
!hift (AP° Thinking Like a H1stonan). ~ects of the changing
Every night, Americans saw the carnage of war on their television screens, includ- r~actions of the American public
. images of dead and wounded Americans. One such incident occurred in the ftrst to the Vietnam War OYer time.
:nths of fighting in 1965. Television reporter Morley Safer witn~d a marine unit
1,uming the village of Cam Ne to the ground. •Today's operation is the frustration of
Vi tnam in miniature:' Safer explained. America can •win a military victory here, but
: Vietnamese peasant whose home is [destroyed) it will take more than presidential
to mises to convince h.1m that we are on h. "d "
1s s1 e.
p!O With such firsthand knowledge of the war, journalists began to write about a •cred-
~ility gap." The Johnson administration, the! ~harged, was concealing bad news about
the war's progress. In February 1966, telev1S1on coverage of hearings by the Senate
Foreign Relations Committ~e (chaired by J. W~am ~ul~righ~ an outspoken critic of
the war) raised further ~uesllons about the adm1mst~ations policy. Johnson complained
t hisstaff in 1966 that our people cant stand frrm m the face of heavy losses, and they
1

: bring down the government:' Economic problems put Johnson even more on the
defensive. The Vietnam War cost taxpayers $27 billion in 1967, pushing the federal
deficit from $9.8 billion to $23 billion. By then, military spending had set in motion the
inf)ationary spiral that would plague the U.S. economy throughout the 1970s.
Out of these troubling developments, an antiwar movement began to crystallize.
Little opposition had materialized in 1964, even after Johnson won passage of the
Tonkin Resolution. But following the escalation in 1965, groups of students, clergy, civil
rights advocates, antinuclear proponents, and even Dr. Benjamin Spock, whose book
on child care had helped raise many of the younger activists, began to protest. Their
bunchpad was an April march of 15,000 people in Washington, D.C., that included a
picket line around the White House and speeches denouncing what antiwar activist
Paul Potter called "this mad war:• Despite their diversity, these opponents of the war
shared a skepticism about U.S. policy in Vietnam. They charged variously that inter-
itntion was antithetical to American ideals; that an independent, anticommunist South
V'JCtnam was unattainable; and that no American objective justified the suffering that
~-as being inflicted on the Vietnamese people.

The Student Movement

College students, many of them inspired by the civil rights movement, had already
begun to organize and agitate for social change prior to the first antiwar march in 1965.
In Ann Arbor, Michigan, they founded Students for a Democratic Society (SOS) in
1960. Two years later, they held the first national SOS convention in Port Hur~n, Explain the role of the Port Huron
Michigan. Tom Hayden penned a manifesto, the Port Huron Statement, express'.ng Statement in expressing the
lludtnts' disillusionment with the nation's consumer culture and the gulf between nch discontent of the Left with both
and poor. "We are people of this generation; Hayden wrote, "bred in at least modest domestic and foreign policies.
860 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE AND THE AGE OF LIBERALISM, 19-45- 19RO

c,,mfort. h,,11Sl'\l n,,w in uniw rsilks, h,l.ing 1111comti.1rtnhly to lh ,

h '1 1 ·1 1 c \ \'\)I ) I
H.,~,kn tllhl1 sns
.. ..
li\l\l~ t t,, s \Al\e ur" u,t t icy snw ns l\ com11h1ccnt . \ ,,., h '
1\,\11111\. ' ''lit.•
The New left The foun,krli of sns l'cfm\.'\l to thd r movement
J istim~uish th\'msdws t'r\,m the Old l.d\ - 1.·.omm1mlsts nn-1u s,OCh\ ~sl 1he N,"' 1 _
' II <.tf\
and 1940s. As New l et\ intluen,-c spn'all, it hit nrnjor university t s s orth, 1 lo
such AS Mndison, \\'is'-'1:'nsin, and lkrkdey, California. One of the 11owns flrs, _ i9:1os
!-tmtions m,pt,-J in the fall of 19M at the University of Califo
s
't
' llotab1,~ pacts
1
administrators hanncJ student politkal activity on university gr rn a at Ucrkttc' tr orr.
Jent organizations form1....J the Fn--e Sp1..'«h Movement and or ou,~ds. 111 Pro,,;,aft,r
· ·
aJmm,strat,on · h111·11· .:- d l J·
, mg. .,ome st,, ents 1a iust returned from F
gan,zcd "~ sit-in
. , s,.....
1
Mi~i!-Sippi, radicaliwd by their CAl )Cricnce. One such student M r~edo111 Sulll~t ~c
many whC'n he ,'omparcd the cont1ict in Berkeley to the civll /r~o Savio, SPok:r 111
1
South: •The same rights are at stake in both places- the right to g .s .struggle I for
. and to strngg1e against
. society
.,r. a dC'm1Xratte . the same eneiny"partic1pate as cirn lhc
· 'Zens
Emb{~IJent'd by the Berkeley movement, students across the na .
tes:ing d,~ir uni\'crsitics' acade1'.1ic policies and then, beginning inti~; Were soon Pro.
65
War. Students were on the front lmes as the campaign against the wa • the Yietn
Mo!:Jifaa.ion to End the War brought 100,000 protesters into the str r eSCalated. lbe 1~ 7
. . eets ofs F -'II
while morC' than 250,000 followed Martin Luther King Jr. from Central p an l'ancisco,
Nations in NC'w York. Another 100,000 marched on the Pentagon p ar~to theUnitcd
absorbed the blows and counterpunched-"The enemy's hope for ~ ;esident !ohnson
dhision, our weariness, our uncertainty:' he proclaimed-but it had~ ory · · · is in our
Johnson's war, as many began calling it, was~~ lon~er uniting the coun:;,ome dear that
One spur to student protest was the mihtarys Selective Services
1967 abolished automatic student deferments. To avoid the draft s:Stem, Which in
enlisted in the National Guard or applied for conscientious object~r st: '.oung rnen
0th
the country, most often for Canada or Sweden. In public demonstration: : • ers left
the war burned their draft cards, picketed induction centers• and on a•,.1ew pponentsof
occa ·
broke into Selective Service offices and destroyed records. Antiwar dem sions
numbered m . the tens or, at most, hun dredsof thousands - a small fraction ofonstrators
Am .
youth- but they were vocal, visible, and determined. encan

Young Americans for Freedom The New Left was not the only political force on
college campuses. Conservative students were less noisy but equally numerous. For
them, the 1960s was not about protesting Vietnam, staging student strikes, and idoliz-
ing Black Power. Inspired by the group Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), con-
servative students asserted their faith in "God-given free will" and their concern that
the federal government "accumulates power which tends to diminish order and lib-
erty.• The YAF, the largest student political organization in the country, defended free
enterprise and supported the war in Vietnam. Its founding principles were outlined in
•The Sharon Statement;' drafted (in Sharon, Connecticut) two years before the Port
Huron Statement Young conservatives, many of whom would play important roles in
the Reagan administration in the 1980s, rallied to the YAF's call.

Recognize the role of the
counterculture in challenging the
status quo and expectations of a
homogeneous American culture
In the 1960s.
The Counterculture While the New Left organized against the political and economic
system and the YAF defended it, many other young Americans embarked on a_general
revolt against authority and middle-class respectability. The "hippie" - identified by
nd
ragged blue jeans or army fatigues, flowing skirts, shirts, and blouses, bead5, a ton~
. b .
unkempt hair- sym ohzed the new counterculture. 1t roo s
w· h . the 1950s 5ea
t 111
!960S
th __ ~·ct
culture of New York's Greenwich Village and San Francisco's North Beach,'d ercul
st •
counterculture was composed largely of white youth alienated from the a' / and
ability and formality of an older generation. Seeking an ethic of personal free ~:tone
set
authenticity, they initially turned to folk music for inspiration. Pete Seeger t All the
for the era's idealism with songs such as the 1961 antiwar ballad "Where Have
 CHAPTER 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Conserva tive Reb irth, 1961 - 1972
861

TIit Counterculture The three-day outdoor Woodstock concert in August 1969

was a defining moment in the rise of the
counterculture. The event attracted 400,000 young people, like those pictured here,
t o ~ NewYorll, fat a ~ al music.
drugs, and sex. The counterculture was distinct from the New left and was less a
political movement than a shifting set of cultural
styles. attitudes, and practices. It rejected conformity of all kinds and placed rebellion
and contrariness among its highest values.
Another concept held dear by the counterculture was, simply, •1ove: 1n an era of
military violence abroad and police violence at
home, many in the counterculture hoped that •peace and love• would prevail
instead. 8'11EOl)I~ UFE 11cnttColl,cnon/Gffly 1,nq,.

Flowers Gone?" In 1963, the year of the civil rights demonstrations in Birmingham
and President Kennedy's assassination, Bob Dylan's "Blowin' in the Wind" reflecte
d
the impatience of people whose faith in America was wearing thin. Judy Collins and
joan Baez emerged alongside Dylan and pioneered a folk sound that inspired a gener-
ation of female musicians.
By the mid-1960s, other winds of change in popular music came from the Beatles,
four working-class Brits whose awe-inspiring music, by turns lyrical and driving,
spawned a commercial and cultural phenomenon known as Beatlemania. American
youths' embrace of the Beatles, as well as even more rebellious bands such as the Rolling
Stones, the Who, and the Doors, deepened the generational divide between young COMPARE & CONTRAST
people and their elders. So did the recreational use of drugs- especially marijuana and Contrast the political views of the
the hallucinogen popularly known as LSD or acid-which was celebrated in popular SOS, the YAF, and the
music in the second half of the 1960s. counterculture. How would you
explain the differences?
For a brief time, adherents of the counterculture believed that a new age was dawn-
ing. In 1967, the "world's first Human Be-In" drew 20,000 people to Golden Gate
Park
in San Francisco. That summer- known as the Summer of Love- San Francisc
o's
Haight-Ashbury, New York's East Village, Chicago's Uptown neighborhoods, and the
Sunset Strip in Los Angeles swelled with young dropouts, drifters, and teenage run- CHANGE OVER TIME
aways whom the media dubbed "flower children ~ Although most young people had What major developments between
little interest in all-out revolt, media coverage made it seem as though all of American 196S and 1968 reshaped national
politics?
youth was rejecting the nation's social and cultural norms.

IN YOUR OWN WORDS What led Pre~ldent Johnson to escallte the war In )
· - - ·-~.J
Vietnam, and how did Americans respond?
[ ~4J--- - . . -·- - --· .----- -- . _. -.,. . -..... ,___ _ -
862 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE ANO TH E AGE. OF LIBERALISM, 1945- 1980
r;:;1.~i,
Recognize the Tet offensive as a
turning point for the war in
Vietnam and the antiwar
movement at home.
Days of Rage, 1968-1972
R)· l~'l. a Sl'O~'<' ,,t\·ri~is grir1,,t the:- l'\m.ntry. Riots in the dtks, cn~npus unrest, and 1
n,.._~,-..thumhin~ l'\'lmt,·l'l.'11hm'<' ,'i;.:al.,h.'ll mil, I\ gcni:ml )•outh 1-i:bdhon that seemed 011
the wrgc oft..--aring Am,•rkA RJ'-'\rl , c.,lling 1%8 "the Wl\tt:rshed year for a generation"
sns foun,kr 11,m lfa)\kn wrotl' that it "li:tartl'\I with lcgendnry evc111s, then raised
h,,p..-s, ,,nly tl, cnd hy imm,•n;ing inl'll'k."Cn.:c in tmgcdy." It was perhaps the most shock.
ins. )'l.'ar in all the l"'sh,·ar dlYadi:s. Violent dashes both in Vietnam and back horn .
.._. • wit· I, po111tca
· · I assassmat1ons
· · 111
the Unit(\.\ States ,'\.,mPl11l'l't to prod uce a palpable scnsre f
0
d,-spair anJ hopd,-s.~nc1'.~ (AP• America in the World).
War Abroad, Tragedy at Home
Pl'l:'sident Johnson had gambled in 1965 on a quick victory in Vietnam, before the p 1.
i.:al (Wt of cs,·alation came due. But there was no quick victory. North Vietnamese~~
\ 'ictcong fore~ fought on, the South Vietnamese government repeatedly collapsed d
American casualties mounted. By early 1968, the death rate of U.S. troops had rea~~
se,·cral hundred a week. Johnson and his generals kept insisting that there was wligh
the end of the tunnel." Facts on the ground showed otherwise. tat
The Tet Offensl\"e On January 30, 1968, the Vietcong unleashed a massive, w _
coordinated assault in South Vietnam. Timed to coincide with Tet, the Vietname
11
. struck t h'1rty·SLX
. provmc1a
. . 1 capita
. Is and r:uve of the six ma·ese
new year, the offiens1ve
cities, including Saigon, where the Vietcong nearly overran the U.S. embassy. In stri~r
military terms, the Tet offensive was a failure, with very heavy Vietcong losses. By
psychologically, the effect was devastating. Television brought into American homut
shocking live images: the American embassy under siege and the Saigon police chi:}
placing a pistol to the head of a Vietcong suspect and executing him.
The Tet offensive made a mockery of official pronouncements that the United
States was winning the war. How could an enemy on the run manage such a large-scale
complex, and coordinated attack? Just before Tet, a Gallup poll found that 56 percent of
Americans considered themselves "hawks" (supporters of the war), while only 28 per-
cent identified with the "doves" (war opponents). Three months later, doves outnum-
bered hawks 42 to 41 percent. Without embra~ing the peace movement, many
Americans simply concluded that the war was unwmnable.
The Tet offensive undermined Johnson and discredited his war policies. When the
1968 presidential primary season got under way in March, antiwar senators Eugene
McCarthy of Minnesota and Robert Kennedy of New York, JFK's brother, challenged
Johnson for the Democratic nomination. Discouraged, perhaps even physically
exhausted, on March 31 Johnson stunned the nation by announcing that he would not
seek reelection.
Political Assassinations Americans had barely adjusted to the news that a sitting
president would not stand for reelection when, on April 4, James Earl Ray shot and
killed Martin Luther King Jr. in Memphis. Riots erupted in more than a hundred cities.
The worst of them, in Baltimore, Chicago, and Washington, D.C., left dozens dead and
hundreds of millions of dollars in property damaged or destroyed. The violence on the
streets of Saigon had found an eerie parallel on the streets of the United States.
One city that did not erupt was Indianapolis. There, Robert Kennedy, in town cam-
paigning in the Indiana primary, gave a quiet, somber speech to the black community
on the night of King's assassination. Americans could continue to move toward "greater
polarization:• Kennedy said, "black people amongst blacks, white amongst whites," or
"we can replace that violence ... with an effort to understand, compassion and love.•
Kennedy sympathized with African Americans' outrage at whites, but he begged them
 Nineteen sixty-eight was a year of youthful protest, political unrest, and violence
across the globe. The year of massive antiwar protests at the Democratic Nation.ti
Convention In Chicago as well as the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and
The Global Protests Robert Kennedy saw ~ual or greater turmoil around the world. Half of Italy's univer-
sities were occu~; a massiw stud@nt strike In France turned Into a violent confron-
of 1968 tation with police; prodemocrac:y students in Mexko City led huge protests that drew
police gunfire; and protests and street battles with polke took place In Prague, Berlin,
Tokyo, Rome, and London.

RENf BOURRIGAUD, FRENCH STUDENT
$oJ1.-,CS: Rc,naJJ fru<r, /96/J: A Student G,nerntion In Revoir (Nno York: hlll!MN
~1911),9.
M most vivid memory of May '68? The new-found ability
: everyone to speak- t~ speak of anything with anyone. In
that month of talking dunng May you learnt more than in
the whole of your five years of studying.
THE "TWO THOUSAND WORDS" MANIFESTO, JUNE 27,
t'68, PRAGUE, CZECHOSLOVAKIA
. Jaromlr Navr.ltil, The Prague Spring 1968: A Narioru,J S«uri11 Amit..
::.is Rtadtr (Budaprst: Crntral European University Prrss, 1998), 181.
'fhroughout the spring and summer of 1968, the govern-
ment of Czechoslovakia, under new communist leadership,
pursued reforms pushed by students and other protesters. In
August, the Soviet Union invaded and put an end to the new
openness.
This spring a great opportunity was given to us once again,
as it was at the end of the war [World War II). Again we have
the chance to take into our own hands our common cause,
which for working purposes we will call socialism, and give
it aform more appropriate to our once-good reputation and
10 the fairly good opinion we used to have of ourselves.
INTERVIEW WITH PARTICIPANTS IN 1968 PROTESTS
IN MEXICO CITY
Souaci: Produc•d by Radio Diaries (radiodiarirs.org) anJ originally broadcast on
NPR's Ail Things Considtrtd. To htar th, rnlire docum,ntary. visit r.idaodiarin.org.
I/Md by p,rmiuion of Radio Diarits.
During the summer of 1968, hundrM of thousands of stu-
dent, protested against Mexico's authoritarian national gov-
ernment and brutal police repression.
Sngio Aguayo: It was, in a symbolic way, the clash of a new
Mexico and an old Mexico.
Antonio Azuda: You have a middle class with eyes dosed
and a group ofstudents saying. this was not a democracy.
And this is not working.
Marrda Fmu,,u/ez de V"iolante: And so we were together
hundreds and hundreds and hundreds. We had these big. big
meetings at the campus crowded, crowded. And people sing-
ing, Que Vivan los Estudiantes . .. ta-ri-ra-ra-ra-ra.
Marcela Fmra,u/ez de V"wlante: We were very young. very
naive. But for the first time, you had this notion that this
country was going to be changed by the power of our
convictions.
Miguel Breseda: You would get in a bus and give a speech and
inform the people. Because newspaper wouldn't publish any-
thing. And people would give you money, they would con-
gratulate you and they would say, "We are with you young
people...."
QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS
1. Why did free speech figure so prominently in the protests
of the 1960s?
2. What do all of these activists seem to be struggling for, or
against? How do their struggles seem similar to-or differ•
ent from-those occurring simultaneously in the United
States?

not to strike back in retribution. Impromptu and heartfelt, Kennedy's speech was a
plea to follow King's nonviolent example, even as the nation descended into greater
violence.
But two months later, having emerged as the front-runner for the Democratic
presidential nomination, Kennedy, too, would be gone. On June 5, as he was celebrat-
ing his victory in the California primary over Eugene McCarthy, Kennedy was shot
dtad by a young Palestinian named Sirhan Sirhan. Amid the national mourning for
yet another political murder, one newspaper columnist declared that "the country
dots not work anymore:• Newsweek asked, MHas violence become a way of life?"

863
864 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE AND THC AGE OF llPERAllSM, 19~5- 1980

K\' nncdy's nss1,sslnntton wos II calamltr

for the Uen\\ll' tt1t k P111 ty hccnuse only ht
,,hk \o surmount the party't
h 1\\I l-l'l'11W\I
fissures over Victnom. In the 5pace of
eight weeks, Amcrkon liberals had loit
their two most important national Og.
m-cs, King and Kennedy. l"he third
Johnson, was unpopular and polilicall;
damaged. Without these unifying lead.
ers, the crisis of liberalism had become
unmanageable.

The Antiwar Movement and

the 1968 Election
Before their deaths, Martin Luther King Jr.
and Robert Kennedy had spoken elo-
quently against the Vietnam War. To anti-
war activists, however, bold speeches and
Robert K•:r,nedy After the as:.assination of Martin Luther King Jr. and with President Johnson marches had not produced the desired
out of the p~siden~I race Robt-rt l<enned> emerged in 1968 as the leading liberal fig ure in the
nation. A crit,c of the \lietnom War, a strong supporter of civil rights, and committed to fighting
effect. "We are no longer interested in
pov-eny, Kennedy ithe brother of the late President John Kennedy) ran a progressive campaign merely protesting the war," declared one.
for presicent In this photograph he is shown shaking hands with supoorters in Detroit in "We are out to stop it" They sought noth-
May 1968. However, less than three weeks after this picture was taken, Kennedy, too, was dead, ing short of an immediate American with-
the victim of yet another assassination. 4nd,...., s.cio.~ imago,. drawal. Their anger at Johnson and the
Democratic Party- fueled by news of the
Tet offensive, the murders of King and Kennedy, and the general youth rebellion-had
radicalized the movement.

Democratic Convention In August, at the 1968 Democratic National Convention

in Chicago, the political divisions generated by the war consumed the party. Thousands
of protesters descended on the city. The most visible group, led by Jerry Rubin and
Abbie Hoffman, a remarkable pair of troublemakers, claimed to represent the Youth
International Party (whose members were known as "Yippies"). To mock those inside
the convention hall, they nominated a live pig, Pigasus, for president. The Yippies'
stunts were geared toward maximum media exposure. But a far larger and more seri-
ous group of activists had come to Chicago to demonstrate against the war as
well- and they staged what many came to call the Siege of Chicago.
Democratic mayor Richard J. Daley ordered the police to break up the demonstra-
tions. Several nights of skirmishes between protesters and police culminated on the
evening of the nominations. In what an official report later described as a "police riot,"
police officers attacked protesters with tear gas and clubs. As the nominating speeches
proceeded, television networks broadcast scenes of the riot, cementing a popular
impression of the Democrats as the party of disorder. "They are going to be spending
the next four years picking up the pieces:• one Republican said gleefully. Inside the hall,
the party dispiritedly nominated Hubert H. Humphrey, Johnson's vice president. The
delegates approved a middle-of-the-road platform that endorsed continued fighting in
Vietnam while urging a diplomatic solution to the conflict.

Evaluate the resurgence of
conservative ideas In the
late 1960s.
Richard Nixon On the Republican side, Richard M. Nixon had engineered a remark-
able political comeback. After losing the presidential campaign in 1960 and the
California gubernatorial race in 1962, he won the Republican presidential nomination
in 1968. Sensing weakness in the Democratic Party, Nixon and his advisors believed
there were two groups of voters whose long political loyalty to Democrats was waver-
ing: working-class white voters in the North and southern whites of all social classes.
 CH APT ER 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Conservative Rebi rth, 1961-1972 86S

offended by the antiwar movement and the counterculture, and disturbed by urban
, northern blue-collar voters, especially Catholic!!, had drifted away from the
10
~~r,1ocrattc Party. Growing up l~ the Great ~e~r~ssion, these families were admirers of
DR and perhaps even had his picture on their living-room wait. But times had changed
F three decades. To show how much they had changed, the social scientists
0\: J. Wattenberg and Richard Scammon profiled blue-collar workers in their study
~ RCl,I Majority (1970). Wattenberg and Scammon asked their reader, to consider
' le such as a forty-seven-year-old working-class woman from Dayton, Ohio: •[she)
t::f raid to walk the streets alone at..n i~t. ... She ~as a mixed view abou_t blacks and POINT OF VIEW
civil rights." Moreover, they wrote, she 1s deeply d1stre~d that her son 1s going to a wt.,,, might a Democratic
rnunity junior college where LSD was found on campus." Such northern blue-collar supporter of FOR In the 1940s have
:ilies were once reliable Demo~ratic voters, but their political loyalties were increas- d«ided to vote for Republican
Rkhard Nixon In 19687
ingly up for grabs - a fact Republicans knew well

George Wallace Working-class anxieties over student protests and urban riots were
first exploited by the contro~ersia! govern_o r of Alabama. George C. _Wallace. Running
. l968 as a third-party pres1den1Jal candidate, Wallace traded on his fame as a segre-
~tionist governor. He had tried to stop the federal government from desegregating
~e University of Alabama in 1963, and he was equally obstructive during the Selma
crisis of 1965, Appealing to whites in both the North and the South, Wallace called for
•taw and order" and attacked welfare programs; he claimed that mothers on public
assistance were, thanks to Johnson's Great Society, •breeding children as a cash crop."
Wallace's hope was that by carrying the South, he could deny a major candidate an
dectoral majority and force the election into the House of Representatives. He fell short
ofthat objective, finishing with just 13.5 percent of the popular vote. But he had defined
bot-button issues-liber al elitism, welfare policies, and law and order-that became
hallmarks for the next generation of mainstream conservatives.

Nixon's Strategy Nixon offered a subtler version of Wallace's populism in a two-

pronged approach to the campaign. He adopted what his advisors called the "southern
strategy," which aimed at attracting southern white voters still smarting over the
civil rights gains by African Americans.
Nixon won over the key southerner,
Democrat-turned- Republican senator
Str0m Thurmond of South Carolina, the
1948 Dixiecrat presidential nominee.
Nixon informed Thurmond that while
formally he had to support civil rights,
his administration would go easy on
enforcement. He also campaigned against
the antiwar movement, urban riots, and
protests, calling for a strict adherence to
"law and order:• He pledged to represent
the "quiet voice" of the "great majority of
Americans, the forgotten Americans, the
nonshouters, the nondemonstrators:•
Here Nixon was speaking not just to the
South, but to the many millions of anx-
ious suburban voters across the country
concerned that social disorder had George Wallace George Wallace had become famous as the segregationist governor who
gripped the nation. stood "in the schoolhouse doo,· to prevent black students from enrolling at the University of
These political strategies - southern Alabama in 1963 (though a~er being confronted by federal marshals, he stepped aside). In
he campaigned for the Democratic presidential nomination on a populist "law and order•
and suburban - worked. Nixon received 1968, platform that appealed to many blue-collar voters concerned about antiwar protests, urban riots,
43.4 percent of the vote to Humphrey's and the rise of the counterculture. In this 1968 photograph, Wallace greets supporters on the
42.7 percent, defeating him by a scant campaign trail. Let 8.lhemwn/lhe LIFE Plcturt CollectlOf\/Gttty I~
866 PART I THE MODERN STATE AND 't'HE AGE OF ll ~C RALISM, 1945- , 980

\,f th~ i 3 million thot W\'~ n,st (M.,p 27.3). Bui the
!-()(\{X)(I ,,,t\.'l' \,111

01101 ~ 1i,·nl
.:l.,i-~,w~s \,f the rn'-~ \.' \lulJ n ot disguise the Jeva1tating
~k,w M th\'.' Dt' lll\X-rats. Humphrey n'\.-Ci\'cJ nlmost 12 million fn\'tr
"'''"l- than J-.,hnlllm haJ in 1%4. The white South largely abandontd
the n,•m,x-ratk Party. nn <.'x,xlus that would accelerate in the 1970s. In
the N,,rth. m,•,mwhik, Nixon and Wallace made signifkant inroads
am,,1~ trn,iiti,,nally lkm~.atic \-'Oters. 11,e result was that New °'al
n,•m\xnts k,st the unity of purpose that haJ served them for thiny
wars. .4.. nati,,n exhau!-tcd by months of turmoil and violence had cho-
~ n a new din.-ction. Nixon's victory in 1968 foreshadowed-and
CD •,...-...g,c,r,,DC hdp<'J propel - a national electoral realignment in the coming

-..
d<X'ade.

1....-.."t't
a..--.:
, ... ~,,_
......
"'
i-.,,.... \ ...
The N1tionalistTurn
t::l Fli.::a, u_ -
~
:'!Cl ~ Cl•
\"ietnam and the increasingly radical youth rebellion intersected with
c:J ~ ~ ,C,'

c
1,¥'
~

--- --
a.r.-Cl\'tllao.,o ,If t,l:i"U

::39~
lU
MAP 27.3 The Pruidential EIKtion of 1968
With Lyndon B. John50tl's surpnse ....,,thdrawal and the
a"-Jssll'lat,on of the party's moSl chansmatic contender, Robert
Ken~. the DemOCTats faced the election of 1968 an di~rray.
Governor George Wallace of Alabama, who left the DemOCTats
to run as a third-party candidate, campaigned on the backlash
agamSl the civil rights movement. M late as mid-September
Wallace held the support of 21 percent of the voters. But in
November he rece, ~ only 13.5 percent of the vote. w inning
five southern states. Republican Richard M. Nixon, who like
Wallace emphasized "law and order" m his campaign, defeated
Hubert H. Humphrey with only 43.4 percent of the popular
vote. but it was now clear, g iven that Wallace's southern
support would otherwise have gone to Nixon. that the South
had shift~ decisively to the Republican side.
,,... n,,
~~ ·
...... \' ,,.
the tum toward racial and ethnic nationalism by young African
American and Chicano activists. As we saw in Chapter 26, the Blad
Pm•,er and Chicano movements broke with the liberal "rights" politics
of an older generation of leaders. These new activists expressed fury
at the poverty and white racism that were beyond the reach of civil
rights laws; they also saw Vietnam as an unjust war against other
people of color.
In this spirit, the Chicano Moratorium Committee organized
demonstrations against the war. Chanting "Viva la Raza, Afuera
Vietnam" ("Long live the Chicano people, Get out of Vietnam"), 20,000
Mexican Americans marched in Los Angeles in August 1970. At another
rally, Cesar Chavez said: "For the poor it is a terrible irony that they
should rise out of their misery to do battle against other poor people~ He
and other Mexican American activists charged that the draft was biased
against those who had little- like most wars in history, Vietnam was, in
the words of one retired army colonel, "a poor boy's fight."
Among African Americans, the Black Panther Party and the
National Black Antiwar Antidraft League spoke out against the war.
"Black Americans are considered to be the world's biggest fools;"
Eldridge Cleaver of the Black Panther Party wrote
in his typically acerbic style, "to go to another
country to fight for something they don't have for
themselves:• Muhammad Ali, the most famous
boxer in the world, refused his army induction.
Sentenced to prison, Ali was eventually acquitted
on appeal. But his action cost him his heavyweight
title, and for years he was not allowed to box pro-
fessionally in the United States.

~
NE
INT

--------- - •• Muhammad All Refuses Army Induction On

April 28, 1967, heavyweight champion boxer Muhammad
Ali refused to be drafted into the U.S. Army, claiming that
the war in Vietnam was immoral and that as a member
of the Nation of Islam he was a conscientious objector.
In this photograph, Ali stands outside the U.S. Army
Induction center In Houston, Texas. Ali's refusal, whkh was
applauded by the antiwar movement, led to a five-year
prison sentence. Though that conviction was overturned
In 1971 after numerous appeals, All's stand against the war
cost him his heavyweight boxing title. Be1tm.inn/Gf1tyl~
 CHAPTER 27 Uncivil Wars: Llbt!ral Crisis and Con1er vatlve Rebi rth,
1961 - 1972 867

women's Liberation and Black and Chicana Feminism

I
,\niong worncn, 1968 also marked a break with the past. The
IJte 1960, spawned Eva;uate the ~ ree of continuity
ntW expressions of feminism: worn-en's liberation and black and and change in the feminist
Chicana femi-
ls!11S, Act ivlsts for the former were primarily younge ~m@ nt In the i-ntle th
r, college-educated women
~1tsh from the New Left, antiwar, a~d civil rights movement,. century.
Those movement,'
milt leaders, they discovered, consLdered women little more rhan
pretty helpers
who typed memos ~nd fetched coffee. Women who tried to rai~
femini~t ls,ue, at
ch•il rights. and antiwar events w~re shouted off the platform
with jeer, such as
•Move on, little girl, we have more important issues to talk about here
than women's
liberation."
fed up with second -class status, and well versed in the tactics of
organization and
rottst, wo.men radicals broke away and organized on their own. Unlike
the National
~rganization for Women (NOW), the women's liberation movem
ent was loosely
structured, comprising an alliance of collectives in New York. San
Francisco. Boston,
and other big cities and college towns. "Women's lib," as it was dubbed
by a skeptical
media, went public in 1968 at the Miss. America pageant. Demonstrato
r, carried post-
trs of women's bodies labeled as slabs of beef- implying that society
treated them as
meat. Mirroring the identity pol Hies ofBlack Power activists and the
self-dramatization
of tht counterculture, women's liberation sought an end to the denigr
ation and
exploitalio11 of women. "Sisterhood is powerful!" read one women
's liberationist
manifesto. The national Women's Strike for Equality in August 1970
brought hundreds
of thousands of women into the streets of the nation's cities
for marches and
demonstrations.
By that year, new terms such as sexism and male chauvinism had
become part of the
national vocabulary. As converts flooded in, two branches of the
women's movement
began to converge. Radical women realized that key feminist goals -child
care, equal
piY, and reproduction rights - could best be achieved in the politica
l arena. At the
same time, more traditional activists, often known as "liberal femini
sts" and e.'\:empli-
fied by Betty Friedan, developed a broader view of women's oppres
sion. They came to
understand that women required more than equal opportunity:
the culture that
rtgarded women as nothing more than sexual objects and helpma
tes to men had to
change as well. Although still largely white and middle class, femini
sts began to think
of themselves as part of a broad social crusade.
"Sisterhood" did not unite all women, however. Black and Latina women
continued
to work within the larger framework of the civil rights movem
ent, their feminism
linked to the crusade for racial justice. New groups such as the
Combahee River
Collective and the National Black Feminist Organization arose to
speak for the con-
cerns of black women. They criticized sexism but were reluctant
to break completely
11ith black men and the struggle for racial equality. Mexican Ameri
can feminists, or
Chicana feminists as they called themselves, came from Catholic backgr
ounds in which
motherhood and family were held in high regard. "We want to walk.
hand in hand with
the Chicano brothers, with our children, our viejitos !elders!, our Familia de
la Raza;
one Chicana feminist wrote. Black and Chicana feminists embrac
ed the larger move-
ment for women's rights but carried on their own struggles to addres
s specific needs in
their communities.
One of the most important contributions of all the new femini
sms was to raise
awareness about what feminist Kate Millett called sexual politics. Libera
tionists, along
11ilh black and Chicana feminists, argued that unless women had
control over their
own bodies, they could not freely shape their destinies. They campa
igned for reproduc-
tive rights, especially access to abortion, and railed against a culture
that blan1cd women
for their own sexual assault and turned a blind eye to sexual harassm
ent in the
,·orkplace.
Meanwnile, women's opportunities expanded dramatically in higher
education.
Douns of formerly all-male bastions. such as Yale, Princeton, and the U.S. militar
y
 868 PART 8 THE MODE'-N STATE AND THE AGE OF LIBERALISM, 194S- 1980

a~-ademics admittl,t \\\)men tmdl't-gnhh1ates fur the 11rst time. Colkgcs started worn.
en's sn1dics P"'gr:um, whi.:h cwntually numbered in the hundreds, and the propor-
tion of wl,mcn attending ~r.tduntc and profcssi01rnl sd1ools rose markedly. With th,
adortion of Title IX in 19i 2, Conircss broadened the 1964 Civil Rights Act to include
edu..:atilmal institutil,ns, pmhibiting colleges and universities that received federal
funds fr,,m dis.-riminating on the basis of sex. Dy requiring comparable funding for
srorts progrnms, Title IX made women's athletics a real presence on college
campllscs.
Women also bc..:ame increasingly visible in public life. Congresswomen Bella Abzug

W -G:Z\,iti\\21!!
CCMPAJ;E & CONTRAST
How d id fem inist movements
after 1968 d iffer from the .,.-omen's
mo vem.?nt of the e..:ly 1960s?
I and Shirley Chisholm joined Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem, the founder of Ms.
magazine, to create the National Women's Political Caucus in 1971. Abzug and
Chisholm, both from New York, joined Congresswomen Patsy Mink from Hawaii and
Martha Griffiths from Michigan to sponsor equal rights legislation. Congress autho-
rized child-care tax deductions for working parents in 1972 and in 1974 passed the
l Equal Credit Opportunity Act, which enabled married women to get credit, including
credit cards and mortgai;es, in their own names.

Stonewall and Gay Liberation

The liberationist impulse transformed the gay rights
movement as well. Homophile activists in the 1960s
(Chapter 25) had pursued rights by protesting, but they
adopted the respectable dress and behavior they knew
straight society demanded. Meanwhile, the vast majority
of gay men, lesbians, and transgender persons remained
"in the closet." So many were closeted because homosexu-
ality was considered immoral and was even illegal in the
vast majority of states - sodomy statutes outlawed same-

~B
ANb
A and unconditional recognition of their rights. Agay news-
A Lesbian and Gay Rights Protest In Greenwich VIiiage,
New York City, 1970 Building on the momentum of the Black Power
and women's liberation movements of the late 1960s, a gay liberation
movement had emerged by the early 1970s. Its history was longer than
most Americans recognized, dating to the homophlle movement of the
1950s, but the struggle for gay and lesbian rights and freedoms gained
new adherents after the Stonewall riots of 1969. Under the banner of
'coming out,' lesbian and gay Americans refused to accept second-class
citizenship. Rue de1 Arc~i./Geny1 ~
sex relations, and police used other morals laws to harass
and arrest gay men and lesbians. In the late 1960s, how-
ever, inspired by the Black Power and women's move-
ments, gay activists increasingly demanded immediate
paper in New York bore the title Come Out!
The new gay liberation found multiple expressions in
major cities across the country, but a defining event
occurred in New York's Greenwich Village. Police had
raided gay bars for decades, making arrests, publicizing the
names of patrons, and harassing customers simply for being
gay. When a local gay bar called the Stonewall Inn was
raided by police in the summer of 1969, however, its patrons
rioted for two days, setting the establishment on fire and
battling with police in the narrow streets of the Village.
Decades of police repression had taken their toll. Few com-
mentators excused the violence, and the Stonewall riots
were not repeated, but activists celebrated them as a sym-
bolic demand for full citizenship. The gay liberation move-
ment grew quickly after Stonewall. Local gay, lesbian, and
transgender organizations proliferated, and activists began
pushing for nondiscrimination ordinances and consensual
sex laws at the state level. By 1975, the National Gay Task
Force and other national organizations were lobbying
Congress, serving as media watchdogs, and advancing suits
in the courts. Despite all the activity, progress was slow;In
most arenas of American life, gay men, lesbians, and
 CHA PTER 27 Uncivil Wus· Liberal Crisis and Comervative Rebirth, l 961 - 1972 869

trJnsgendcr people did not enjoy the same legal protection, and right, ;n other
Americans.
CAUSATION
' IN YOUR OWN WOADS What factors best txpl.i,,.,.. ~ millfancy;, - How dld the antiwar ~ment.
social change and protest movftlents In 1968 and .tt.rwann womffl's liberation, and gay
liberatlotl break with an earner
liberal politics?

Rise of the Silent Majority

Vietnam abroad and the antiwar movement at home tore at the fabric of the Democratic
coalition. Lyndon Johnson could not stitch the party back together. Richard Nixon, in
contrast, showed himself adept at taking advantage of the nation's unrest through care-
fully timed speeches and displays of mor~ outrage. A centrist l>y nature and tmipera-
ment, Nixon was not part of the conservative Goldwater wing of the Republican Party.
Though he was an ardent anticommunist like Goldwater, Nixon also shared some of
Eisenhower's traits, including a basic acceptance ofgovernment's role in economic mat-
ters. Nixon is thus most profitably viewed as a transitional figure, a national politician
who formed a bridge between the liberal postwar era and the much more conservative
decades that followed the 1970s.
Jn )ate 1969, following a massive antiwar rally in Washington. President Nixon gave
atelevised speech in which he referred to his supporters as the silent majority. Jt was
classic Nixonian rhetoric. In a single phrase, he summed up a generational and cultural
siruggle, placing himself on the side of ordinary Americans against the rabble-rousers

... .'!,
.... . .
-' -
' .. ,... -s.

Richard Nixon Richard Nixon completed one of the more remarkable political rehabilitations In modern times.
He had lost the 1960 presidential election and the 1962 California gubernatorial election. But he came back strong In
1968 to ride- and help direct- a growing wave of reaction among conservative Americans against Great Society
liberalism, the antiwar movement, civil rights, and the counterculture. In this photograph, President Nixon greets
supporters In June 1969, Just a few months after his Inauguration. Ol'IJJl>tM<N.\~1C01b<l/C01bi1V1JGt11y1mages.
I 870 PA RT 8 THE MODERN STATE AND THE AGE Of LIBl- R/\LISM, 1\l4S 1°~l1
11
I,
I
w.,~
and tn,uhl,' nH,l-,•i-s. 1t an on·1-simplitkath,n. hut the lnhd sifrnl mnj <>rily stuck, and
~ix,,n h.hi dd1n,,l ., p,,lit k.,1 ph,·11<,m,•n,m. Fnr the remainder of his pr('sidency. Nixon
l'l'\'.i,,:t,,i him ~,,lf ll' rlw J'llblk a~ the ,kti:-ndcr of a reasonnblc middl e ground under
a$..~ault fn,m the rad kal ktl .

( Iii8i:JJ~ iUii
Compare the policies ,mplementC'd
in Vietnam bv Richard N ,,con to
those enactro by prev10u,
Amencar presidents.
Nixon in Vietnam
In \"kt nam. ~ix,,n pickt'd up where Johnson had left off Cold War assumptions con-
tinued to dKtall' pr,' sidcntial policy. Abandoning Vietnam, Nixon insisted, would dam.
age .-\ mrrkas ".-r1.· dibility" and make the country seem "a pitiful, helpless giant." Nixon
w,mtt·d p,-.Ke, hut only "peace with h o no r." The North Vietnamese were not about 10
,,bl i!!e him. T h,· only n ·asonable outcome, from their standpoint, was a unified Vietnam
undn their t'0ntrol.

Vi~tn<>mizatiorr and Cambodia To neutralize criticism at home, Nixon began del-

egating the ground fightin g to the South Vietnamese. Under this new policy of
\ 'ict namization , Amcnca n t roop levels dropped from 543,000 in 1968 to 334,000 in
l 97 I to hardy 2-1,000 by early I 973. American casualties dropped correspondingly.
But the killing in Vi('tnam continued. As Ellsworth Bunker, the U.S. ambassador to
\ 'ictnam, noted cynically, it was just a matter of changing "the color of the bodies~

Prowar Rally Under a sea of American flags, construction workers in New York City march in support of the Vietnam
War, Wearing hard hats, tens of thousands of marchers jammed Broadway for four blocks opposite City Hall, and the
overflow crammed the side weets. Working-class patriotism became a main source of support for Nixon's Vietnam
policy. Cl r,,ul fum>/MJgnum Pho101
 CHAPTER 27 Uncivil W,m : l1b,r.tl Crisis and Consl!rv.ttivl! R,birth, 1961 - 1972 171

Far (rolll abating, however, the antiwar movement inten1ified. First, in Novem~r
1969, half a million demonstrators staged a huge protest in W.i_~hington c.alled the
Vietnam Moratorium , one of the largest protests ever held in the c.ipit.1L Then, on
April 30, 1970, as part of a secret bombing campaign against Vietcong supply linn,
COM,ARI 6 CONTRAST
American troops destroyed enemy bases in neutral Cambodia. When new, of the inva-
How w a s ~ Nixon's ~n•m
sion of Cambodia came out, American campuses exploded in outr•ge -and, for the policy diffe~t from President
first time, students died. On May 4, 1970, at ~nt State University in Ohio. panicky Johnson's?
National Guardsmen fired into an antiwar rally, wounding eleven students and killing
(our. (At least 61 shots were fired in about 13 seconds; of the 13 people hit, the nearest
was 60 feet from the Guardsmen.) Less than two weeks later, at Jackson State College in
Mississippi, Guardsmen stormed a dormitory, killing two black students. More than
450 colleges closed in protest. Across the country, the spring semester was essentially
canceled.

My Lai Massacre Meanwhile, one of the worst atrocities ofthe war had become pub-
lic. In 1968, U.S. Army troops had executed nearly ftve hundred people in the South
Vietnamese village of My Lai, including a large number of women and childrm. The
massacre was known only within the military until 1969, when journalist Seymour
Hersh broke the story and photos of the massacre appeared in Life magazine, discred-
iting the United States around the world. Americans, Time observed, •must stand in
the larger dock of guilt and human conscience." Although high-ranking officers par-
ticipated in the My Lai massacre and its cover-up, only one soldier, a low-ranking
second lieutenant named William Calley, was convicted.
Believing that Calley had been made a fall guy for official U.S. policies that inevita-
blybrought death to innocent civilians, a group called Vietnam Veterans Against the
War pubilicized other atrocities committed by U.S. troops. In a controversial protest in
1971, they returned their combat medals at demonstrations outside the U.S. Capitol,
literally burling them onto the Capitol steps. "Here's my merit badge for murder," one
vet said. Supporters of the war called these veterans cowardly and un-Arnerican, but
their heartfelt antiwar protest exposed the deep personal torment that Vietnam had
caused many soldiers.

Detente As protests continued at home, NLxon pursued two strategies to achieve his
declared "peace with honor," one diplomatic and the other mi.litary. First, he sought
detente (a lessening of tensions) with the Soviet Union and a new openness with Evaluate the degree to which
China. In a series of meetings between 1970 and 1972, NLxon and Soviet premier detente fostered change and
Leonid Brezhnev resolved tensions over Cuba and Berlin and signed the first Strategic illustrated continuity in the
Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I), the latter a symbolic step toward ending the Cold policy of containment
War arms race. Heavily influenced by his national security advisor, the Harvard pro-
fessor Henry Kissinger, Nixon believed that he could break the Cold War impasse that
had kept the United States from productive dialogue with the Soviet Union.
Then, in 1972, Nixon visited China, becoming the ftrSt sitting U.S. president to do
so. In a televised weeklong trip, the president pledged better relations with China and
dtclared that the two nations - one capitalist, the other communist- could peacefully
coexist. This was the man who had risen to prominence in the 1950s by railing against
the Democrats for "losing" China and by hounding Communists and fellow travelers.
Indeed, the president's impeccable anticommunist credentials gave him the political
cover to travel to Beijing. Praised for his efforts to lessen Cold War tensions. NLxon also
had tactical objectives in mind. He hoped that by befriending both the Soviet Union
and China, he could play one against the other and strike a better deal over Vietnam at
the ongoing peace talks in Paris. His second strategy, however, would prove less praise-
worthy and cost more lives.

Exit America In April 1972, in an attempt to strengthen his negotiating position,

Nixon ordered large-scale bombing raids against North Vietnam. A month later, he
872 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE ANO THE AGE or ll8ERALISM, 1945- 1980

arpro,~ the mining of North Vietn,unci.e ports, something Jolumm haJ newr dared
to do. The N~,rth Vietnamese wt'rc n~,t Isolated, howt'vcr: supplies from China and the
SO\it-t Union .._,,ntil\\lcJ, ,mJ the Vit't..."ong fou~ht on.
With the 197 2 prt'i.iJcntial dc.."\ion approa.:hing, Nixon sent Kissinger back to the
Paris l"Ca,"(" talks, whkh haJ b«-n initiated unJer Johnson. ln a key concession,
"Kissi~c-r a.:-,"("rtcJ the prt'scn.:e of North Vietnamese troops in South Vietnam. North
Vietnam then agr\'cJ to an interim arrangement whereby the South Vietnamese gov.
emmcnt in Saigon wo u\J stay in power while a special commission arranged a flnal
scttk mt"nt. " "ith Kissinger's announcement that "peace is at hand:' Nixon got the el«-
tion lift he watit~-J, but the agrcen,ent was the1\ sabotaged by General Nguyen Van
Thieu, the South Vietnamese president. So Nixon, in one final spasm of bloodletting.
unkashc<l the two -week "Christmas bombing:' the most intense of the entire war. On
January 27, 1973, the two sides signed the Paris Peace Accords.
~ixon h0ped that with massive U.S. aid the Thieu regime might survive. But
Congress was in revolt. It refused appropriations for bombing Cambodia after
August 1 5, 1973, and graduaUy cut back aid to South Vietnam. In March 1975, North
Vietnamese forces launched a final offensive, and on April 30, Vietnam was reunited
S:ugon, the South Vietnamese capital, was renamed Ho Chi Minh City, after the found-
i.,g father of the com m unist regime.
The collapse of South Vietnam in 1975 produced a powerful, and tragic, historical
irony: an outcome little diffe rent from what would likely have resulted from the unifi-
cation vote in 1954 (Chapter 24). ln other words, America's most disastrous military
adventure of the twentieth century barely altered the geopolitical realities in Southeast
Asia. The Hanoi regime called itself communist but never intended to be a satellite of
any country, least of all China, Vietnam's ancient enemy.
The price paid for the Vietnam War was steep. America's Vietnamese friends lost
jobs and property, spent years in "reeducation" camps, or had to flee the country.
Millions of Vietnamese died in more than a decade of war, which included some of the
most intensive aerial bombing of the twentieth century. In bordering Cambodia, the
maniacal Khmer Rouge, followers of Cambodia's ruling Communist Party, took powtr
and murdered 1.7 million people in bloody purges. And in the United States, more than
58,000 Americans had given their lives, and 300,000 had been wounded. On top of the
war's $150 billion price tag, slow-to-heal internal wounds divided the country, and
Americans increasingly lost confidence in their political leaders.

The SIient Majority Speaks Out

EvtlultethtloleolthtSUplllMI
Court In txtlndlng brll values
throughJudldal decisions.
Nixon placed himself on the side of what he called "the nonshouters, th~ nondemca-
straton.• But moderate and conservative Americans were not in the mood to -..r
remain ailent. 'They lnaeasingly spoke out. During Nixon's flnt prealdentlal term.dae
oppoaed to the dhectlon libenllsm had taken since the early 19601 foc:uled tbelr
rmtent on what they believed to be the excesses of the "'rights revolutlon"-diei
moua cbangel in American law and society lnltiated by the civil rights
aclvaacecl by femln1ata and otben thereafter.
Law lftcl Onllr and the SUpremt Court The rights molutlon bad found a
an unapectecl place: the U.S. Supreme Court. The decision that stood u a
In the chll rights movement, Brown v. Board of Education (1954), triggerecl alap
judlclal revolution. Following Brown, the Court increasingly agreed to bear buaa
rights and civil liberties cases-as opposed to its previous focus on property-related
suits. Surprisingly, this shift was led by the man whom President Dwight Eisenhower
had appointed chief Justice In 19S3: Earl Warren. A popular Republican gomncr rl
California, Warren surprised many, including Eisenhower himself, with his
robust advocacy of civil rights and civil liberties. The Warren Court lasted from 1954
 CHAPTER 27 Uncivil Wars: Liberal Crisis and Consuva!lve Rebirth, 1961-1972 173

until 1969 and established some of the m05t far-reaching liberal jurbprudence
In U.S. history.
Right-wing activists fiercely opposed the Warren Court, which they accu5ed o(
"legislating from the bench" and contributing to social brta_kdown. They potnltd, for
Instance, 10 the Court's rulings that ~ople who are arrested have a constitutional right
to counsel (1963, 1964) and, In Miranda v. Arizona (1966), that armtl!es have to be
Informed by police of their right to remain silent Compounding conwrvativei frustra-
tion was a series of decisions that liberaliud restrictions on pornography. Trying to
walk the fine line between censorship and obscenity, the Court ruled in Roth v. Unittd
States (1957) that obscene material had to be •utterly without redeeming social impor-
tance" to be banned. The "social importance~ lest,. however, proved nearly impoMible to
define and left wide latitude for pornography to flourish.
That ,constitutional test was finally abandoned in 1972, when the Court ruled in
Miller v. California that "contemporary community standards" were the rightful mea-
sure of obscenity. But Miller, too, little slowed the proliferation of pornographic maga-
zines, films, and live shows in the 1970s. Conservatives found these decisions esp«ially
distasteful, since the Court had also ruled that religious ritual of any kind in public
schools-including prayers and Bible reading-violated the constitutional separation
of church and state. To many religious Americans, the Court had taken the side of
immorality over Christian values.
Supreme Court critics blamed rising crime rates and social breakdown on the
Warren Court's liberal judicial record Every category of crime was up in the 1970s. but
rspecially disconcerting was the doubling of the murder rate since the 1950s and the
76 percent increase in burglary and theft between 1967 and 1976. Sensational crimes
had always grabbed headlines, but now "crime" itself preoccupied politicians, the
media, and the public. However, no one could establish a direct causal link between
increases in crime and Supreme Court decisions, given a myriad of other social factors,
including drugs, income inequality, enhanced statistical record-keeping. and the prolif-
eration of guns. But when many Americans looked at their cities in the 1970s, they saw
pornographic theaters, X-rated bookstores, and rising crime rates. Where, they won-
dered, was law and order?

Busing Another major civil rights objective-desegregating schools-produced

even more controversy and fireworks. For fifteen years, southmi states. by a variety of
stratagems, had fended off court directives that they desegregate •with all ddibnatc
speed.• In 1968, only about one-third of all black children in the South attmded
schools with whites. At that point, the federal courts got serious and, in a saia of stiff'
decisions. ordered an end to •dual school systems.•
Where schools remained highly segregated, the courts incrmingly endorsed the
strategy ofbusing students to achieve integration. Plans differed acroa the~ In
IOIDe states, black children rode buses from their neighborhood., to lltmd pmtomty
._white schools. In others, white children were bused to black or Latino ndgbbof-
boods. In an important 1971 decision. Swan v. Oiarloct,.~ the Sapnme
<:ourt upheld a countywide busing plan for Omlotte-Mecklenbuq. aNorth CaroliM
school district. Despite local opposition, desegtegatlon proacdcd. and IDlllY cides In
tbe South followed suit By the mid•1970s. 86 percent of southern black cbildma welt
anending school with whites. (In recent years. this trend towud clcsepplion has
mmed.)
In the North, where segregated schooling was also a &ct of life-uwng mm sub-
urban residential patterns- busing orders proved less effecti'Vt. Detroit dramatized the
problem. To Integrate Detroit schools would havt requittd merging city and suburban
school districts. A lower court ordered just such a merger In 1971, but in Milliken tt
Bradlty (1974), the Supreme Court reversed the ruling, requiring bu.ung plans to
remain within the boundaries of a single school district. Without including the largely
874 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE AND THE AGE OF Llf,ERALISM, 1945- 1980

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An Antibuting Confrontation In !Boston Where busing was Implemented, it often faced stiff reslsta nee. Many white
communities re5ented judges dictating which children would attend whi<:h neighborhood school. In working-class Irish South
Boston, mobs attacked African American students bused in from Roxbury In 1974. A police presence was required to keep South
Boston High School open. When lawyer and civil rights activist Ted L.andsmark tried to enter Boston's city hall during a 1976
antibusing demonstration, he was assaulted. Stanley Forman'sPulitzer Prize-winning photo for the Boston Herald-American-titled
The Soiling ofOld Glory- shows Josept-i Rakes lunging at Landsmark witt-1 an American flag. Busing also had the perverse effect of
speeding up"white flight"to city suburbs. Puhu~ "'"" 1977 www1ldnl•)fo11naopho1oscom

white suburbs in busing efforts, however, achieving racial balance in Detroit, and other
major northern cities, was all but impossible. Postwar suburbanization had produced in
the North what law had mandated in the South: entrenched racial segre_gation of
schools.
As the 1972 election approached, President Nixon took advantage of rising discon-
tent over "law and order" and busing. In so doing, he was the political beneftciary of a
growing reaction against liberalism that had begun to take hold between 1968 and the
early I970s.

The 1972 Election

Political realignments have been infrequent in American history. One occurred between
1932 and 1936, when many Republicans, despairing over the Great Depres.sion, had
switched sides and voted for FDR. The years between 1968 and 1972 were another such
pivotal moment. This time, Democrats were the ones who abandoned their party.
After the 1968 elections, the Democrats fell into disarray. Bent on sweeping away
the party's old guard, reformers took over, adopting new rules that granted women,
African Americans, and young people delegate seats at the convention uin reasonable
relation to their presence in the population:' In the past, an alliance of urban machines,
labor unions, and white ethnic groups - the heart ofthe New Deal coalition - dominated
the presidential nominating process. But at the 1972 convention, few of the party
 CHAPT ER 27 Unovil WM<;· L1b'!ral Cris,s and Cons!'rvat1ve Re b irth, 196 1- 19 72 875

r.iilhful qualified as delegate s under the cha nged rule<1. The

crowning ins ult came when the co nventio n rejected the cre- •
Jcntials of C hicago mayor Richard Daley and hi, delegation,
scaling Instead an Illinois delegatio n led by Jes.,;e Jackson, a fire-
.., IA

4
8
brand young black minister and former aide to Martin Luther 7

King Jr. 0
Capturing the party was one thing; beating the Republicans
was quite an other. These party reforms opened the door for
George McGovern, a liberal South Dakota senator and favorite
of the antiwar and women's movements, to capture the nomi-
nation. But McGovern took a number of missteps, including
failing to mollify key party backers such as the AFL-CIO,
which, for the first time in memory, refused to endorse the
Democratic ticket. A weak campaigner, McGovern was also no
match for Nixon, who pulled out all the stops. Using the advan- Eloc-.i ,..,....... ~"'
tages of incumbency, Nixon gave the economy a well-timed lift ~ v- v.... ,.,,.._v..._
and proclaimed (prematurely) a cease-fire in Vietnam. Nixon's i::::J Richard Nblon 520 C 189,911 807
(~ )
appeal to the "silent majority" - people who ..,are about a
- Geo,g,eMl::GcMNn 17 29.170,393 37.5
strong United States, about patriotism. about moral and spiri- (Democral)

tual values" - was by now well honed. El Jdm Hosp.rs

Nixon won in a landslide, receiving nearly 6 1 percent of the
popular vote and carrying every state except Massachusetts and
the District of Columbia (Map 27.4). The returns revealed how
fractured traditional Democratic voting blocs had become.
McGovern received only 38 percent of the big-city Catholic
vote and lost 42 percent of self-identified Democrats overall.
The 1972 election marked a pivotal moment in the country's
shift to the right. Yet observers legitimately wondered whether
the 1972 election results proved the popularity of conservatism
or merely showed that the country had grown weary of liberal-
ism and the changes it had wrought in national life.
3.574 00
(ubet1atlan)
MAP 27,4 The Presidenti~I Election of 19n
In one of the most lopsided president ial elections of the twentieth
century, Republican Richard Nixon d efeated Democrat Georg e
McGovern in a landslide in 1972. It was a reversal of the 1964 election
Just eight years before. in which Republican Barry Goldwater had bee~
defeated by a similar margin. Nixon hoped t hat his v1etory signaled
what Kevin Ph1Llips called "the em erging Republican ma1onty; but the
president's mI55teps and criminal actions ,n the Watergate scandal
would soon bring an end to his tenure in office.

IN YOUR OWN WORDS What social Issues divided Americans in the orly
1970s, and how did those divisions affect the two major political parties?

SUMMARY
In this chapter, we saw that the combined pressures of the Vietnam War and racial,
gender, and c ultural conflict fractured and split the New Deal coalition. Following John
Kennedy's assassination in 1963, Lyndon Johnson advanced the most ambitious liberal
reform program since the New Deal, securing not only civil rights legislatio n but also
many programs in education, medical care, transportation, enviro nmental protection,
and, above all, his War on Poverty. But the Great Society fell short of its promise as
Johnson escalated American involvement in Vietnam.
The war bitterly divided Americans. Galvanized by the carnage of w,\r an<l the draft,
the antiwar movement spread rapidly among young people, and the spirit of rebellion
spilled beyond the war. The New Left took the lead among college students, while the
more apolitical counterculture preached liberation through sex, drugs, music, anJ per-
sonal transformation. Women's liberationists broke from the New Left and raised new
concerns about society's sexism. Conservative students rnllied in support of the war
and on behalf of conservative principles, but they were ofkn drowned out by the mo re
vocal and demonstrative liberals and radicals.
 876 PART 8 THE MODERN STATE ANO THE AGE OF UI\ERALISM, ,g~s- ,980

ln 1%8, th<.' noti\'" wns ~x·h.J l,,, the nss,,sshll\tlons ,,f Ml\rtin 1.ulhcr King Jr. and
Robc:-rt F. K<'nn'-".iy, 11s wdl as by a wiwe of\lrh:m riots, fudlng n growing populardesirr
for law and '-'"-kr. A,Mil'lg I\) the n atilllrnl \lisquict wns the Democratic National
Conwntk,n that summer, whkh wns diviJc<l by the Vietnam War anJ bcsicgtd by
stt'C('t ri1)ts outskk. l'h<' stngc wns set fur a new cyde of conservative polillcs to takt
hold of the \-Ollntry nnJ a rcsllt"g\'lll'e of the Republican Party under Richard Nixon
bctwC"Cn 1%8 anJ 1972. President Nixon e nded the war in Vietnam, but only after four
more yc-ars and many m,,rc \-aimalties.

CHAPTER 27 REVIEW
tf.1 t: ·~!in NY REVI EW Answ.:r rhese questions to demonstrate your undemanding ofthe chapter's main Ideas.

1. \" n .it explains the surge in liberal politics and social pol-
icy in the early 1960s?
2. What !ed President Johnson to escalate the ·war in
Vietnam, and how did Americans respond?
3. \o\Jhat factors best explain the rising militancy of social
change and protest movements in 1968 and afterward?
4. What social issues divided Americans in the early 1970s,
and how did those divisions affect the two major politi-
cal parties?
5. Look at the events listed under "America in the World•
011
the thematic tirneline on page 747. American global lead.
ership is a major theme of Part 8. How did the global role
of the United States shift in the 1960s?

~ TERMS TO KNOW /dentifyande,cplainthesignlficanceofeachtermbe/aw.

Key Concepts and Events

Great Society (p. 846}
Economic Opportunity Act
(p. 848)
Medicatt and Medicaid
(p. 848)
Equal Pay Act (p. 851)
The Feminine Mystique
(p. 852)
Presidential Commiffion
on the Status of Women
(p. 852)
National Organization for
Women (NOW) (p. 852)
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
(p.854)
Operation Rolling Thunder
(p. 854)
Students for a Democratic
Society (SDS) (p. 855)
Port Huron Statement
(p. 855)
New Left (p. 860)
Young Americans for Title IX (p. 868)
Freedom (YAF) (p. 860} Stonewall Inn
Sharon Statement (p. 860) (p.868)
counterculture (p. 860) silent majority (p. 869)
Tet offensive (p. 862) Vietnamization
(p. 870)
1968 Democratic National
Convention (p. 864) My Lai (p. 871)
Chicano Moratorium detente (p. 871)
Committee (p. 866)
Warren Court
women's liberation (p. 867) (p.872)

Key People
Lyndon B. Johnson (p. 846) Betty Friedan (p. 852) Robert Kennedy (p. 862) George C. Wallace (p. 865)
Barry Goldwater (p. 848) Ngo Dinh Diem (p. 853) Richard M. Nixon (p. 864) Henry Kissinger (p. 871)

Key Academic Terms

vitriolic (p. 844) revile (p. 853) adherent (p. 861) bastion (p. 867)
auspices (p. 844) deferment (p. 860) denigrate (p. 867}