Sikh Formations

Religion, Culture, Theory

ISSN: 1744-8727 (Print) 1744-8735 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsfo20

Reforming Siki and re-devising the panth: The

influence of the Singh Sabha movement on the
Millenial Sikhs in the United Kingdom

Kamalroop Singh

To cite this article: Kamalroop Singh (2018) Reforming Siki and re-devising the panth: The
influence of the Singh Sabha movement on the Millenial Sikhs in the United Kingdom, Sikh
Formations, 14:3-4, 402-423, DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2018.1527594

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2018.1527594

Published online: 04 Dec 2018.

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SIKH FORMATIONS
2018, VOL. 14, NOS. 3–4, 402–423
https://doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2018.1527594

Reforming Siki and re-devising the panth: The influence of the

Singh Sabha movement on the Millenial Sikhs in the United
Kingdom
Kamalroop Singh

ABSTRACT
The Sikh community in the UK consists of various ‘Jathebandia’,
loosely translated as ‘units’ or ‘sects’. All of these groups have
varied histories, practices, and theological beliefs. This paper
examines the influence of the Singh Sabha movement on the
millennial generation in some of the largest Sikh groups in the
UK. Some of the groups claim orthopraxy and orthodoxy, but this
essay argues the majority of these groups are an amalgamation of
different influences that have adapted their practices according to
the Singh Sabha movement and concludes with an analysis of
how these influences play out via Sikh media and the internet.

Introduction
According to the Office of National Statistics, in 2011 the UK was home to 423,000 people
who registered themselves as Sikhs (UK Government 2013). The diaspora is all over the
UK with Sikhs registered with every local authority, but the largest communities are con-
centrated in West and East London, and the Midlands (Ons.gov 2011). It is estimated that
there are around three hundred gurdwaras in the UK. Most Sikhs, whether they are Sahijd-
hari or Amritdhari, usually go to a Singh Sabha Gurdwara in their locality, which is the
most prevalent type of Gurdwara.
The first building for a Gurdwara was purchased in 1908 by Sant Baba Teja Singh of
‘Mastauna’ fame. The Mastauna lineage is generally thought of as being from the Sant
movement and has Nirmala influences. This samprada or traditional sect claims to
have been created by the Tenth Guru, and its sole purpose was to educate people in
Sikh scripture through vedantic interpretations. This Gurdwara is known famously as
the ‘Khalsa Jatha’, and it was affiliated with the Chief Khalsa Diwan, a part of the Singh
Sabha. It was initially funded by Maharaja Bhupinder Singh of Patiala. In 1913, the
Jatha leased a location in Shepherd’s Bush, London, where the Jatha remained for 63
years (see Figure 1). The Gurdwara then changed location, still in Shepherd’s Bush, and
it continues to be well known throughout the Sikh community. By the 1930s quite signifi-
cant communities of Sikhs were found in the UK, although the majority of immigration
occurred some decades later (see Singh and Tatla 2006). According to Grewal, by the
end of the First World War, the Singh Sabha was in all cities in Punjab (1999, 144).
Given the prominence of the Singh Sabha during the early years of Sikh settlement in

CONTACT Kamalroop Singh kamalroop_singh@hotmail.com

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 SIKH FORMATIONS 403

Figure 1. Sikh Sangat of Shepard’s Bush Gurdwara 1937 in London to celebrate the birth of Guru Nanak
Dev. Reproduced with permission of © Greater Manchester Council Record Office.

the UK, we cannot underestimate the influence this movement has had on the current mil-
lennial generation of Sikhs in the UK. This is especially so, given the recent trend to search
for ‘authenticity’. This search has increasingly involved a sophisticated use of historical
and scriptural sources, which is clear from just a glance of topic headings on Sikh
message boards found online such as www.sikhsangat.org, www.sikhawareness.com,
www.tapoban.org, and www.sikhnet.com.
The aim of this paper is to examine the influence of the Singh Sabha movement on the
millennial generation. Even though it is clear that the Singh Sabha was not a specific group
or jathebandi, it can be defined as a movement of reformist ideology. Its influence is still
clearly visible in the present millennial generation of the Sikh community in the UK. Many
in this generation claim ‘orthodoxy’, meaning that they claim their practices are a pristine
transmission from the times of the Gurus. This type of opinion is vocalised by individuals,
small groups, and whole organisations via their full-time preachers, both on the Internet
and offline (e.g. by kathavachaks or preachers in the Gurdwaras). It could be argued that
this type of rhetoric is a method to draw in new members, as, in reality, it is quite a difficult
and lengthy task to prove the authenticity of a tradition, let alone a specific type of praxis,
which is complex, firstly, as there argument arises about the need for traditions against
modernity and so on. Then, to prove ‘authenticity’ would require the collation of the evi-
dence and also putting the necessary theological arguments forward.
As this essay develops we shall see that the Singh Sabha’s paradigm is the dominant
paradigm in the Sikh Panth, and groups that claim to be completely ‘traditional’ are in
actual fact heavily influenced by this ‘modern’ movement. This is not a simple task to
prove, so it must be analysed in a number of different ways. Before we begin this discus-
sion, it is necessary for the first part of this essay to set the historical backdrop, with some
salient points about Sikh theology and worldview. Without the appropriate
404 K. SINGH

contextualisation the nuances will not come to light, as there are points that are often over-
looked in this area. In part two of this essay, I have juxtaposed Singh Sabha practices with
traditional practices in the sampradayas, groups that claim lineage back to the Gurus. I
have tried to identify practices that were done away with by the Singh Sabha; therefore
I have briefly examined Sikh liturgy and the Arati, also found in the original codes of prac-
tice or rahitnamas, as an example of the reforms of the Singh Sabha. In the final part of this
essay, I discuss the activities of the millenial generation in the Jathas in the UK, mainly in
the form of retreats or camps and on the internet, concluding with reference to the pre-
vious discussions.

What is the Singh Sabha?

There is no doubt that the Khalsa’s rise to power in the Punjab was due to the ideal of Degh-
Tegh-Fateh, or ‘the rapid victory of the charity (degh or “cauldron”, symbolizing “food for
all”) and the sword (tegh or “sabre”, symbolizing “ justice for all”)’ (Cunningham 1849, 111).
This war cry is found in two separate compositions in the Dasam Granth Sahib, as well as in
the lesser known Sarbloh Granth Sahib. It also used to be pressed onto Sikh coins and on
British Sikh Regiment badges. In a very short period of time, the Sikhs had established a
Kingdom to the amazement of the onlooking world. This rapid conquest by the Sikhs fas-
cinated the British, who then requested a number of scholars to write accounts (including
the famous Pandit Sharda Ram ‘Phillauri’, Nihang Rattan Singh Bhangu, and Lt. Gen. John
Malcolm). The Khalsa in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was predominantly
a military order. As the Sikhs gained their own principalities they began to in-fight, and for
their own survival, some princes became allied with the British. For example, the Maharaja
of Patiala wined and dined the Ingrezi officials and his empire became a protected state. On
the other hand, the Sarkar Khalsa under Maharaja Ranjit Singh and the Akali Nihang
Singhs (an iteranant military order of the Khalsa institutionalised by the Tenth Guru) main-
tained their independence and were thus both loved and loathed by the British. This ‘love-
hate’ relationship can be seen in British accounts of the period:
They are without any exception the most insolent and worthless race of people under the sun.
They move about constantly armed to the teeth, insulting everybody they meet, particularly
Europeans and it is not an uncommon thing to see them riding about with a drawn sword in
each hand, two more in their belt, a matchlock at their back, and three or four quoits fastened
round their turbans. … . Runjeet Singh did much towards reducing this worthless race of
people to a state of subjection, but he only partially succeeded, and latterly they have
become more intolerant than ever. They, however, fight with desperation, and are always
employed upon the most dangerous service.
(Steinbach 1846, 104–105)

They inspired awe as well as respect, and would sometimes plunder those who had offended
them or had injured the commonwealth. The passions of the Akalis had full play until Ranjit
Singh became supreme, and it cost that able and resolute chief much time and trouble, at
once to suppress them, and to preserve his own reputation with the people.
(Cunningham 1849, 100)

The British identified the Nihang Singhs as key religious and military players. This is
clear in the work of Malcolm published in 1812 on the role they played in the Gurmatta
or meeting of the Khalsa confederation (Malcolm 1812, 120).
 SIKH FORMATIONS 405

With the fall of the Sikh Kingdom in 1849, and the subsequent conversion of Maharaja
Dalip Singh to Christianity, there was a huge vacuum in the Sikh Panth. An armed rebel-
lion against the British was also underway, with notable characters leading it, like the
famous Sant, Bhai Maharaj Singh (see Griffin 1865, 49). An intelligence publication
records a notice at the gate of Darbar Sahib:
These orders are circulated for all people under the government of Lahore … . Thus it
behoves the subjects of the Sirkar Khalsa Jee to strive to join the army of Moolraj to kill
the English wherever they may meet them and stop the dark [sic]..
(Allen’s Indian Mail, Vol. 6, 1848, 742)

This begs the question why the winners, the British, would want to support the indepen-
dent military traditions of the Khalsa, who might possibly rebel again? As we shall see later,
it was Singh Sabha loyalists to the Crown who did away with the worship of weapons at the
seats of polity or Takhts.
Robert Needham Cust, a British colonial administrator and linguist, appointed Earnst
Trumpp to translate Sikh scriptures. He noted that as the Sikhs were unable to establish a
religion, the colonial state could aid Sikhs in being recognised as a religion by developing a
clear and systemised version (1859, 14). His views were a continuation of the views of
Major Leech who thought most Sikhs were denigrating back into Hinduism (Oberoi
1994, 213). Some years later a ‘clock tower’ that looked like a Church was built into the
entrance to the parkarma of Darbar Sahib, where a Priest would give out literature in
Punjabi, although this literature was burnt many times and sadly several Priests were mur-
dered. (Board of Foreign Missions 1862, 20–21). Stanley Bush notes (in an unpublished
PhD thesis): ‘In Punjab the Raj and the church advanced side by side’ (quoted in
Oberoi 1994, 218). Eventually, all Sikh temples came under British rule, and by taking
Amrit or initiation into the Khalsa one had to give their allegiance to the King (Macauliffe
1909, 24–25). The centres of learning at the Darbar sahib called the Bungas disappeared
and much of Sikh heritage was lost, destroyed, and looted, with valuable artefacts still
being sold in European auctions today. In 1873, four Sikh students of Amritsar Mission
School converted to Christianity. In response to this Baba Khem Singh Bedi (1832–
1905), Sardar Thakur Singh Sandhanvalia (1837–1887), Kanvar Bikram Singh (1835–
1887), and Giani Gian Singh of Amritsar, called for a meeting in Amritsar on 30 July
1873. They decided to form an association to curb the conversions to Christianity, and
thus the Sri Guru Singh Sabha or ‘Council of the Guru and Singhs’ was inaugurated in
1873. Bhai Gurmukh Singh was recruited and became a key member of this highly motiv-
ated and educated group (Singh 1988, 95–96; Singh Sabha 1909, 2–4).
The Singh Sabha was formed as an umbrella body of all Sikhs. It was originally quite rebel-
lious and called for the reinstatement of Maharaja Dalip Singh, who was then in the UK. J.S.
Grewal rightly notes that another group in rebellion against the British, the Namdharis, even
though being freedom-fighters, could not be seen as the precursor to the Singh Sabha due to
their belief in a living person as the Guru, whilst the Singh Sabha were clear in their belief in
the primacy of Adi Guru Granth Sahib (1999, 144). After Bhai Gurmukh Singh completed his
education, he inspired some leading Sikhs of Lahore to join the Singh Sabha; and, conse-
quently, the Sri Guru Singh Sabha, Lahore, was set up on 2 November 1879.

However, even though they had common goals, ideological differences soon arose between
the president, Baba Khem Singh, and his trusted chief secretary, Gurmukh Singh. Thus, six
406 K. SINGH

years after its inception, the Singh Sabha split into the Amritsar and Lahore factions. The
division arose as the original group led by Baba Khem Singh was rooted in Indian tra-
ditions or sanatan. A lot of the animosity against the sanatan group was due to idol
worship and the use of cushions to signify a higher status in the sangat or congregation
by Baba Kehn Singh (Oberoi 1994, 382–383). In May 1885, a publication in Urdu titled
Khurshid Khalsa, written by Bava Nihal Singh (1885), widened the schism between the
Amritsar and Lahore Singh Sabha groups. The book contained passages against the gov-
ernment and in favour of Maharaja Dalip Singh who had by that time turned into a rebel.
The Lahore Singh Sabha objected and insisted that the author withdraw the book. In his
role as secretary of this Singh Sabha, Gurmukh Singh issued a letter in October 1885, in
which he cleared them of any connection with the publication. Instead, he passed the
blame on the author, who had the support of the Amritsar division. Unfortunately, this
political allegiance with the British by this group is generally overlooked. Like Sardar
Attar Singh, Bhai Gurmukh Singh was a British loyalist who wrote against the reinstate-
ment of Maharaja Dalip Singh. Pashaura Singh notes three divisions of thought that
emerged within the Singh Sabha: Khem Singh Bedi saw Hindu and Sikh society as one,
Gurmukh Singh had a middle position, and Teja Singh Bhasaur was a radical (2014, 29;
see also Oberoi 1994, 345–377). Baba Khem Singh did not support a total break with
old established social customs and practices. On the other hand, Gurmukh Singh was a
modern reformist, believing Sikhism to be a separate sovereign religion having equality
of all believers without distinction of caste or status such as Sainthoods (Ashok 1977, 7).
In 1881, eight years after the Singh Sabha began, the contrast in practices between Sikhs
in the Punjab and different areas of India was noted by Max Aurthur Macauliffe, who
wrote: ‘at Patna, as at Naderh, the Sikhs pay the strictest attention to the injunctions of
Guru Gobind’ (1881, 164–165). This is significant, as both Patna Sahib and Hazur
Sahib are Sikh Takhts that enthrone the Dasam Granth Sahib next to the Adi Guru
Granth Sahib, and both are areas associated with the life of the Tenth Guru. Both
Takhts also read a full liturgy, unlike the modern version from the Singh Sabha that is
excised, as well as doing the Arati ceremony detailed later in this essay.
The Singh Sabha, Lahore, under the presidentship of Sardar Attar Singh Bhadaur and
with Professor Gurmukh Singh as secretary, became known as the ‘Tat Khalsa’ or ‘True’
Khalsa. Educated in Victorian schools, the leadership later called for editing ‘Hindu’
elements from Sikhism to combat the rising influence of the Arya Samaj, who were claim-
ing Sikhs to be a Hindu sect (Oberoi 1994, 162). In this regard, W. H. McLeod notes that
the Singh Sabha leaders inherited conservative and religious influences from their colonial
masters (2007, 56). Christopher Shackle and Avind-Pal Mandair argue that the Tat Khalsa
saw Sikhism as a ‘religion of the book’, and this led to the displacement of Nirmala and
Udasi literature (2013, xxxvi). As they were ‘guided by rationalistic spirit of western edu-
cation’, there was a preference for the Giani approach rather than the Nirmala interpret-
ations (Shackle and Mandair 2013, xxxvi; W. H. McLeod 1984, 15).
The new president of the Lahore Singh Sabha was Attar Singh (1833–1896) of village
Bhadaur, who was a scholar, part of the protectorate state of Patiala, and a member of
the nobility. He was proficient in Urdu, Persian, Sanskrit, Arabic, Punjabi and English.
He was a member of many prominent societies and received awards for his scholarly
work. The British authorities often consulted him on matters relating to Sikh affairs,
faith, and literature. A strong loyalist in sympathy, he helped the British especially at
 SIKH FORMATIONS 407

the time of the uprising of the Kukas or Namdharis and maintained voluntary surveillance
in keeping the government informed about their activities. For this, in 1888 he was
admitted to Knighthood. Attar Singh was consulted on the question of official permission
to Maharaja Dalip Singh to visit India. He opposed the proposal and his advice was one of
the factors which led to the refusal for the deposed Maharaja to visit the Punjab. In his
memories, we find the motives behind his positions; and in his personal correspondances,
he is more explicit about his loyalties: (1) ‘That the Sikhs have no sympathy for Maharaja
Dalip Singh’; and (2) ‘That the welfare of the Sikhs depends on that of the British Govern-
ment as instructed by our Gurus’ (Attar Singh letter in the private collection of Peter
Bance). Attar Singh then financed the printing of Gurmukh Singh’s various gazettes,
which was the starting point of many of the controversies found today, and for his so-
called hereticism, Gurmukh Singh was excommunicated by the Sri Akal Takht Sahib
and all the others Takhts including Patna Sahib, Hazur Sahib, Keshgarh Sahib on 18
March in 1887 for speaking against the descendents of the Gurus and the Guru Granth
Sahib (Gurmukh Singh 1898, 12).
It seems that Gurmukh Singh was only excommunicated for a short while and read-
mitted as the Lahore faction gained traction. The Lahore faction gained popularity by
its progressive stance and the dedication of Gurmukh Singh who had recruited the help
of two other industrious colleagues, Giani Ditt Singh and Bhai Jawahir Singh Kapur.
However, even after this excommunication, there was still a clear bias by the British Raj
to favour the Lahore faction. Despite disputes and legal cases, both the Singh Sabha
Diwans, had the same overall aims and ran similar programmes. Peace makers insisted
the differences should be set aside between both factions and unification under a
central organisation. This umbrella body for the Singh Sabhas was created and named
the Chief Khalsa Divan in October 1902. The Chief Khalsa Diwan adopted all the previous
aims and programmes of the Singh Sabhas, i.e. the separate identity of the Khalsa Panth,
spreading the Guru’s teachings and modern education, and protecting the political rights
of the Sikhs by maintaining good relations with the government and Sikh rulers. It had the
help of the local Singh Sabhas, most of whom sought affiliation with the new Diwan, and of
great personalities such as Bhai Vir Singh, Bhai Mohan Singh Vaid, Bhai Takht Singh,
Babu Teja Singh, Bhai Kanh Singh, and Bhai Jodh Singh.
In 1907, a smaller Singh Sabha from Bhasaur village in Patiala, led by Babu Teja Singh,
broke away and renamed itself as the Panch Khalsa Divan or the ‘Khalsa Parliament’.
Bhasaur Singh Sabha was of the opinion that those not taking initiation had no place in
the Sikh Panth. Rather than following the pluralistic ideals of the Sikh Panth, Babu Teja
Singh called for the complete exclusion of Hindu and Muslim Sikhs (Singh 1917, 25).
He argued that the Khalsa should only perform Kirtan, not Muslims. Eventually, he
was successful, and this broke the Muslim-Sikh rababī tradition started by the First
Guru and his bard friend Mardana. In a way, he was reacting against the ‘Shuddi’ move-
ment by the Arya Samaj and conversions of Sikhs by Muslims, so in retaliation, he sought
to convert Muslims to Sikhi. The influence of Teja Singh Bhasaur increased as he was a
member of the original committee set up to form the Sikh Rehat Maryada. He followed
the same reformist ideas of Gurmukh Singh, and their influence has had lasting effects
on the Sikh Panth in wanting to omit ‘Hindu’ elements from Sikhism. They made the fol-
lowing reforms:
408 K. SINGH

1. Changed the manglācharans or ‘invocations’ in the Adi Guru Granth Sahib (AG).
2. Removed the Bhagat bān ī from the AG.
3. Removed the Bhat t ān de Svaiye from the AG.
4. Removed the Rāgamālā from the end of the AG.
5. Removed most of verses of Dasam Granth Sahib (DG) to about 75/1428 pages.
6. Modified the Sikh Ardās from Pritham Bhagautī to Pritham Satināmu.
7. Removed the Hikāitān from the Zafarnāmah.
8. Edited some parts of Bhai Gurdas’s works.
9. Removed the final verses of the Chaupaī Sāhib.
10. Called for the creation of a fifth physical Takht at their village Bhasaur.
11. Created a joint version of the edited AG and DG.
12. Changed the Keshkī or ‘under Turban’ into a kakkār.
13. Changed the Vikramī San mat Sikh Calendar. (see Singh 1917, 2–51).

These ‘reformers’ disregarded traditional Sikh religiosity as being irrational. This censor-
ship and its ramifications have not been fully understood by modern Sikh scholars. An
exception is Arvind Pal S. Mandair, who argues that Bhai Vir Singh interpreted Sikh theol-
ogy with dualistic notions (Mandair 2006, 646–673). By the time of the publication of the
Sikh Rehat Maryada in 1945, this censorship was irreversible and the edited bānīs were
considered to be the normative practice and were put into mass print. A lasting impact
of the reforms is the excised evening prayer the Rahirās Sāhib, and more importantly
the Chaupaī Sāhib that is a part of it (Sant Gurbachan Singh Bhinderawale 1996, 188–
190). Surprisingly, a translation based on the excised version of the Chaupaī Sāhib is
recorded in Macauliffe’s work (1909, 328–331), and it is important to note that there is
no earlier edited version in Gurmukhi. Sant Gurbachan Singh, a traditional scholar, nar-
rates that due to a Panch Khalsa Divan member (legacy of Bhasaur Singh Sabha) becoming
a Granthī at Harimandar Sahib, both the Rahirās and Chaupaī Sāhib were read from the
edited liturgy. On the other hand, the lengthy version of the evening prayer is still current
amongst followers of Sikh Sants like the Nanak Nishkam Sewak Jatha, Nanaksar, Namd-
haris, Taksal and the Nihang Singh order of the Khalsa, as well as the two Takhts outside of
Punjab that escaped the reform.
In 1923, writing in response to Babu Teja Singh and this censorship, Nihang Sampuran
Singh begins his work with an argument he infers that the Panch Khalsa Divan (who he
calls Bhasauria Sikhs) have sided with the Colonial rulers by interpreting Sikh scripture
with a ‘Western’ hermeneutic. The work of Sampuran Singh is useful but as his own
work posits itself as the antithesis of Bhasauria, it reads like it is in favour of Sikhs
being a sect of Hinduism. On the other hand, the breakaway movements of the Singh
Sabha, he was ideologically against, had aligned themselves completely too in all areas
of colonial rule, including politics, modern education, and interpretation of religion.
Both views were actually contrary to the traditional middle view of the Tīsarā Panth or
‘Third Path’ (Nihang 1923, 4–9).
Despite some controversies, the Chief Khalsa Diwan was a catalyst to some important
reforms like the Anand Marriage Act of 1909, which gave legal validity to the exclusively
Sikh ceremony of marriage. The Diwan were responsible for the removal of idols from the
compound of Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, in 1905. They prepared a common code of conduct
for the Sikhs laying down in detail the way the Sikhs should perform their religious
 SIKH FORMATIONS 409

ceremonies. This was published in 1914 and titled the Khalsa Dharam Shastar, but this
was later rejected by the same Singh Sabha due to its sanatan contents, and it has
become obscure to most (Sodhi Narain Singh 1914). From 1914, the organisation began
to lose popularity with the Sikh sangat, as its loyalty to the government in order to seek
favours for the community was one of the bases of the strategy of the Diwan. It also
took a soft stance during the Jatt unrest of 1906–1907 and the Rakabganj agitation in
1914; it openly condemned the Ghadar activists (1915–1916); and its over-enthusiasm
for Sikh recruitment led to continual conscription and the resulting deaths during
WWI. Its position that amrit was about King and country made the organisation
hugely unpopular. Even though the Singh Sabha had made religious zeal, it had done
little to liberate Sikh religious places. Sikhs were looking on at the management of Gurd-
waras under the British who employed corrupt priests to do their bidding.
In conclusion, the first Singh Sabha was essentially conservative and it arose because of
a perceived dissolution of the Sikh faith. This was exacerbated and compounded by the
conversions of some Sikhs to Christianity – due to the expansion of English-speaking edu-
cation and Christian missionary camps in the 1880s. This movement rapidly expanded
and Sabhas were being formed all over the Panjab. However, due to ideological divisions,
a second Singh Sabha was founded in Lahore, which was more progressive and radical.
They were of the opinion that Sikhs were falling into the folds of Hindu thought and prac-
tice, the censorship of which eventually formed the essential traits of the Tat Khalsa ortho-
doxy. The traditional Sikhs (Nihang Singhs, Udasis, Nirmalas, Sewapanthis, and the
Namdharis) were for the first time challenged and eventually marginalised, probably
because they did not support the British. It is clear that there were two groups with oppos-
ing views to traditional Sikhism, while the reform movement can be referred to as neo-
Sikhism (McLeod 2007, 56; Mandair 2006, 646–673). The Singh Sabha prospered
mostly in the Punjab which was the home of two Takhts (at that time), but the other
two Takhts outside of the Punjab survived its reform. The Akali Dal (the political wing
of the SGPC) called for Dam Dama Sahib to be made into a Takht in 1976. Traditionalists
like Kapur Singh argue this was so they would have more political power by creating a
Fifth Takht, as they would have three out of five votes. Traditionally the Khalsa was the
Fifth Takht that circumambulates around (chakkarvartī) the four directions represented
by the four Takhts. One of the notable differences is that both Takhts have the Dasam
Granth Sahib ceremonially enthroned with the AG. All the samprādāvān or ‘traditional
institutions’ ceremonially enthrone the Dasam Granth Sahib even in the Punjab. The
Buddha Dal continues this practice to this day. For example, the enthronement at the
Akali Phula Singh Buraj that is about ten minutes from the Harmandir Sahib complex
(Jaggi 1966, 38; 1990, 1–2; Scott 1930, 27). At this time the Gurdwaras were being liberated
from the British administration (see Fenech 2005, 149, 231).
The interpretation of scripture now became instructional rather than devotional. We
find this in the parallel examples in the monumental work of Richard King (1999). We
can clearly see that there are two diametrically opposing worldviews in these opinions
about the aforementioned practice. The traditional world-view is based on oral traditions,
pluralistic, panentheistic, organic, non-dual, philosophical, symbolic, inclusive, personal,
embraces femininity, popular, diverse, reliant on past traditions and is ahistorical in
nature. The Tat Khalsa world-view is textual, dualistic, monotheistic, ideological, imper-
sonal, elite, mechanistic, homogenous, historical, progressive and modern. In the former,
410 K. SINGH

there is an acceptance of the Indian tradition and its value over Western tradition and
colonialism. In the latter, there is a conflation and interaction between Western colonial-
ism and ‘Sanatanism’. The basic tenent of the Tat Khalsa is exclusivity; however, the Tat
Khalsa that posits itself as orthodoxy actually accepts a number of the Sanatan religious
views like the belief that one reaps what one sows, karma, transmigration, the belief in
a Guru-chela relationship. Although it could be argued that its uniqueness lies in its rein-
terpretation of these core Indian ideas. The Tat Khalsa holds the Adi Guru Granth Sahib as
over and above the Dasam Granth Sahib, for the reason that the latter is narrating battles
from Hindu mythology. The Tat Khalsa excludes most non-orthodox Singhs; it believes
that the only true Sikh is a Singh. For them, only an Amritdhari Sikh is the most orthodox
or true Sikh, having taken Khalsa initiation and following the full rahit maryada; then the
Keshdhari Sikh, and finally the Sahajdhari Sikh. These new ideas were based on sola scrip-
tura, which is the Christian theological doctrine which holds that the Christian Scriptures
are the sole infallible rule of faith and practice. Now the only scripture was the Guru
Granth Sahib, all interpretation must come from it, which is problematic, as this excludes
praxis and history. The movement was iconaclastic like Protestantism. This new version
was deemed ‘Ingrezi Sikhi’ by traditionalists, and, now, as neo-Sikhism by some scholars.
In actual fact, the code written by the SGPC was an amalagamation of lots of different
opinions on rahit, and then deciding one common document for all.

One example of change in ritual practice: the ‘Arati-Arata’

We have noted previously that there was editing of liturgy, but the Arati-Arata is an
example of the editing of liturgy and praxis. As discussed previously, Giani Ditt Singh
was a prominent member of the Singh Sabha reform, and he was against ritualism and
managed to stop the traditional ritual of Āratī (lit. remover of darkness): using lamps
and incense to make a devoted supplication before Akal Purakh in Sikh Gurdwaras. It
is no surprise that before becoming a Sikh he was a Gulābdāsī, a sect that is known to
be fiercely against any form of ritualism. He wrote the Gurmat Āratī Prabodh on the
subject and called this practice false and stated he wanted to stop it. He states that the
Āratī would take place with lanterns (joti) at Sri Harmandir Sahib (verse 14), but he cri-
ticises it heavily. He mentions those imposters who wear blue (i.e. Nihang Singhs and the
Nirmale) as sinners for doing this practice (verse 4)., stating, ‘they stand in front of the
Guru with fire, Oh Saints’ (verse 6). He was of the belief there should be no joti or
dhūp either, lantern or incense (verse 14). Giani Ditt Singh was of the belief that this prac-
tice started after the Guru’s reign at Harimandir Sahib (verse 17). However, if standing
with a lantern in front of the Guru is ‘Hindu’, then it must be asked why Sikhs stand
behind the Guru with a whisk (Chaur Sahib) which is seen as a symbol of royalty that
is also used in Hindu idol worship? This question seems disrespectful and that is how
Giani Ditt Singh’s work was seen by traditional Sikhs, as being nastik, or cynical
towards the devotional practices of dharam. Singh even notes this in his work and then
gives lengthy quotations of scripture in his poetry that is a conversation between
‘Khalsa’ and ‘Gobha Singh’. However, he does not quote Sri Dasam Granth Sahib in
which Guru Gobind Singh states: ‘They burn the incense and blow the conch and suppli-
cate, bowing their heads’ (dhūp jagāi kai san kh bajāi kai sīs nivāi kai bain sunāio). Which
obviously contradicts his argument.1
 SIKH FORMATIONS 411

In addition, he does not mention any other Sikh ritual like offering food to the Guru
(parshad), blessing by cutting with the kirpan (bhog), or the whole enthronement of the
Guru and covering, but he targets the lanterns and incense. Giani Ditt Singh was successful
in his campaign and the beautiful lanterns were stopped from being presented as a humble
supplication before Adi Guru Granth Sahib at Sri Darbar Sahib. Similarly, the aforemen-
tioned worship of weapons or Shastra puja, was banned in Punjab with the Singh Sabha
reformers labelling them ‘Hindu’. Nonetheless, these practices are still found at the two
Takhts, Hazur Sahib in Nanded, and Patna Sahib. Surprisingly they are found amongst
the millennial generation among the Buddha Dal, Nirmala, Nanaksar, and Namdhari
Sikhs in the UK. There seems to be a resurgence of old or puratan traditions, and there
seems to be an ever increasing number of these programmes. However, to put the
numbers into context this is but a small fraction compared to those who do the Singh
Sabha version of arti.
One of the previous Jathedars of Hazur Sahib, Jathedar Baba Joginder Singh gave a
response to this reformist Sikhism in Srī Hazurī Marayādā Prabodh (1967, 198), where
he states that in the evening there is the recitation of the āratī, that contains substantial
portions of the Sri Dasam Granth Sahib and Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib. This is performed
standing up, with lamps (dīvā), and was a ritual associated with honouring the ancient
Kings of India, Saints, and elders. He also defended other practices, like the enthronement
of the Dasam Granth Sahib, in his work Srī Hazurī Marayādā Prabodh. In it, he notes a
question raised by a Sikh visiting Takht Hazur Sahib:
Guru Nanak Dev states ‘The universe is the platter, and the sun and moon are the lamps, and
the stars are the pearls’, so why must we need to use a platter and lanterns when God has
already made them in the Universe?

However, if that is the case, then Sikhs should stop using the Chaur Sahib, because in the
following verse the Guru states: ‘The fragrance of sandalwood, and the wind is the fan. All
the vegetation is a flower offering to You. (‘dhūpu malānalo pavanu chavaro kare sagal
banarāi phūlant jotī.’). (Figure 2)
Why the symbols of royalty like the Whisk (Chaur Sahib) when the wind is the Lord’s
fan? Jathedar Baba Joginder Singh’s answer is that as Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib is the
living Guru of the Sikhs and in the ancient times all kings in India were attended by
being fanned by a royal whisk, which clearly showed his status. In the same way, the lan-
terns are to show that the ten Gurus are the light in Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib to this
world, and the lighting is performed out of humility, love and respect (Singh 1967,
198), just like the Chaur Sahib.
Sadly, in the Āratī composition, the Dasam Granth Sahib verses have been excised to
bare minimum. There has been a resurgence of reading the full version in the UK in at
least thirty or so Gurdwaras, where local youth from various different groups have per-
formed it. But again, this is a small fraction. The resurgence and interest is also shown
by the fact that documents are being written by those in the millennial generation who
argue:
Protestants considered rituals to encourage idolatry as worshippers focus on ritual objects
and actions rather than the what they symbolise. Sikhs have their own rituals, but originating
in India surely some are cultural. What makes one ritual element less ‘Hindu’ than the rest?
Palki, Chaundoa all used in Hindu, Buddhist, Jain rituals. (Amritworld.com) (Figure 3)
412 K. SINGH

Figure 2. Pujari performing Arti-Arta at Takht Hazur Sahib. Reproduced with permission of © Greater
Manchester Council Record Office.

Another example of rituals that have been stopped is the aforementioned Shastra puja or
worship of weapons. Traditionally, the weapons would have had incantations or banis
from the Dasam Granth Sahib read in front of them, have been anointed with incense
and fresh blood from jhatka (the slaughter of a goat with one blow), and have had the
chaur sahib whisked over to them. This practice occurred at all the Takht Sahibs, and
again it still does at the two Takht Sahibs outside of the Punjab that survived the

Figure 3. Hindu Puja of the holy Ganges showing the use of the Chaur. Reproduced with permission of
© Greater Manchester Council Record Office.
 SIKH FORMATIONS 413

reform. As noted previously, bani has been excised, but whole compositions by Guru
Gobind Singh relating to dharam yudh from the Dasam Granth Sahib are no longer
recited on Dusshera, Holla Mahalla, etc, at the Takhts in Punjab. The original Khalsa
bana has also changed from a dumalla, or traditional turban to the Punjabi style
turban; and the cummerbund is no longer worn, which is needed to hold a three-foot
kirpan in place, as the size of the kirpan has dramatically been reduced to something
which is blunt, unusable and symbolic. This reduction in size occurred after the ban by
the British of the kirpan. There are many more examples of changes due to reform, and
I hope one day to write a complete analysis of what was edited and modified during
the Singh Sabha Movement and Gurdwara Reform Movement.

UK Sikh groups
It is highly significant that the first Gurdwara in the UK was a Singh Sabha organisation
and that most Gurdwaras pretty much function like this today. It surely set the blue print
and standard for how other Gurdwaras should be set up and run. In many ways it’s the
perfect type of Sikhism for Western countries, but in other ways, it has the danger of
becoming volatile and fundamentalist if things do not fall into line with its ideology.
My basic question here is whether there is an influence of the Singh Sabha movement
on the Sikh naujawan or the millennial generation in the UK? From a brief glance, is it
reasonable to say that some of these naujawans are searching for answers and authen-
ticity? It is surprising how many good sources are found on the debate forums used by
them. The debates between groups is not always meaningless, as there is a need to legit-
ismise their maryada or practices, which also helps to recruit new members. I am mindful
of my approach and have taken into consideration methodological issues like the insider-
outsider issue, which is discussed by Knott (2005). This is one of the reasons I have focused
only on history and practices in this paper.
One of the most interesting and active groups in the UK is the Guru Nanak Nishkam
Sewak Jatha (GNNSJ). This group is concerned with acts of philanthropy, building Gurd-
waras, serving langar, and living a pure life based on sewa and simran. They are famous for
the gold restoration of the plates at Sri Darbar Sahib and Hazur Sahib. In the Gurdwara a
special incense or samagari is regularly burned. This movement was started by Sant Baba
Puran Singh who was originally from Kericho, Kenya. He selected Baba Narang Singh as
his successor, who in turn selected Bhai Mohinder Singh. The leaders are highly venerated
with the Sangat meeting them and giving them a very high level of respect. Interestingly,
this group has not accepted the influence of the Singh Sabha, even though its first Jathedar
was the Akali Dal politician Giani Amolak Singh, who was also a key member of the
Akhand Kirtani Jatha (AKJ). Baba Puran Singh was famed for his melodious kirtan and
he taught the same in India and Africa. He was related to Bhai Randhir Singh the
founder of the AKJ, who fought for the freedom of India against the British and was a
famous Sikh mystic. The Nishkam style of kirtan also incorporates the Sufi style of Vahi-
guru simran that the AKJ are renowned for. The arati is also performed sitting down, but
their liturgy of Gurbani is not excised. They stress the importance of taking Amrit to gain
naam, but this is in conjunction with the blessings of Guru Granth Sahib and the Sant.
The group is very active and has a number of Gurdware internationally and in the UK
(including in Hounslow, Handsworth, and Leeds), a conference centre, a number of
414 K. SINGH

schools, and a TV Channel. Therefore, they have a large positive influence over Sikhs in
the UK. One major difference with their Gurdwara is that it does not function via votes or
committees. Like other Sant movements, they advocate vegetarianism for spiritual pro-
gression. One interesting feature is that, like Nanaksar, they do not have a Nishan
Sahib visible outside or allow dhadhi varan. Their millennial group is large and exerts
much influence in many areas and organises weekly programmes. The group is proactive
and stays out of controversies and politics. They arrange retreats, programmes with the
government, as well as extensive interfaith work. In the UK they are the most organised,
networked and professional body of Sikhs. The Sant movement is connected to the
Nirmala samprada, who also do the Arti standing up, but it seems this is one influence
that the Singh Sabha had over these groups, but on the other hand, they have all
managed to keep an unexcised liturgy. (Figure 4).
The Nanaksar movement has many Gurdwaras in the UK, so many that it is difficult to
list them all. They are found in Southall, Handsworth, Wolverhampton, Coventry and
many other places. This group purports to have the same traditions as Hazur Sahib,
where the great saint Baba Nand Singh went to do penance and learn the traditions.
Their forte is the veneration of the Adi Guru Granth Sahib as the living Guru. They are
known for their all-night Kirtan to simple tunes or dharana on the puranmashi or full
moon, and they have many accomplished musicians who play and teach classical ragas.
They do not follow the committee system or recite the excised liturgy of prayers. Again
they do the arati sitting down, which is obviously an influence of the Singh Sabha in
Punjab, as this is not the case for Hazur Sahib. However, they light a joti and place it
near the Guru Granth Sahib, play the conch or shank, and offer flowers to the Guru
like confetti. They have little media influence, and they stress the need of the naam.
They advocate vegetarianism for spiritual progression. At Gurudwara Baba Sang, there

Figure 4. Guru Nanak Nishkam Sewak Jatha Website. Reproduced with permission of © Greater Man-
chester Council Record Office.
 SIKH FORMATIONS 415

is an annual event where the Dasam Granth Sahib is ceremonially read as an Akhand Path,
which concludes with a standing arati. Generally, a Nanaksar Gurdwara does not have a
Nishan Sahib outside or allow dhadhi varan. The millennial generation are highly involved
in this group arranging retreats, lectures, and programmes on a regular basis. They are also
active in Canada and America. They sometimes run retreats where kirtan and meditation
are taught. Some are now including organic langar from their own farmed land.
The Dam Dami Taksal became famous due to the battle at Darbar Sahib complex
between their leader Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and the Armed Forces of India,
acting on order of Indira Gandhi. The Taksal was actually a seminary versed in scripture,
and their forte is their well pronounced and nuanced understanding of Gurbani. They
make up much of the Sikh Secretariat and the former International Sikh Youth Federation
(ISYF) who are now proscribed. They have a number of Gurdwaras in Smethick and
Walsall. They advocate vegetarianism for spiritual progression, but acknowledge jhatka.
They stress the need of the naam and reading Gurbani. They practice some gatka, and
they have been historically close to the SGPC. They have an influence on the Sikh
Channel, Akal Channel, and Sangat TV. They are firm believers in an independent Sikh
country called Khalistan. They have both the Adi Sri Guru Granth Sahib and Dasam
Granth Sahib ceremonially enthroned on special events, and they sometimes perform
the standing version of the Arati with the conch. They run www.sikh2inspire.org, a
group that organises preaching events for the youth or naujawan, which runs camps or
retreats and is active in Canada and the United States. The Taksal pretty much run the
camp by the British Organisation of Sikh Students or B.O.S.S (sikhicamp.org). They
have an unexcised liturgy of prayer and are very traditional (for further information
about Sikh Ccmps, see Singh 2011). (Figures 5 and 6).
The Nihang Singhs have no Gurdwara, as generally, their onus is on Martial Arts, and
historically they are antagonistic to some strains of Singh Sabha thought, although in India

Figure 5. Flowers offered to the Adi Guru Granth Sahib after the Arti. Reproduced with permission of ©
Greater Manchester Council Record Office.
416 K. SINGH

Figure 6. Eye-catching posters found on and offline to promote Sikh camps. Reproduced with per-
mission of © Greater Manchester Council Record Office.

some Dals like Harian Vela, Biddhi Channd Dal and Buddha Dal under Balbir Singh, are
close to the SGPC. In the UK, they have very little influence on Sikh media, but have relied
on the wider media, like the BBC. There is also the sanatan influence of Nidar Singh
Nihang who is heavily anti-SGPC and Singh Sabha. The Nihang Singhs in the UK read
traditional unexcised literature and perform practices they take to be from tradition like
jhatka (ritual slaughter), degh (cannabis drink), shastra puja (worship of weapons),
reading and doing kirtan from Dasam and Sarbloh bani, and going hunting and shooting.
The millennial Nihang Singhs have been accused on internet forums of being aligned with
the RSS, but there is no evidence of this. In general, there seems to be an endless ultilisation
of scandals and finger pointing from every Sikh group where these incidents are used pol-
itically. For some, the pluralist view of the Nihang Singhs is a positive liberation from rigid
forms of Sikhism; for others, it is an eyesore that should have no place in Sikhism. The
Nihang Singhs have grown to around four to five hundred individuals in the UK and
also seem to be expanding globally. They recently organised a programme at Singh
Sabha, Goodmayes, where the Gurdwara was completely full. This resulted in scathing
 SIKH FORMATIONS 417

attack accusing them of being Hindu due to the Arti-Arta by news channels run by the
AKJ like www.sikh24.com (Sikh24.com 2017). The Nihang Singh has run camps all
over Europe and the UK, and their numbers are growing in the USA and Canada, with
practices like the Arti-Arta regularly taking place (Figures 7–10).
The Akhand Kirtani Jatha (AKJ) are descended from the Bhasauria mindset and claim
orthodoxy and orthopraxy through the teachings of Bhai Randhir Singh. Their focus is on
all-night kirtan called a rainsabai and constant simran of Vahiguru on the breaths. They
consider their amrit to be the one that is authentic and thus capable of imparting constant
naam. They advocate strict vegetarianism, and jhatka is considered a sin in any situation.
They have a heavy presence and influence via lobbying and internet sites on Sikh Channel,
Akal TV, and Sangat TV. Very strict members will not even eat langar from a Singh Sabha
Gurdwara as it is not ‘bibek’, which means spiritually clean. They are keen practitioners of
Gatka (martial art) and are very proficient in kirtan. They are extrememly Punjab-centric
and nationalist, demanding Khalistan. They have a number of influential websites and
forums like AKJ.org and Tapoban.com. Their political wing was the Babbar Khalsa

Figure 7. A poster for a Nihang Singh program at Singh Sabha, East London and a Nihang Singh Camp.
Reproduced with permission of © Greater Manchester Council Record Office.
418 K. SINGH

Figure 8. Advertisement for Budhadal UK Nihang Camp. Reproduced with permission of © Greater
Manchester Council Record Office.

Figure 9. Arti-Arta in BC, Canada. Reproduced with permission of © Greater Manchester Council Record
Office.

Figure 10. Arti Arta – For Holla Mahalla, with Buddha Dal (UK). Reproduced with permission of ©
Greater Manchester Council Record Office.
 SIKH FORMATIONS 419

International, which is now proscribed. They run the Khalsa Camp (www.khalsacamp.co.
uk/) which preaches a strict form of Singh Sabha Sikhism. Their members are highly active
all over the UK and employ the media to achieve their ends. The AKJ control Cross Roads
Gurdwara, Coventry and Singh Sabha Gurdwara, Derby. They are undecided about the
status of the Dasam Granth Sahib and believe that the Arti-Arta ritual is Hindu.
Some of the first Gurdwaras in the UK were founded by the Bhatra Sikh community.
Many members of this community practice jhatka and keep Dasam Granth Sahib.
Although they have now adopted the Singh Sabha committee system, their ideas are
very much different from most Gurdwaras – for instance, they serve meat in langar. Cur-
rently increasing numbers of their members are heavily influenced by the Singh Sabha.
The Ravidasi Gurdwaras are vegetarian and employ the committee system, they some-
times have a separate pothi with Bhagat Ravidas’s shabad parkash. The Nishan Sahib of
the Khalsa is usually orange, and sometimes blue amongst Nihang Singhs. However,
the Ravidasi Gurdwaras have a red coloured Nishan Sahib with Hari written on them
in Gurmukhi. This separate identity is clearly from the caste discrimination against this
group. The millennial generation from both groups employ the internet, have publi-
cations, and are highly active. It is important to note that both groups were outside of
the Singh Sabha, and both ocassionally perform Arti-Arta.
Another large group who migrated from East Africa are the Ramgarhia Sikhs who are
usually professionals or skilled. Even though they generally follow the Singh Sabha com-
mittee system, they are also influenced by Sants (see Singh and Tatla 2006, 90). The Namd-
haris who are also usually Ramgarhia are heavily into Rag Kirtan and have many expert
performers. They are strict vegetarians, follow a living Guru, wear white clothes, practice a
high level of physical purity (e.g. by using well water). They also keep the enthronement of
the Dasam Granth Sahib. Interestingly, they never were part of the Singh Sabha, as they do
not take Adi Granth as the Guru and have a living person as their Guru, so there is resist-
ance to them in the mainstream Sikh community. Their millennial generation has annual
programmes and camps (see Singh and Barrier 2004, 255–273). Interestingly they have
exactly the same Arti-Arta as Hazur Sahib and Patna Sahib.
I have tried to give a synopsis of the discussion of groups in this and the other sections
in a flow chart in Appendix, which is found at the end of this article.

Conclusion
After its annexation in 1849, the Punjab became the most important province of the
British Raj, both economically and militarily. In a short time after the British established
an educational system, a new intellectual Punjabi elite was born. These reformers then
modified and redefined traditions due to Western reasoning and Christianity. This
involved excising from the tradition anything that was seen to overlap with its anathema,
‘Hinduism’. The Singh Sabha discussions were based on rational knowledge and practices
that were seen as being key for gaining authority and status. The Singh Sabha succeeded in
becoming an umbrella body for all Sikhs (which is, unfortunately, a gender-specific title
and demonstrates the hyper-masculinity and male dominance of this movement). The
earlier Khalsa Dharam Shastra was rejected and an even more Anglicised Sikh Rehit
Maryada was drawn up, but never officially published by Panthic consent. This new
maryada made its way to the Singh Sabha Gurdwaras of the UK. This included the
420 K. SINGH

excised liturgy, modified rituals and excising the ritual of Arati, new bana, worldview,
theology, and so on. If we take the example of the Arati, then most millennial groups
in the UK have been influenced by the Singh Sabha; while some have done the opposite
and reacted antagonistically to this and thus become Sanatan, instead of following what
is seen to be the ‘middle path’. Nowadays, emerging millennial groups are amalgamating
identities to draw in more members to increase their influence and power. All groups
influenced by the Singh Sabha employ the internet to gain new recruits and act as censors.
We can now sum up some points as follows: (1) The Singh Sabha succeeded in creating
a neutral place where many different groups could come together, an umbrella body, but
failed to an extent because by editing liturgy sampradays had to make their own temples to
continue their traditions and rituals. (2) The same ideas are prevalent today in the youth,
and can be traced back to the movement itself. (3) Traditional sikh rituals like Arti are
having a renaissance. (4) The commitee system is a major source of conflict that has
turned away many youth from taking a role in the Gurdwara. (5) The two biggest
camps are diametrically opposed as one is reformist and the other is traditional but are
united in their nationalistic goals. We can clearly that see the thought process and
praxis of the three separate Singh Sabha groups of the past are actually represented in
the millennial generations. A limitation of my approach has been to look at what religious
Sikhs, primarily amritdharis, are doing; however it would be interesting to get the sahijd-
hari perspective to see how they are active in the Sikh community and how they see these
rituals, as well as to try to figure out the amount and type of information they are accessing
about such issues.
This paper is just a beginning, where I have attempted to connect the dots of the past
with the present. We can clearly draw a correlation, but more work could show the degree
of impact of the Singh Sabha on the naujawan of today. From this preliminary work, it
seems that even the Sant movement born out of the Nirmale, who were a part of the
Singh Sabha, have also been impacted by the reforms to various degrees. One thing
they have kept intact is unedited liturgy, which separates them from the Singh Sabha.
This, in turn, brings the whole idea of the Singh Sabha into peril. Yes, it was an umbrella
body to unite the Sangat, but did it actually do good? In actual fact it marginalised groups
who wanted to keep their liturgy intact; therefore, they made their own Gurdwaras. In my
research presented here, I have shown that at least three key members of the Sabha men-
tioned here were, in fact, British loyalists. From my examination of the evidence at hand, it
seems pretty clear to me that other interests were at hand – for example, to prevent Mahar-
aja Dalip Singh from returning to Punjab and declaring his rights, but more importantly, it
was to disarm Sikhs. It may be asked what the Arti-Arta has to do with this. The point is
that the sections of Dasam Granth Sahib bani in it from the unexcised version eulogise the
Divine Sword. Why would the British want Sikhs to read this every evening? It cannot be a
coincidence that the same British loyalist Bhai Gurmukh Singh was also against the
worship of weapons, which the Arti-Arta is also for. It was his associate and colleague
Giani Ditt Singh who helped do away with this ritual in the Punjab. If the Singh Sabha
wanted unity, how does it make any logical sense to excise liturgy? Surely it is better to
read it all so everyone can sit together, than even if people do not believe in the longer
version, their prayer is still completed, while those who follow the full liturgy do not
get that! Therefore, this editing by the Singh Sabha was highly schismatic and designed
to divide the Sikh Panth, which we can clearly see being played out now in the millennial
 SIKH FORMATIONS 421

generation or naujawan. Furthermore, many groups like the AKJ and others are an amal-
gamation of old maryada like bibek and new ones like excised litugy. Due to all these
issues, it has created a need for authencity and historical proof, which explains the high
level of activity on forums. This has led to many to try and find versions of Sikhi that
are older than colonialism or the Singh Sabha.

Note
1. See my complete discussion of Arti-Arata here: https://www.scribd.com/doc/183005595/
Arati-Arata-by-Dr-Kamalroop-Singh-Akali-Nihang-pdf

Acknowledgements
Haminder Singh Mann – Toronto; Barinderpal Singh – Toronto; Paramvir Singh – Punjabi Uni-
versity, Patiala; Satnam Singh – Denmark; Ragi Harminder Singh – London.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

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Appendix

Flow diagram showing the connections to the Singh Sabha