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INSTITUTE
a
IMPORTANT ARTICLES
FOR ESSAY AND CURRENT
AFFAIRS
Nov to 30th Nov
CONTENTS:
US & South Asia
Climate adaptation
US-China thaw?
Geoeconomic pivot
Foreign trade debate
Palestine conflict
Crisis of humanity
Make companies pay for climate change
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PAKISTAN’S strategic ties with
China are the keystone of its
foreign policy. But it also wants
friendly ties with Washington
and has been concerned that the
US-China rivalry could restrict its
relationship with either country.
The encouraging outcome of the Bidenxi
meeting on the sidelines of the recent APEC
summit in San Francisco may ease some of
Pakistan's concerns. Washington appears focused
on containing China's military and technological
ascent more than its economic rise, which is
beneficial to the US and the global economy, and
may be open to healthy economic competition
with Beijing.
Geopolitics, too, is opening to a wider contest. As
the US and China compete to reorder the world
according to their respective visions, many
countries are aligning with both to maximise their
global engagement and optimise their interests,
so as to be comfortable with any future
international order. BRICS is just one example of
this ‘multi-vector foreign policy.
But Pakistan lacks the strategy and capacity to
benefit from the opportunities. Its ties with China
and the US evoke conflicting public emotions: a
romanticised image of ties with China versus an
adverse view of the US.
US & SOUTH ASIA
Yet officials are conscious of the risk of Pakistan
becoming overly dependent on China, and feel
the country must have a working relationship with
the US, its leading export destination, a major
foreign investor, a lifeline to its IMF-dependent
economy, and a key stakeholder in South Asian
stability,
Rivalries and geopolitics have become more complex.
But public reservations against the US remain. tis
true the benefits of ties with the US have come at
a heavy cost. By supporting the elitist-led,
security-dominated, ideologically rooted, and
externally dependent outlook on the country, the
Us hindered Pakistan's political process.
Its wars fomented instability and extremism in
Pakistan. But the public must understand that
Pakistan's leadership that partnered with
Washington was equally invested in US policies
and should share the blame.
There are other misperceptions. For decades,
Pakistan's leaders, strategic community and
public believed in the centrality of Pakistan-US ties
to US policies in South Asia, largely because of the
high-profile aid relationship. They are now
disappointed the US has abandoned an ally and
‘switched’ to india.
In fact, substantial US aid was not equivalent to a
substantive relationship.c2
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policy. But it found Pakistan's services valuable in
meeting specific and sporadic geopolitical and
security challenges from time to time. That is why
it found no contradiction between relations with
Pakistan and its support to non-aligned India
following the 1962 Sino-India war.
It was not until the rise of China, the onset of
globalisation, the advent of _ information
technology, and emergence of _ religious
extremism that America started seeing certain
lasting strategic, economic, and security interests
in South Asia, Through its relationship with India,
it hoped to contain Chinese influence in the
region and beyond, and sought Pakistan's
cooperation in meeting security threats.
Since then, Great Power rivalry, geopolitics, and
regional politics have become more complex, with
the assault on globalisation by trade wars, Covid-
19, supply chain issues, and national security
concerns. After a failed attempt by the US to de-
globalise, efforts at re-globalisation, as qualified
by geopolitics, are now afoot.
They are marked on the one hand by China's
expanding economic footprint, which has spurred
the US to enhance its global economic influence,
and on the other, by the attempts of rising middle
powers to create a multipolar world across
‘geopolitical barriers.
This has blurred the distinction between geo-
economics and geopolitics. And rising India finds
itself at a crossroads. Its geostrategic position on
the Indian Ocean and border dispute with China
make it America's natural geopolitical partner,
while its technological and economic potential
make it an attractive partner in geo-economics.
The US wants to accelerate Al development and
feels India can help meet its shortage of
“scientists, technologists and engineers’.
America's ties with India and Pakistan are thus not
comparable. Pakistan has not lost its value for
Washington but its ties of the past won't be its
future. The country will have to reinvent its
relevance to America's South Asia policy by
focusing on its economy and shared security
interests. Geopolitics though relevant will not
drive the relationship.
Bottom line: Ties with the US are not perfect but
are still necessary. Ties with China are
indispensable but not sufficient for Pakistan's
needs.
The writer, a former ambassador, is adjunct
professor Georgetown University and Visiting
Senior Research Fellow, National University of
Singapore.
Published in Dawn, November 30th, 2023is)
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SOCIETIES across the globe face the hardest
and most long-lasting challenge to human
progress in terms of climate change. Many
regions are already feeling the severe impact
of climate change. The developing countries,
with their limited preparedness to respond to
natural disasters triggered by climate change,
are especially vulnerable. Thus, reducing the
risk of climate catastrophes and developing
the resilience of vulnerable communities has
become an increasingly urgent task.
However, tackling the impact of climate change in
fragile settings requires transformative, and not
incremental, action. This is practically impossible
without having adequate resources and the
technical expertise required to make
infrastructure and livelihood resilient to climate
change.
Yet, there is a substantial shortfall of resources,
resulting in an adaptation gap, which is the
difference between the climate adaptation needs
of a society in terms of resources and what has
been done to make social and economic systems
resilient to climate change.
Recently, the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) released its flagship report on
the adaptation gap. The report claims that the
adaptation finance gap is between $194 billion
CLIMATE ADAPTATION
and $366bn per year, which is at least 10 times
less than adaptation finance needs. As per the
report, over time this gap has widened further,
and conservative estimates show that it is about
50 per cent higher than the previous estimates.
Adding insult to injury (owing to the reluctance of
the developed country parties), the limited
progress on establishing the Loss and Damage
Funds also disheartening.
The adaptation gap is more severe in developing
countries.
The UNEP report elucidated that the current
trajectory of temperature increase is putting us
on a dangerous path of an expected two-degree
Celsius increase in temperature by the end of the
century. This means that even achieving the
ambitious mitigation targets would not prevent
unfavourable outcomes, hence adapting to a
changing climate is a matter of survival. However,
as climate change is becoming more frequent,
intense, and abrupt, and the risks of irreversible
damage are rising, climate finance flows have
contracted. Thus, the need to taper the
adaptation finance gap and speed up global
efforts for climate adaptation has never been
more crucial.
The adaptation gap is more severe and
pronounced in developing countries, such asc2
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Pakistan, due to their lack of capacity and
preparation to mobilise climate finance. This is
also because climate finance is an
underdeveloped subject, while the share of
resources allocated for climate adaptation is often
very small. Furthermore, adaptation planning and
implementation are missing at the local level
where the vulnerable communities are located,
resulting in their greater exposure to natural
disasters driven by climate change.
In the current state of affairs, Pakistan must focus
on three things: developing technical and
institutional capacity to seek adaptation finance;
mobilising resources to invest in climate
adaptation from international, domestic and
private sources of finance; and reforming
domestic financial institutions to eliminate
hostility, and adopt modern practices which
encourage financial flows and pave the way to
financial inclusion, including adaptation finance
investment flows. Adopting novel approaches to
seek climate finance and investing in the
resilience of developing communities are not only
beneficial from the business point of view but
they also have the potential to reduce climate
risks and improve equity and social justice.
Planners in Pakistan must understand that
climate-induced shocks and stresses will
threaten fiscal stability, resulting in undermining
the developing progress and worsening the
prevailing economic downturn. Governments
across the world have already recognised this and
are in the process of setting aside the budget for
investment in climate adaptation. Research
indicates that just a small fraction of the total
wealth can develop climate resilience, saving
millions of lives and trillions worth of damage to
assets.
Setting aside a climate budget is thus inevitable,
except that post-disaster payouts and the
rehabilitation of affected populations would be in
addition to the cost of the damage and losses to
infrastructure and livelihood. Hence, investment
in making social and economic systems more
resilient would not only help guard the population
against the impact of climate catastrophes but
would also cushion the dividends of economic
growth which are otherwise exposed to climate
risk.
The writer has a PhD degree in economics from
Durham University UK and works as the director
of research programmes for the Social Protection
Resource Centre Islamabad.
Published in Dawn, November 27th, 2023i
OVERSHADOWED by Israel's war on Gaza, the
meeting earlier this _month between
Presidents Joe Biden and Xi Jinping didn't
receive as much media attention as China-US
summits usually do. But it yielded a welcome
thaw in their long frosty relations.
Their meeting on the sidelines of the Asia Pacific
Economic (APEC) forum in San Francisco was their
first face-to-face interaction in over a year, and
ranged over bilateral and global issues and alll the
contentious areas that divide them. Both sides
saw the summit as an opportunity to stabilise ties,
which in recent years have sunk to an all-time low,
‘The meeting was preceded by a series of visits to
Beijing by top American officials, including US
Secretary of State Antony Blinken, CIA chief Bill
Burns and National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi also visited
Washington in October. These multiple diplomatic
engagements helped to bring down the
temperature and also create a helpful
environment for the California summit.
No big breakthrough was anticipated at the
summit. And there wasn't one. However,
agreement on several fronts marked a step
towards easing tensions, holding out the
possibility of building on the modest progress
pao US-CHINA THAW?
achieved for a more predictable and stable
relationship.
Improvement in the tone of the relationship was
significant, with positive vibes from both sides. Xi
told Biden that the “planet was big enough’ for
both the global powers. Biden spoke of the need
to responsibly manage the competition “so it
doesr't result in conflict’,
He also said that “a stable relationship between
the world's two largest economies is not merely
good for the two economies but for the world’.
In his solo press conference, Biden later repeated
a remark he made earlier this year that he saw Xi
as a “dictator”, This provoked an angry response
from Beijing but did not detract from the
diplomatic advance made at the summit. The
Chinese media described the meeting as “a new
starting point’ for bilateral relations.
China's foreign ministry spokeswoman called the
summit “a positive, comprehensive and
constructive meeting of strategic and far-reaching
significance”.
The three areas where the two sides were able to
reach agreement were: to restore high-level
military-to-military communication, establish a
presidential hotline, and cooperate to restrict the
production of fentanyl, a precursor chemical
responsible for drug overdoses in the US.sp
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Re-establishing military relations, suspended by
Beijing since 2022, was, of course, the most
significant. This means the resumption of China-
US Defence Policy Coordination Talks, China-US
Military Maritime Consultative + Agreement
meetings, and telephonic contact between
theatre commanders.
If implemented without hurdles, this should help
to reduce the risk of miscalculation, especially
given the fraught situation in the South China Sea,
where both sides have air and naval deployments.
The future trajectory of this critical relationship has
{far-reaching repercussions for the world.
The agreement on counter-narcotics involved
China's commitment to check the production of
fentanyl precursors to prevent their ending up
with drug cartels and contributing to America’s
drug problem.
Biden is reported to have conveyed his
appreciation for Xi's commitment, while also
saying he would “trust but verify’ Chinese actions
in this regard. The creation of a counter-narcotics
working group is expected to coordinate these
efforts.
Cooperation in these areas and the mutual desire
to strengthen communication channels may help
to halt the slide in China-US relations. But while
the talks were said to be wide-ranging and also
covered the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, the
summit didn't see differences between the two
global powers narrowing over the major issues
and disputes that drive tensions in their strategic
competition — Taiwan, trade, technology curbs
and military postures. Indeed, both sides used the
summit to again spell out their positions and red
lines on Taiwan.
Xi told Biden to cease arming Taiwan and
reiterate that reunification was inevitable. The
Chinese foreign ministry readout later said Beijing
expected the US side to now “follow through on
its statement of not supporting Taiwan
independence and support Chinas peaceful
reunification".
Biden called for restraint by China on Taiwan
while reiterating US support for its ‘One China’
policy. Western analysts noted that Biden seemed
to step back from his tough rhetoric of a year ago,
when he repeatedly referred to China's coercive
posture on Taiwan, and in a departure from
previous US policy, even said American forces
would intervene militarily to defend Taiwan in the
event of a Chinese invasion.
Taiwan, however, continues to be a dangeroussp
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flashpoint in the China-US confrontation. This was.
laid bare earlier this year when there was a near
collision in June between a Chinese warship and a
United States Navy guided-missile destroyer.
This underscored what the _ international
‘community has long feared — an inadvertent drift
into a conflict that neither side wants but may be
unable to avert in a region bristling with
heightened military activity. Thus, the renewal of
high-level military contacts acquires importance in
enabling the two countries to reduce the risk of a
full-blown crisis or conflict.
US-China competition has also intensified in the
area of technology. Washington is engaged in a
battle to maintain supremacy with an intense
‘chip war’ underway.
A year ago, it imposed sweeping measures to bar
American companies and allied countries from
exporting chips and advanced chip equipment to
China to cripple its semiconductor industry, which
manufactures chips and circuits for modern
electronics ranging from supercomputers and
smartphones to automobiles.
Despite the fact that these sanctions proved to be
counterproductive, last month the US tightened
restrictions on exports of advanced computer
chips to retard China's efforts to develop artificial
intelligence.
The US justified the new curbs as aimed at limiting
China's use of these for military purposes. Bejing
slammed them as a violation of “the principles of
fair competition” and designed to thwart its
technological progress.
Given unresolved differences on these and other
contentious issues in their strategic rivalry, the
San Francisco summit represents a tentative
melting of the ice between the two superpowers,
but little more for now.
It suggests that in the months ahead, the focus of
the relationship will be on crisis management.
Nevertheless, the effort at de-escalation comes as
a relief for the international community
increasingly concerned about a confrontation that
has far-reaching repercussions for the global
economy and world stability.
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK
and UN.
Published in Dawn, Novernber 27th, 2023@
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a GEOECONOMIC PIVOT
FOR nearly two years, the
subject of geoeconomics has
been discussed in Pakistan's
academic and official echelons.
In an article published in this
paper in December 2021, this
writer had discussed the prospects of
geoeconomics benefiting Pakistan by
leveraging our economic geography to address
geostrategic challenges — it being understood
that geoeconomics is not a replacement for
geopolitics and that both must work in
tandem.
However, it is important to recognise that
Pakistan's pivot to geoeconomics is different from
the way the term evolved in the Cold War context.
US strategists proposed to use geoeconomics to
gain geopolitical advantage against adversaries.
An elaborate menu of economic instruments was
developed: promoting or blocking investments,
market access, or infrastructure projects and
imposing economic sanctions, tariff wars, and
technology wars. This represented a skewed
dimension of geoeconomics suiting only stronger
economies, while working against. vulnerable
ones. This is not the geoeconomic pivot to which
Pakistan aspires. For Pakistan, the pivot to
geoeconomics would mean benefiting from our
unique economic geography.
Pakistan is at the confluence of three major
theatres of global contestation. First is the Indo-
Pacific region, which extends from Japan through
the Pacific and Indian Oceans and ends up in
India to our east. The region is at the heart of the
ongoing US-China competition, Pakistan, as a
neighbour of both India and China, cannot shy
away from the challenges emanating from this
region.
Second is the Middle East, which extends from
North Africa across the Arab heartland and ends
in Iran to our southwest. Momentous winds of
change are sweeping across this vast region. We
can witness these in the — Iran-Saudi
rapprochement brokered by China, waning US
influence in the region, and the Israel-Hamas
conflict, which has disrupted the Arab-Israel
normalisation process. As a neighbour of Iran,
and located in the vicinity of the Gulf countries,
including Saudi Arabia, which itself is undergoing
a socioeconomic transformation of historic
proportions, Pakistan cannot stay aloof from
these developments.
A fresh approach to connectivity can open up a new
world.sp
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Third is the Central Asian region, which is
connected to both Russia and China, and
straddles the energy and mineral-rich lands down
to Afghanistan, Pakistan's northwestern
neighbour. Russia sees this region as its backyard,
while China and Turkey are both seeking to
extend their influence. Here, too, the US seems to
be losing ground. Any changes across Central
Asia, particularly in Afghanistan, are bound to be
of direct concern to Pakistan.
While this economic geography is throwing up
geostrategic challenges as major power
competition intensifies in all the three regions,
there will also be opportunities which Pakistan
can avail only if it plays its geoeconomic hand in
tandem with pursuing its geopolitical goals, while
understanding its limitations, These challenges
and opportunities have been discussed at length
ina recent booklet, Pakistan's Geoeconomic Pivot,
authored by Moeed Yusuf and Rabia Akhtar,
which was discussed at a recent conference in
Islamabad.
When the concept of geoeconomics was
introduced in the National Security Policy 2022,
sceptics felt that geoeconomics cannot work
without first addressing Pakistan's geopolitical
realities, internally and externally; e, the so-called
hard security issues. This is a valid observation.
However, to keep potential geoeconomic gains
unharvested until we make progress on the
geopolitical and security agenda may not deliver
the hard security Pakistan is looking for.
In fact, a geoeconomic approach can help
Pakistan extricate itself from the security-centric
agenda that it has vis-a-vis three of its four
neighbours. Fresh thinking is needed regarding
how the changes happening in these three
regions can be transformed into economic
opportunities that would benefit us economically
as well as build international stakes in Pakistan's
stability. A fresh approach to connectivity,
development partnerships, and regional trade can
open up a whole new world for us.
This may not be easy. A change of mindset is
always challenging. Allama Iqbal rightly indicated
in his poetry that being afraid of new ways and
insisting on old ones is the only difficult stage in
the life of nations.
The National Security Policy 2022 provides a good
beginning by introducing a comprehensive
concept of national security — traditional defence,
economic security and human security — with
primacy given to economic security, and within
that realm to geoeconomics. The logicisREAD RIGHT
not difficult to comprehend, A stronger economy
brings prosperity, renders the country relevant in
a global context, and makes ample resources
available to defend against any aggression from
outside.
The writer is a former foreign secretary and
chairman of Sanober Institute Islamabad.
Published in Dawn, November 26th, 2023
FOREIGN TRADE
DEBATE
THERE is a debate in Pakistan on
the foreign trade strategy we
should pursue: export promotion,
or import substitution? In much
Tr
of the world, especially Southeast Asia, the
debate has been won by export promotion to
spectacular effect. We, however, are still
confused, trying to carry out the best of both
strategies and ending up with the worst of
both.
Import substitution is a strategy that seeks to
substitute imported goods with domestic
production. Take, for example, cars. In the 1980s,
our government, while keeping higher duties on
imported cars, reduced duties on components
such as engines, transmissions, windshields, etc,
so that firms that assembled cars here could get a
domestic market protected from foreign
competition through this duty differential.
This tariff protection, paid by consumers through
higher prices, was justified by the argument that
this was an ‘infant industry’ and the small local
market didn't allow companies to quickly reach
the production scale needed for global
competitiveness.
Three decades later, infantindustry protection
continues, we have excellent local cars from
several international brands but they remain
expensive and the market remains small. Both
customs duty on parts — which is quite high —
and domestic protection through prohibitively
high duties on foreign cars, have kept prices high.
Moreover, the auto market and firms remain
small and therefore inefficient and uncompetitive.
There are, of course, certain advantages to the
import substitution model. We have nowsp
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eveloped a vibrant engineering and vendor
industry, the auto industry provides many jobs,
we save foreign exchange compared to importing
built-up cars and collect considerable taxes.
The downside is that we still have to import a lot
of auto components and we have almost no
exports from this sector, so it is still a drain on our
foreign exchange reserves. If every industry were
like that, substituting imports but exporting
nothing, we'd have no dollars to pay for the raw
materials for any industry.
How do we get our exports to finally increase?
| have given the example of cars but the effect of
protecting markets from competition is the same,
whether it’s air conditioners, shampoos, candies,
or any other good.
By imposing tariffs to protect manufacturers
catering to domestic consumers, we let
companies remain small and inefficient and not
able to export their wares. This is an important
reason why Pakistan has such low exports.
Export promotion, on the other hand, is a strategy
that makes manufacturers better off selling to
foreign customers than local ones. This is done
through policies that favour exporters with cheap
credit, lower taxes, etc.
East Asian countries have used this strategy to
achieve impressive growth, but even though
Pakistan has also offered many of the same
incentives, we have not been able to increase
exports.
The reason is that by pursuing both these stra-
tegies simultaneously, we just end up increasing
the cost of doing business for all manufacturers,
which renders our industry neither competitive in
exports nor in substituting imports.
Of course, this isn’t the only factor holding back
exports; there are others as well. For instance:
non-reliable and expensive provision of energy;
periodically overvalued rupee; and law and order
issues that prevent foreign buyers from visiting
Pakistan. But here | want to discuss how, by
pursuing both import substitution and export
promotion simultaneously, we mess things up.
Consider a zipper manufacturer that has to
import various metals, say at five per cent duty, to
produce zippers. He will typically go to the
government and request that it impose a 1Spc
duty on the imports of zippers so he can compete
with larger foreign manufacturers.
Even assuming that the Pakistani zipper has no
quality issues and is available in all varieties, our
garment exporters will quickly run to the
government and say they can't afford to buy the
more expensive Pakistani zippers or pay 15pcé
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duty on imported zippers as they have to
compete in the international market.
So the government allows them to import duty-
free imported zippers that are then re-exported
as part of a garment. As a result, Pakistani
exporters still have to buy imported zippers and
pay for freight (and hence be at a disadvantage to
their international competitors) while the local
zipper manufacturer will remain small and
inefficient. Rather than win-win, we end up with
lose-lose.
Our Ministry of Commerce over the years has
tried to have an export promotion strategy, but
the problem is that more than half of our tax
revenues come from the ports — in the shape of
customs duty, sales tax and withholding tax. And
much of the remaining sales tax is also collected
because the government knows who has
imported raw materials and therefore those
manufacturers have to pay sales tax on goods.
So our entire tax system depends on us collecting
taxes from imports and therefore the import
substitution strategy is not pursued because we
‘want to but because we have to.
So, how do we get our exports to finally increase?
While our textile industry has done well in spite of
mills having to import cotton, not getting gas (in
unjab) and buying expensive land and water
(Karachi), textile cannot be the only industry that
exports.
We must diversify. We have, over the years, given
allot of benefits to exporters, such as cheap loans.
And yet, we have seen these incentives not result
in increased exports. (One recent World Bank
study has confirmed that export refinancing has
had little effect on increasing exports). What we
need now is tough love.
We need to convert the 10pc supertax on all
companies to those that have zero exports and
reduce that tax to zero as companies increase
their share of exports.
Similarly, we need concerted moral suasion on
our large business houses to get into non-textile
export businesses and only allow new factories
that generate at least 25pc of their sales from
exports.
Finally, there should be a policy, for a few years, of
‘eat what you hunt’ with foreign exchange,
whereby industries that are large importers and
have a protected domestic market should be
asked to, over time, generate at least an equal
amount of exports. In short we need to
relentlessly focus on exports, whether in
agriculture or industry.
The writer is a former finance minister.
Published in Dawn, November 23rd, 2023i
THANKS to social media, a lot of
information has been provided
to the world regarding the
"= background, causes, and the
terrible casualties in the Israeli
war on Hamas, which has
brought about _—_global
condemnation.
It has also shown to the world that the so-called
international community (comprising the US and
European powers) supports the genocide of
Palestinians being carried out by Israel. It has also
made public the manner in which the international
media is manipulated, bought over, or coerced into
fabricating news by the international community
and those anchors and journalists who are not
willing to bow to their pressure are sacked.
What has also emerged in this conflict is that the
UN is being seen as corrupt, with many of its
policymakers and bureaucrats in the global
corporate sector, part of which works in
coordination with powerful Zionist lobbies.
Therefore, it is no surprise that as soon as the war
began, corporate entities donated over $2 billion to
Israel in support of its war on Hamas.
Also, for the first time, stories from the Bible have
been openly used by Israeli media, civil society and
politicians, justifying the murder of Palestinian
PALESTINE CONFLICT
women and children and the occupation of
Palestine by the Zionists. According to the Old
Testament, Moses asked the Israelites to kill
women and children. This has been Israeli policy
for the entire Arab-Israeli conflict for over 70
years.
Other war-related issues have also surfaced; one
of them is related to the huge availability of
petroleum and gas on the Levant coast, which
Israel is exploiting off the Gaza coast, and is
anxious to expand its exploitation.
The oil extends deep into Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon
and is the cause of wat in these countries. It is
also Israel's desire to control the Suez Canal, the
major source of revenue for Egypt, or to create an
alternative that could substitute for the canal.
As a result of these realities, one can safely say
that the UN is dead, as it cannot uphold its own
human rights charter and prevent or even censor
an unjust war and occupation of another country.
Its fate is becoming very similar to that of the
League of Nations (1920-1946), which ended in a
world war.
The presence of US aircraft carriers in the Eastern
Mediterranean, constant threats to countries in
the region, and a very anti-US and_ Israel
population in the Middle East can easily expand
into a regional or international conflict.ig
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Hundreds of thousands of young people are
demanding a ceasefire.
An understanding of these issues, thanks to social
media and an effective Palestinian media
campaign, has brought out hundreds of thousands
of young people, from all over the world
demanding a ceasefire and freedom for Palestine.
It is important to know who these people are and
why they are protesting.
From all accounts, most of them are from the Z
and millennial generations. They have been
educated to love humanity, the environment,
equality between all races irrespective of colour,
not to body-shame anybody, and to stand for
freedom of choice.
Credit goes to their teachers but also to those who,
in the 1960s and 1970s, were the creators of the
environmental movements and their struggle for
the implementation of human rights.
‘Anew world has been born, and even if, because
of protest fatigue, these movements die down,
they will certainly re-emerge. These movements
are also a response to the failure of the welfare
state and the search for a cause by the young
generation, which is now suffering increasingly in a
global order of economic fascism.
Many anchors have drawn parallels between the
Algerian conflict against the French (1954-1962)
and the situation in Gaza.
In 1956, the casbah of Algiers, with its narrow
lanes and crowded neighbourhoods, launched a
movement against the French, which caused the
French to lose a large number of their soldiers
and supporters.
The movement was ruthlessly crushed through
rounding up suspected supporters of the
movement and carrying out summary executions.
Within a year and a half, the French successfully
crushed the movement, and, informally, the
Algerian national liberation front surrendered,
However, in 1957-58, it re-emerged in a more
forceful form than before, and in 1962, Algeria
gained independence. Many analysts are of the
opinion that Hamas will reappear stronger than
before, and its freedom fighters will be those men
and women who have seen their families, friends,
and children massacred before their eyes.
The relationship between the pro-sraeli
governments and their people has snapped. It is
more than likely that there is a new world of
conflict, and at the same time of hope, emerging
on the globe.
Published in Dawn, November 21st, 2023a
THE world watched in horror when
Israeli forces attacked Al Shifa
hospital in Gaza in another atrocity
committed by a barbaric occupying
power. Backed by tanks, the ground
assault rained down terror on
terrified patients at the hospital, endangering
the lives of people, including thousands of
civilians sheltering there.
Eyewitnesses spoke of Israeli soldiers destroying
medical equipment, interrogating medical staff at
gunpoint as well as stripping, blindfolding and
detaining people, who were taken to unknown
locations. Its pretext for the raid was that the
hospital was a base for Hamas — a patent lie. No
credible evidence was produced for the claim that, in
any case, did not justify the hospital attack,
prohibited by international humanitarian law.
As the horrific invasion of the hospital unfolded
condemnations came from countries across the
world. UN officials, global aid and human rights
organisations slammed the action.
Both the UN's relief chief Martin Griffiths and head
of the World Health Organisation, Tedros Adhanom
said, "Hospitals. are not
', and that “protection of newborns,
CRISIS OF HUMANITY
all other concerns’. As global criticism mounted,
the White House denied it gave Israel a green light
for the military raid.
A day earlier a US administration spokesman
announced it had intelligence information that
supported Israeli claims of Hamas using Al Shifa
hospital for its military operations. But he offered
no substantiation.
Subsequently, President Joe Biden defended the
raid despite global outrage at the action and
without providing proof that the hospital was a
Hamas command centre.
The raid on AI Shifa took place in the sixth week of
Israel's war on Gaza which has left over 11,500
Palestinians dead, including 4,600 children. Over
1.5 million people have been forcibly displaced.
Despite the growing global clamour for a
ceasefire, US refusal to support a truce has stood
in the way of bringing hostilities to an end.
At the UN, the Security Council considered
another resolution to address the humanitarian
dimension of the war. After four failed attempts
to pass a resolution, a fifth draft was moved by
Malta calling for “urgent and extended
humanitarian pauses” in Gaza for “a sufficient
number of days” to allow full and unhindered
access for UN agencies and partners.sp
w
READ RIGHT
It was adopted by 12 votes of the 15member
Security Council. The US and UK abstained as the
resolution did not condemn Hamas. Russia
abstained as it did not provide for a ceasefire.
Humanitarian ‘pauses’ will not halt the genocide and
forced displacement perpetrated by Israel. They are
no substitute for a ceasefire. Ostensibly aimed at
protecting civilians especially children, these pauses
can only provide narrow windows to get
humanitarian aid into Gaza. But as Israel has long
defied UNSC resolutions, Tel Aviv is unlikely to abide
by it even though itis legally binding.
The Israeli ambassador to the UN Gilad Erdan
denounced the resolution as “meaningless’,
indicating his country will not comply with it. The
Palestinian envoy Riyad Mansour expressed his
disappointment with the resolution stressing that
what was needed was a ceasefire and cessation of
hostilities. The Security Councit' first action since the
war began failed to match the catastrophic situation
on the ground.
The international community has failed the people of
Gaza.
Nevertheless, with Israel escalating deadly bombings
in Gaza, intensifying raids into the West Bank and
Palestinian casualties mounting, the White House
came under growing pressure from dissent within
the US administration, public protests demanding
a ceasefire and growing disquiet among its allies.
French President Emmanuel Macron called for a
ceasefire and said Israel must stop bombing and
killing babies and women in Gaza. Cracks in the
G7 were also evident from Canadian Prime
Minister Justin Trudeau's call to Israel to end the
“tilling of women, of children, of babies" in the
besieged Gaza Strip.
However, this has yet to affect Washington's
unconditional backing for Israel. This was evident
from Biden's remarks at his presser after the
meeting of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
forum in San Francisco. He reiterated his
opposition to a ceasefire and defended Israel's
military campaign. He again accused Hamas of
beheading babies, even though earlier reports of
this proved to be totally false, which the White
House too had acknowledged.
He also said Israels war in Gaza will only end
when the military capacity of Hamas is degraded.
Any hope that the US would restrain Israel
seemed to fade by these pronouncements. This
despite poll findings in the US that indicate most
Americans want a ceasefire, A Reuters/Ipsos poll
found over two-thirds of people backed a
ceasefire and that support for Israel was waning.i
A striking aspect of the war has been the extent of
disinformation and deliberate lies Israeli leaders and
its military have spread, which have been echoed
unquestionably by much of the Western media,
Worse, some publications have totally disregarded
Palestinian casualties, with few exceptions.
The Economist argued that Israel must fight on,
regardless of the civilian death toll and
disingenuously described a ceasefire as an “enemy
of peace”. Other news publications justified Israel's
relentless, brutal bombardments of refugee camps
and hospitals as its ‘right to defend itself. The
dehumanisation of Palestinians has characterised
much of the coverage by the Western media.
With their sentiments inflamed by nonstop
bloodshed in Gaza, Muslim publics across the world
werent surprised by the Western media's biased
coverage as that was nothing new. Their deep
disappointment lay with Arab governments who,
beyond issuing condemnations, acted as little more
than spectators to a genocide and epic humanitarian
catastrophe.
Reports that some Arab countries opposed and
prevented even minimal actions proposed by other
states, which could have mounted significant
diplomatic pressure on Israel and the US, only
added to the popular discontent.
Inaction by Arab and Muslim governments
represented in the OIC was widely seen as a
betrayal of the Palestinians. But then, it is the
entire international community that has failed the
people of Gaza.
It has singularly failed in its response to what UN
Secretary General Anténio Guterres has called a
“crisis of humanity’.
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK
and UN.
Published in Dawn, November 20th, 2023With the COP28 event in the UAE
having commenced ~—on
November 30th, the world is
nowhere near close to capping
global temperature rise to 1.5C
above the pre-industrial level.
One wonders whether this latest
cA
gathering of world leaders being hosted by one
of the largest oil and gas producing countries in
the world will prove more successful in phasing
out fossil fuels than preceding ones. Another
important issue worth keeping an eye on over
the next ten days or so of COP28 events is what
final shape the much anticipated ‘loss and
damage’ fund for poor countries will take.
Given the current state of the conflict-ridden world,
it is unlikely that richer countries with tainted
historical emission records would be willing to put
aside the needed funds to compensate the global
south for climate induced havoc. We will most
probably also not see the emissions reductions
needed via voluntary pledges or via use of market-
based mechanisms such as carbon trading, which
allows one company to compensate another for
offsetting their carbon emissions footprint by
planting forests which sequester carbon. The
problem with carbon trading is that it allows s.
MAKE COMPANIES PAY FOR
CLIMATE CHANGE
polluters to carry on polluting till such a time that
the transition to cleaner fuels does not impinge
on their bottom-line of making profits. While such
‘win-win’ schemes may seem convenient to big
polluters, they are not adequate to significantly
avert the threshold of irreversible ecological
decline, or to provide adequate funds to pay for
simultaneously growing climate induced damage.
What the world instead needs is an evident
resolve to compel big emitters, be they in the
public sector or the private sector, to pay a fair
price for carbon emissions. It would obviously be
hard to keep a tab on emissions by tens of
thousands of companies around the world which
rely on fossil fuels within their production
processes. Moreover, carbon emissions from
agriculture and livestock, from deforestation,
waste management, or due to poor land use, are
hard to assess and monitor, and hence difficult to
tax. However, the number of the biggest emitters
is much smaller. According to the Carbon
Disclosures Project, around a hundred companies
around the world have been responsible for
pumping over 70% of global warming emissions
since the past quarter of a century. The
companies mentioned in this list included state
owned Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Mexican, Saudi
and Russian oil and gas companies. Amongsti
multinationals, America's ExxonMobil and British
owned Shell are the biggest emitters.
Besides fossil fuel companies, the global supply
chains of multinational companies such as Coca
Cola or Walmart are also responsible for significant,
carbon dioxide emissions, according to researchers
at the University College in London and at Tianjin
University in China, For eg, emissions from Coca-
Cola’s supply chain are estimated to be around
what China roughly emits within its food sector,
which keeps 1.3 billion people fed.
Neglecting the cost of carbon emissions enables
big businesses to accumulate exorbitant profits
while passing on the costs of environmental
damages caused by their production processes to
ordinary people, especially to the poor, who are
least equipped to deal with climate change.
According to the reputable journal, Science,
corporate induced carbon damages amount to
trillions of dollars globally. So, itis high time for this
environmental cost to be recognised and
converted into taxable income which in turn can be
used to pay for ‘loss and damage’ being caused by
climate induced disasters. Effective carbon taxation
of the worlds largest emitters would also
significantly help reduce greenhouse gas emissions
by immediately increasing the cost of producing
fossil fuels. This in turn would incentivise carbon
emitters to fast-track plans to use alternative
green energy sources.
The means to finance a just carbon transition, and
to compensate those who are bearing the brunt
of climate threats they did not cause, are evident.
What is lacking is the resolve and political will to
do what is needed to halt global warming before
this already alarming situation spins out of our
control.
Published in The Express Tribune, December 1st
2023.