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as well as providing a running commentary on the epochal changes that were unfolding in his
time. This collection of essays explores his ideas on a multitude of topics—fascism, science and
technology, institutionalism, and all points in between. Comprehensive in coverage and expertly
curated, this is a welcome addition to the burgeoning literature on Polanyi’s life and work.”
Gareth Dale, Reader in Political Economy at Brunel University, London
“This handbook is a timely contribution to ongoing debates of putting the economy in its place. It
compiles contributions by renowned scholars debating key Polanyian concepts as well as explor-
ing Polanyian insights for better understanding contemporary political economy. A must-read for
scholars researching ongoing multiple crises and societal transformations.”
Andreas Novy, President of the International Karl Polanyi Society,
WU Vienna University of Economics
THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON
KARL POLANYI
Karl Polanyi is one of the most influential social scientists of our era. A report of the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) begins by noting that we are in a
“Polanyi era”: a time of dangerously unregulated markets, where the greatest need for decisive
political action is matched by the least trust in politics.
This handbook provides a comprehensive account of recent research on Polanyi’s work and
ideas, including the central place occupied by his thinking on the relationship between economics
and politics. The stellar line-up of contributors to this book explore Polanyi’s work reflecting the
intrinsic interdisciplinarity of Polanyi’s approach to understanding our society, its place in history,
its fundamental dynamics, and its contradictions, as well as the methodological issues he raises.
The handbook broadly follows a chronological structure beginning with influences on Polanyi,
his formative experiences, and early works. A significant section is dedicated to Polanyi’s seminal
work, The Great Transformation, and its impact. Further sections also look at Polanyi’s wider
influence, on various disciplines and methodological debates, and his ongoing relevance for
present-day issues including debates on populism, neoliberalism, and low carbon transitions.
This handbook is a vital resource for students and scholars of economics, politics, sociology,
and other social sciences.
Edited by
Michele Cangiani and Claus Thomasberger
Designed cover image: (photo by Claus Thomasberger)
Work […] is not a commodity
(Sculpture by Paul Landowski, 1937, International Labor Organization, Geneva)
First published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 selection and editorial matter, Michele Cangiani and
Claus Thomasberger; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Michele Cangiani and Claus Thomasberger to be identified as the
authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters,
has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-37383-6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-37384-3 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-33674-7 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003336747
Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
CONTENTS
List of contributors xi
Prefacexv
PART 1
Polanyi’s early training 1
PART 2
The ‘Great Transformation’ 47
I
In theory 49
vii
Contents
II
Its history 99
9 The World Economic Crisis of the 1930s. Polanyi’s analysis of the Great
Depression, and the current global crisis 113
Kari Polanyi Levitt
12 Karl Polanyi and the ‘international civil war’: The analysis of a lucid
witness and interpreter of his time 148
Francesco Soverina
PART 3
Historical and anthropological studies 183
viii
Contents
PART 4
Methodology and political philosophy 217
PART 5
Current problems and debates 311
ix
Contents
Index 383
x
CONTRIBUTORS
Michael Brie is Chairman of the Scientific Advisory Board of the German Rosa Luxemburg
foundation, Berlin.
Diego De Bernardin Stadoan, PhD, Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), has car-
ried out research at the Universidade Federal do ABC, campus of São Bernardo do Campo, Brasil.
Eren Duzgun is an Assistant Professor of political science at the University of Cyprus in the
Republic of Cyprus.
Sabine Frerichs is Professor of Economic Sociology at the Vienna University of Economics and
Business, Austria, and presently Scientific Director of the International Institute for the Sociology
of Law and Research Professor at the Ikerbasque Foundation, Spain.
Geoff Goodwin is a Lecturer in Global Political Economy at the University of Leeds, UK. He pre-
viously taught at the London School of Economics, University of Oxford, and University College
London, and was a Research Associate at FLACSO-Quito.
xi
Contributors
Peadar Kirby is Professor Emeritus of International Politics and Public Policy, University of
Limerick and education coordinator at Cloughjordan Ecovillage, Ireland.
Sang Hun Lim is the Dean of the Graduate School of Public Policy and Civic Engagement,
Kyung Hee University, Seoul, South Korea.
Kris Millett has a PhD in Sociology and Anthropology from Concordia University, Montréal, Québec,
Canada.
Louis Mosar is a PhD Researcher in social and political philosophy at the KU Leuven, Belgium.
Florin Poenaru is a Lecturer in Sociology and Anthropology in the Department of Sociology and
Social Work, University of Bucharest, Romania.
Kari Polanyi Levitt is Emerita Professor at McGill University, Montreal, Honorary PhD of the
University of the West Indies, Jamaica, and recipient of the Order of Canada.
Giorgio Resta, PhD, Pisa, is Full Professor of Comparative Law at Roma Tre University (Italy),
where he currently holds the position of Vice-Rector for International Relations.
xii
Contributors
Francesco Soverina, PhD in International Studies, was Researcher at the Istituto Italiano per
gli Studi Storici, and Professor-Researcher at the Istituto per la Storia della Resistenza e dell’Età
Contemporanea, Italy.
David W. Tandy, PhD Yale, is Professor of Classics Emeritus and Distinguished Professor of
Humanities Emeritus at the University of Tennessee (USA) and Visiting Research Fellow at the
University of Leeds (UK).
Claus Thomasberger is Professor of Economics and Foreign Economic Policy at the University
of Applied Sciences, Berlin, Germany, where he lectured until 2017.
Paula Valderrama has a doctoral degree in Political Philosophy from the Free University in Ber-
lin. She is a member of the executive committee at the Karl Polanyi Institute of Political Economy.
Asad Zaman is currently engaged in the project of decolonizing the social sciences, to envision
and realize alternatives to market societies. He has taught at leading universities around the globe.
Federico Zuberman is Agricultural Engineer and Master in Social Economy, Coordinator of the
Periurban Agroecological Production Technique (Associate Degree) at National University of
Hurlingham, Argentina, researcher and teacher at National University of General Sarmiento, and
teacher at National University of Tres de Febrero.
xiii
PREFACE
1
This Handbook explores theoretical achievements and political reflections of one of the most in-
fluential social scientists of our time, Karl Polanyi. His seminal book, The Great Transformation,
is listed among 20th-century classics. Leading intellectuals around the world refer to him as a
source of inspiration. The topicality of his thought is evident in the numerous areas in which it is an
unmistakable point of reference, and from the very fact that it is subject to different interpretations –
different in that they express alternative positions on our present and our future.
What meaning does Polanyi’s oeuvre have for us? What do we do with him today? The 2016
report of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) begins by noting
that we are living in a “Polanyi era”: a time of dangerously unregulated markets, where the greatest
need for decisive political action is matched by the least trust in politics. It is not just a question of
trust, one might add, but it is true that the problem of the relationship between economics and poli-
tics occupies an important place in Polanyi’s thinking. We need to understand our society, its place
in history, its fundamental dynamics, and its flaws, in order to be able to intervene consciously on
the functioning and transformation of its institutions. Clarifying the importance of this principle
for Polanyi is a purpose of this Handbook; his political philosophy is closely related to his analyses
of the historical process and to the methodological issues he raises about social sciences.
In the “Introduction” of The Livelihood of Man, Polanyi (1977: xliii) is keen to warn the reader
about the present relevance of his research on societies of the past, as it involves questioning the
economic science, which is an expression of our own economic system. This he deems necessary
“to enlarge our freedom of creative adjustment, and thereby improve our chances of survival”.
Polanyi early revealed key features of neoliberalism. Today, after the triumph of the neoliberal
transformation and the economic, political, and ecological crisis to which it has led, the motive of
the interest in Polanyi seems likely to be the feeling that we are heading towards an impasse again,
after the one he analysed regarding Europe in the 1930s. Indeed, our society risks an entropic drift,
insofar as it is unable to master the relationship between its economic system and human and natu-
ral environment. What alternatives do we have? Which ones exist, not only on theoretical maps,
but also in reality? The more serious the crisis, the more necessary is knowledge, and the more
animated is the struggle in the field of ideology. It is therefore no wonder that Polanyi is interpreted
in different, even contrasting ways.
xv
Preface
2
The purpose of the Handbook is to offer an image as complete and documented as possible of
Polanyi’s thought. Basic information on his entire work is supplied, including rarely, if ever, con-
sidered writings. We do not claim, however, that the Handbook covers the full scope of Polanyi’s
work and all the questions it raises, also given the intrinsic interdisciplinarity of his approach and
the different orders of problems he proposes. A further factor of complexity is the relevance of the
political and scientific context: both that of Polanyi’s times and that of present times.
We will, of course, refer to the current literature. However, we sought to avoid (1) a discussion
limited to a few themes of Polanyi’s reflections; (2) the reduction of Polanyi’s concepts to generic
formulas, abstracting from their contextual meaning, or to a mere pretext for specialized discus-
sions; (3) a style of writing that is difficult for non-specialist readers.
Most of Polanyi’s writings are not only inter-disciplinary: they also aim at transcending the
purely academic debates and speaking to a broader public. In the last years, they have been ap-
preciated by social scientists and political activists primarily for the powerful criticism of unre-
strained capitalism that can be found in The Great Transformation (TGT). These readings provide
important insights. However, they too often neglect that Polanyi’s magnum opus is only the culmi-
nation of a lifelong research process that began before the First World War in Budapest, continued
in the interwar period in Austria and England, and in the US and Canada after the WWII, until his
death in 1964. During his life, Polanyi gave countless lectures, wrote hundreds of articles (more
than 250 alone for the magazine Der Österreichische Volkswirt) and published other books besides
TGT. One task of the Handbook is to present his oeuvre as a whole within which The Great Trans-
formation too is to be placed.
3
The categories that Polanyi develops in TGT and that dominate recent discussions play, of course,
a central role in the contributions to the Handbook. Nonetheless, we have chosen not to start with
these, but with highlighting the Hungarian and Austrian background of Polanyi’s formation, the
political fault lines and the theoretical debates in which the young Polanyi was involved. Few of
those who draw on Polanyi’s categories are familiar with the work he produced in the decades
preceding his writing TGT at Bennington College. Therefore, in Part One of the Handbook, “Po-
lanyi’s early training”, three chapters provide a glimpse of the political and theoretical vicissitudes
in which Polanyi was involved in his early years. The starting point is Budapest. Polanyi was
convinced of the formative influence the years he spent in Hungary had on his life and intellectual
development. Long after his emigration from Budapest for political reasons, he wrote in a letter:
“the literary and pedagogical work accomplished in […] the Hungarian period forms the real back-
ground of my life and thought” (cited in Dale 2016: 1).
The subsequent chapters focus on the two debates in which Polanyi was directly involved after
his arrival in the ‘Red Vienna’: one was that animated by the Austro-Marxists about the socialist
society to be built, concerning both the ideal to strive for and the political strategy to implement
it. The other, regarding Socialist Calculation, was started by Ludwig Mises, one of the fathers of
contemporary neoliberalism; this debate, in which Polanyi intervened early, influenced his think-
ing far more than is usually acknowledged.
Central theoretical insights of TGT are the subject of Part Two. In the first contribution, some
key concepts and the discussions that its interpretation has provoked in recent decades are traced
in detail. The “commodity fiction” category, to begin with: Polanyi explains labour, nature, and
xvi
Preface
money as “fictitious commodities”, differing from ordinary commodities by the very fact that even
in a modern capitalist-market economy they are not produced for sale. The role is then considered
that this issue plays in recent debates over the neoliberal tendency to privatize and commodify
more and more areas of social and natural life. The following chapter deals with Polanyi’s “embed-
dedness/dis-embeddedness” dichotomy, which focuses on the relationship between economy and
society, and reveals the unique structure of modern capitalist market civilization compared to all
other types of society known in human history. The category of “double movement” is the focus
of the third contribution in this Part: the efforts to expand the market system, the resulting often
destructive effects on humans and nature, and the interventions of society to protect itself against
them. The fourth chapter, which concludes the First Section of Part Two, regards the general
meaning of TGT as an analysis of the roots, modalities, and results of the crisis of the liberal civi-
lization of the 19th century. This reading of TGT highlights Polanyi’s criticism of neoliberalism
and the often-overlooked radicalism of his thought.
While the First Section of Part Two concerns some central theoretical nodes of Polanyi’s book,
the Second Section addresses more specifically historical events of the transformation. The Great
Transformation, as mentioned above, is not an isolated work, but grounds on Polanyi’s numerous
studies and publications during the preceding two decades. Many aspects that are briefly sum-
marized or merely implicit in TGT can only be understood in their full significance if Polanyi’s
analyses of the key events of the interwar period are considered. Significant here is first of all
Polanyi’s assessment of the economic and financial crises in Austria and the League of Nations
programme “Financial Reconstruction of Austria” after the First World War. This is followed by an
examination of his interpretation of the roots, characteristics, and course of the World Economic
Crisis of the 1930s. His analyses not only are crucial for the argumentation in TGT, but also allow
interesting comparisons with the current global crisis.
A treasure to be discovered are hundreds of articles Polanyi wrote in the interwar period, prin-
cipally for Der Österreichische Volkswirt, but not only. There, Polanyi investigates in detail the
economic and political course of the “great transformation”, especially regarding the corporative
institutional arrangement in Britain and the New Deal reforms. No less significant are Polanyi’s
studies of fascism – a topic central to TGT’s concluding chapters, but already dealt with systemati-
cally in the 1930s.
The transformation of international relations is another theme Polanyi continuously addresses
in the interwar period. “Of all the great changes witnessed by our generation, none may prove
more incisive than that which is transforming the organization of international life”, he states
(2018: 231) at the beginning of an essay that appears shortly after TGT. The interpretation of the
relationship between “internal” and “external” conflicts, which finds its striking expression in the
concept of “international civil war”, forms the core of the first of the chapters dealing with this
issue. A second contribution is devoted to Polanyi’s idea of “co-existence”. What would be the
conditions for maintaining peace in the face of increasing global tensions? The Second Section of
Part Two concludes with a chapter on the alternatives opening after the Second World War: return
to the obsolete liberal world order, now under US leadership, or transformation towards a multipo-
lar world – an alternative relevant not only in Polanyi’s time but also today.
Part Three deals with historical and anthropological studies Polanyi carried out prevalently after
his appointment to Columbia University in 1947. There, the contact and collaboration with scholars
of institutionalist orientation allowed him to acknowledge and more fully practise his own institution-
alism. The research directed by him led to the publication of Trade and Market in the Early Empires
(1957), a collection of essays marking a turning point in the comparative study of economic systems.
xvii
Preface
The first chapter of this Part explains the relevance of anthropological theory to better define
and support Polanyi’s critical method, which allows him, first of all, to demonstrate the specific-
ity of market and capitalist society compared to any other. This theoretical achievement includes
Polanyi’s methodological innovation: his social-institutional and holistic “substantive” approach
as opposed to the “formalist” one influenced by orthodox economics. The debate between scholars
adhering to these two tendencies continued – as the following chapter explains – also regarding
ancient social and economic history. Recently collected evidence has been adduced to support
neo-institutional readings of ancient economies; such interpretations are based on a conception of
the economy in which specific features of the market system are generalized. However, the same
evidence can also be interpreted as consistent with Polanyi’s thesis opposing the modern market
organization to ancient trade and production as “embedded” in non-economic institutions. The
qualitative, radical break marked, in Polanyi’s view, by the market-capitalist system is explained
regarding money in the third Chapter of Part Three. In pre-modern societies, money had various
forms and functions, each time determined within a given social system; as “currency”, it was
instrumental with respect to exchange relationships variously organized and aimed. With the de-
velopment of capitalism, money became “all-purpose money”, a commodity within the market
system, and itself an end.
4
Even if Polanyi dealt, as we have seen, with very different questions over the decades – reflecting
current problems both nationally and internationally – there is a common thread connecting his
research work through all his life: the problem of freedom. Already in the 1920s, in a letter to
a friend (2006 [1925]: 317), he thus summarized the question: “How can we be free, in spite
of the fact of society? And not in our imagination only [...] but in reality”. Not accidentally, the
title of the last chapter of TGT is: “Freedom in a Complex Society”. The concept of individual
freedom is the central category in Polanyi’s social philosophy, from which springs his notion
of democratic socialism. This is, at the same time, the basis on which he developed his own
methodological perspective.
In the first Chapter of the Part Four, “Political philosophy and methodology”, the connection
between Polanyi’s search for the conditions of freedom in modern societies, his conception of
the relationship between community and society, and his reflections on socialist alternatives is
explored. The subsequent chapter confronts Polanyi’s thinking with that of his great opponent,
Friedrich Hayek. Not only did both live in Red Vienna during the same period, emigrate to the
Anglo-Saxon world in the early 1930s, and publish their respective best-known works in 1944,
but both also have in common the question of how individual freedom can be preserved in a mod-
ern, complex society. It is precisely at this point – and not simply, as is usually assumed, on the
question of the efficiency of economic planning – where their judgements differ. Whereas Hayek
advocates market competition as an indispensable precondition of freedom, Polanyi considers the
market system, according to the chapter’s central message, as ultimately incompatible with per-
sonal freedom and responsibility.
Two chapters follow, which address the ever-discussed relationship between Polanyi and Marx.
The first argues, by drawing out connecting lines and differences, that linking the insights of both
is essential for understanding the respective conceptions, especially concerning human existence
and its tendency to degradation and disintegration in modern times. The second, which gives a
detailed analysis of Polanyi’s highly interesting but too rarely considered articles and manuscripts
of the interwar period, demonstrates how significant Marx’s works were as sources for Polanyi’s
xviii
Preface
political philosophy. The author shows what surprising affinities become apparent when they are
related to each other on the general-abstract theoretical level, where capitalism is analysed in
terms of a specific “form of society” characterized by the institution of a self-referential economic
system.
Thus, Karl Polanyi’s peculiar perspective on the economy as an “instituted process” and its
relevance for the social sciences comes into focus. In the subsequent chapter Polanyi’s institutional
approach is examined. Its closeness is shown to the ‘old’ institutionalism, which flourished in
the US in the first half of the 20th century: its contrast, instead, with the ‘new’ institutionalism –
particularly in economics. While sociology and economics are the focus of this chapter, the follow-
ing one considers the enduring relevance of comparative institutional analysis from the perspective
of legal theory and economic history. The importance is emphasized of Polanyi’s approach as an
intellectual tool to oppose the “economist bias” and the colonization of law and other social sci-
ences by market-fundamentalist approaches.
The next chapter continues the examination of conventional social theories by addressing the
question of how the process of social transformation and the causal factors contributing to changes
can be understood. Too often in contemporary social and economic theories, the adverse effects of
these changes on different classes are minimized, with the consequence that policies crafted in the
light of misleading understandings have fatal consequences in social reality. Polanyi’s approach,
which highlights the influence of theoretical notions, whether right or wrong, on social reality and
its transformation, provides analytical templates for incisive qualitative and historical analysis,
allowing us to counter the rational calculation of human behaviour that dominates modern social
sciences.
The final chapter of this Part returns to the idea of freedom by reading Polanyi’s vision of so-
cial freedom through a (neo-)republican lens. An analysis of the resonances between Polanyi and
(neo-)republicanism supports the argument that a (neo-)republican reading of Polanyi can be fruit-
ful for both sides: (a) (neo-)republican considerations can help strengthen Polanyi’s conceptualiza-
tion of freedom; (b) (neo-)republican authors can benefit from the Polanyian opposition between
democratic freedom and market freedom.
According to Polanyi’s democratic approach, the ideology of market freedom can even reach
the point of negating “the reality of society” as organized by historically specific institutions.
By limiting responsibility to the realm of direct personal relationships, the constraints imposed
by the capitalist market system tend to be ignored or at least undervalued. Besides, the modern
“discovery of society” (TGT, Chapter 10) implies a conception of freedom through “overview”
(Übersicht), i.e. a control of social organization involving informed and responsible individuals.
While Part Four evidences the connection, in Polanyi’s approach, between his critical methodo-
logical attitude and his political philosophy, Part Five, “Current problems and debates”, refers to
both these achievements as inspiring regarding our present concerns. Given the variety of issues
Polanyi dealt with, it is not surprising that his arguments are present in a wide range of debates. We
had to select and limit the discussions in this Handbook to a few topics that seem central to us. The
first theme is the connection between the self-referential market system, science, and technology.
Polanyi’s warnings about the incalculable consequences of technological development driven by
market competition are of the utmost importance today, especially in view of the role of nuclear
technology, genetic engineering, the internet, artificial intelligence, etc. Under these conditions,
counter-initiatives against the universalization of intellectual property rights such as Open Tech-
noscience appear to be all the more important.
Another subject is the structural transformation of international relations, characterized by the
rise of Asia, the growing importance of Africa and the crisis of the unipolar world order under
xix
Preface
US leadership. The war in Ukraine is the latest expression of tensions that, much like in Polanyi’s
time, are associated with such fundamental changes, in which new rising forces on regional and
global levels are challenging the existing power structures. This turns the attention in the direc-
tion of the Global South. “My work is for Asia and Africa, for the new peoples”, Polanyi wrote
in 1958 (Karl Polanyi Archive, Con 30 Fol 02) in a letter to a friend expressing the hope that his
ideas would inspire the peoples fighting for their liberation from the colonial yoke. The chapter
dedicated to this theme explores the question of how far the double movement can be understood
as an ongoing historical process that, even if it takes on different forms depending on the social
context, is indispensable for understanding the transformation of the Global South.
The three concluding chapters address from different angles one of the major problems of our
time, a decisive one for the future of modern industrial civilizations: the ecological devastation
or the dangers that industrial societies based on the commercialization of nature cause for living
conditions on our Planet, and what consequences result from this for the idea of a socialist trans-
formation. “Industrialism is a precariously grafted scion upon man’s age-long existence. The out-
come of the experiment is still hanging in the balance. But man is not a simple being and can die in
more than one way” (Polanyi 2018: 198). The first of the three chapters discusses the contribution
Polanyi’s institutional approach can make to discussions within the framework of ecological eco-
nomics. The second contribution focuses on the insights that Polanyi’s reflections provide for the
transition to a low-carbon and biodiverse society. The final chapter turns to Polanyi’s overarching
question of the perspectives of freedom in modern societies and discusses the question of how the
pursuit of social wellbeing and the recognition of planetary boundaries could be achieved through
participatory democratic planning.
***
We are grateful to all contributors to this book for their efforts and fruitful exchange of ideas. May
this worldwide collaboration count as a minimal sign towards a future of peace and greater ability
of mankind to face its own problems consciously and responsibly, as Karl Polanyi hoped.
Finally, a sad note. Daniel Tompkins, Emeritus at Temple University, Philadelphia, was part of
the team when we started working on the Handbook. His intention was to contribute a chapter on
Polanyi’s scholarship at Columbia University, relating the historiography of antiquity to Polanyi’s
thought. A fatal illness interrupted Daniel’s work, causing his death on June 10th, 2023. We admire
him as a scholar and as a person, and we remember his enthusiasm, his wide-ranging intellect, and
his commitment.
July 14th, 2023
Michele Cangiani and Claus Thomasberger
References
Dale, Gareth. 2016. Karl Polanyi. A Life on the Left. New York: Columbia University Press.
Polanyi, Karl. 1977. The Livelihood of Man. Harry W. Pearson, ed. New York, San Francisco, London: Aca-
demic Press.
——— 2001 [1944]. The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press.
——— 2006 [1925]. “Letter to a Friend”. In Karl Polanyi in Vienna, Kenneth McRobbie and Kari Polanyi
Levitt eds. Montréal: Black Rose Books.
——— 2018. Economy and Society. Selected Essays. Michele Cangiani and Claus Thomasberger, eds.
Cambridge: Polity.
Polanyi, Karl, Conrad M. Arensberg and Harry W. Pearson, eds. 1957. Trade and Market in the Early Empires.
Glencoe, IL: The Free Press & The Falcon’s Wing Press.
xx
PART 1
Introduction
What I became I became in my homeland. Hungarian lives have given meaning to my life.
When I erred, others paid for it here. The good I have strived for, should be realized here.
What little I have given to the world, should come home,
wrote Polányi in one of his late publications (1986b: 194). To what extent can this statement be
regarded as an exaggeration or an expression of nostalgia, or as a formal lap of honour in tribute
to his native land? To what extent were later Polányi’s scientific achievements determined by the
intellectual and political experiences he had in Hungary as a young man? These are the questions
I intend to answer.
3 DOI: 10.4324/9781003336747-2
János Gyurgyák
opportunities and to a large scale – chiefly internal – immigration. In 1870, out of every 1,000
residents 633 had not been born in the city and a mere 46% of its population professed Hungarian
to be their native language. The proportion of Jews in Budapest became increasingly significant,
reaching 23% in 1910.
Budapest, which transformed into a global city within the space of two generations, became the
flagship of the country’s industry and modernisation. A true period of Gründerzeit prevailed in the
city, which attracted all manner of active Austrian, German, Jewish and Hungarian capital, as well
as workforce from the Hungarian peasantry and nationalities from around the Empire, principally
Slovaks. Polányi’s father, Mihály Pollacsek, had trodden this exact path.
The family
In one sense, the story of the Pollacsek-Polányi family could be said to have been a typical one
during the Monarchy’s period of modernisation. On the one hand, they came from the periph-
eral parts of the country and were regarded as foreigners due to their ethnicity. On the other,
they were an exemplary model of the Hungarian Jewry’s rapid rise and assimilation. Examples
of this in Hungary were industrialists such as the Hatvany-Deutsch family owning a sugar com-
pany, the Weiss family (steel works) and the Wodianers and Ullmanns, both of them bankers,
who used their economic power to enhance their social prestige. At the time in Hungary this
meant rich families acquiring noble titles, while their growing wealth enabled them to purchase
land; in fact, they often adopted the customs and habits of Hungarian families from the noble/
gentry ranks. In this regard, the story of the Polányi family is atypical since their elevation into
the ranks of the haute bourgeoisie was brought to a halt by Mihály Pollacsek’s bankruptcy;
his erudite and outstandingly talented children were, therefore, forced to take a different path.
Instead of consolidating their wealth or regaining their old economic status, they opted to hone
their intellectual skills. Furthermore, for most of them, this implied a rejection of bourgeois-
capitalist values and the adoption of left-wing socialistic ideals. From a social-historical per-
spective, the Polányi children followed a similar course to György (Georg) Lukács, the son of
a wealthy banker.
Károly Polányi’s paternal grandfather, Adolf Pollacsek Sr, (1820‒1871) and his wife, Zsófia
Schlesinger (1826‒1898) had the considerable means to rent the Ungvár mill (in today’s Uzh-
horod, Ukraine), one of the largest industrial facilities in Ung County bordering Galicia. The
names themselves demonstrate their Polish-Galician (Pollacsek) and Silesian (Schlesinger) ori-
gins. Zsófia Schlesinger gave birth to six children (Clementin, Károly, Lujza, Vilma, Teréz and
Mihály). Károly Pollacsek (1859–1928) is worthy of note, because he took part in almost every
venture of his brother Mihály, in the capacity of a legal advisor. Károly Polányi was an intern in
their law firm during his university years, and later worked there as a lawyer until the outbreak of
the First World War. The fledgling lawyer, at least up to this point, had the opportunity to follow a
much more traditional career path. However, this wasn’t his choice.
Two names are worthy of note from the extended family, who played an important role in the
intellectual development of the Polányi children. Above all, Lujza Pollacsek’s son Ervin Szabó
(1877‒1918), who was the legendary director of the Budapest Metropolitan Library (today the
Ervin Szabó Library) as well as a prominent figure of Hungarian Marxist thought and syndical-
ism. Vilma Pollacsek’s son Ernő Seidler (1886‒1938) was one of the founders of the Hungarian
Communist Party and the commander of the Red Guard in Budapest during the Hungarian Soviet
Republic of 1919. There can be no proper understanding of the Pollacsek-Polányi family without
4
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
this duality. On the one hand, an amazingly rapid acquisition of wealth, the adoption of the bour-
geois lifestyle and mentality, as well as rapid acculturation and assimilation; on the other hand, an
interruption caused by bankruptcy, a disillusionment with the bourgeois-capitalist existence, and a
radical intellectual confrontation with that reality.
The income from the aforementioned mill in Ungvár gave Károly Polányi’s father, Mihály Pol-
lacsek, the financial means to study at the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule in Zurich. He
began his career as a railway engineer for the Swiss state railways. In the early 1880s he moved
to Vienna, where he designed rail lines for the capital’s Stadtbahn and was the author of several
books on this theme.
The history of the maternal side of the family is no less interesting. Mihály Pollacsek met
Cecile (Cecilia) Wohl, a native Russian speaker, in Vienna, where she was working in a jewellery
shop in Taborstrasse. Cecile’s best friend in the city was Anna Klatschko, whose husband, Samuel
Klatschko, ran a patent office there, and at the same time built up close ties with the émigré Rus-
sian revolutionaries, including Trotsky and Radek. Klatschko and the Russian revolutionary spirit
had a significant influence on the entire Pollacsek family, including, of course, Károly. Even at the
end of his life, Polányi was fascinated by Klatschko’s personality: “He was the kindest man I have
ever known” – he wrote (Duczynska 1971: 763). This influence may have led to Polányi joining
the organisation called Socialist Students, founded in 1902 by his close relatives (Adolf Pollacsek,
Ernő Seidler and Ödön Pór), when he was still at secondary school. There is no accurate informa-
tion about what he did there and whether or not he participated in the group’s book publishing
programme (publishing the works of Kropotkin, Lavrov, and Faure) or in the group’s activities of
workers’ education.
Cecile’s father, Alex Wohl, an ‘enlightened’ rabbi from Vilna, was the author of historical
works in Russian and a Russian-language Jewish prayer book. Mihály Pollacsek and Cecile Wohl
married in Warsaw in 1881; their first children were born in Vienna: Laura in 1882, Adolf in 1883,
and Károly (Karli, Karlicsku) in 1886. The family then moved to Budapest, where their fourth
child, Zsófia (Sophie) was born (1888), as well as their last two children: Mihály Lázár (1891) and
Pál (1893); the latter was mentally disabled and died in 1904.
Cecile Wohl (commonly known in Budapest as Mama Cecil or Tante Cécile) was a person
with a thirst for knowledge, well-read and very erudite. In contrast to her father, who had a
strictly puritanical and bourgeois mentality, Cecile followed a kind of anarchistic way of life.
She organised an intellectual salon on a weekly basis in their elegant palace on Andrássy Road
and then in their apartment on Ferenciek Square, where the cream of the radical Budapest intel-
ligentsia of the time met. In his memoirs, one frequent guest, Oscar Jászi, remembers this salon
as being influenced by Nietzsche and Marx and that the hostess of the salon was “brilliantly witty
but very often femininely superficial. Sometimes she performed real acrobatics in the midst of
the ever-changing ideological formulae” (Jászi 1982: 559). In 1912, Mama Cecil also started
a Women’s Lyceum in Budapest with the participation of writers and painters (such as Endre
Ady, Béla Balázs, Frigyes Karinthy, Dezső Kosztolányi, Róbert Berény and Dezső Czigány)
and turned her attention to graphology. She was also fascinated by psychoanalysis; she had been
one of Sándor Ferenczi’s patients and wrote herself about psychoanalysis (Kunst und Psycho-
analise). In 1906 she gave a lecture on the Russian Revolution at a meeting of the social demo-
cratic Vorwärts cultural association for workers. Albeit in a much-reduced form, in the interwar
years she continued running her intellectual salon, which was visited by the crème de la crème
of Hungarian literature, from Attila József to Gyula Illyés. Henrik Vámos remembered Mama
Cecil as a “notoriously youthful and pacifist fighter, a free-thinking hero and the mother of all
5
János Gyurgyák
revolutionaries” (National Széchényi Library – NSZL – fond 212). In his speech at her funeral
(5 September 1939) Aladár Sós said:
We were very young then, but you were always the youngest among us; your desire for
knowledge and your thirst for culture was the keenest. You were not only interested in the
events of science and art but you were also interested in us. In your motherly bias and talent-
seeking zeal, you saw something in each of us: promise and value. You reminded me of the
strong, intelligent and stalwart mothers of great Russian novels, combined with the subtlety
and liveliness of your extraordinary spirit.
(NSZL – fond 212)
It undoubtedly meant a lot to the Polányi children that they were able to meet members of the Hun-
garian intellectual elite on a weekly basis, so they experienced the radical Hungarian and Central
European left-wing intellectual culture almost as a natural part of their lives.
Mihály Pollacsek continued in Budapest and other parts of Hungary what he had started in
Switzerland and Vienna: he designed and built railways. In 1887, the legendary Minister of Trade,
Gábor Baross, launched his large-scale transport reform plans, including favourable financial con-
ditions for the designers and builders of the much-needed railway lines. Soon after this provi-
sion was issued, Mihály Pollacsek made Budapest his home. He drew up the plans for important
Hungarian railway lines together with the Berlin-based company Soenderop et al. as the main
contractor. Being a member of the board of directors and the supervisory board of the joint-stock
company set up for the constructions, he closely interacted with famous politicians, MPs, financi-
ers and bankers.
Thanks to these extensive business enterprises, the Pollacsek family was able to lead a bour-
geois lifestyle. The healthy state of their finances is demonstrated by the fact that their first apart-
ment was at 2 Andrássy Road, the most prestigious boulevard in Budapest, favoured by the elite.
Their place of residence is also a telling example of social segregation in Budapest at the time
since those born into the aristocracy resided elsewhere, mainly around the National Museum and
in the Castle District of Buda. A photograph of the Polányi apartment on Andrássy Road shows the
family’s luxurious, bourgeois-aristocratic lifestyle (the large painting in the living room depicting
the children; expensive tapestries on the walls; elegant furniture, etc.).
Mihály Pollacsek did not follow the strategies of the biggest Jewish industrialists and commer-
cial magnates of the time as he did not adopt a Hungarian name, seek to acquire a noble title, write
and speak in Hungarian with his colleagues and children, convert from the Jewish faith: but he
didn’t try to get his children to do the same. In his lifestyle, work ethic and approach to life he did
not emulate the aristocracy, nor even the middle-class gentry, but rather chose to follow the stricter
industrial middle-class path. His children finally acquired hungarianised names on 29 September
1904. This is most probably not a random date: Mihály Pollacsek was seriously ill at the time and
must have wanted to settle his affairs relating to his children before his death. However, the exact
date that the family converted from the Jewish faith to Calvinism is not yet known, but it certainly
occurred later, since Jewish faith can be read both in Károly Polányi’s university report book at the
end of 1904 and in Mihály (Michael) Polányi’s school report in 1908.
In respect to his children’s future, Mihály Pollacsek did the most astute thing a father can do by
providing all the funds necessary for their education. Their upbringing was not a strictly religious
one but instead enlightened and rational. Home tutors and governesses were engaged to teach the
children. In addition to German used within the family and Hungarian learnt from their environ-
ment, the children were also required to speak English and French, as well as to continue their
6
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
Latin and ancient Greek studies, which were mandatory. Accepting the norms of the time, and
haute bourgeoisie habits, domestic servants were also a natural prerequisite in running a household
for the Pollacsek family.
It is also exactly known when the family’s financial downfall took place, since on 24 Decem-
ber 1899 the capital’s newspapers reported that Mihály Pollacsek’s liabilities had reached half a
million crowns (a huge amount at the time), leaving him insolvent. There are not sufficient data
to establish exactly why this happened; it can only be speculated that it was caused by the major
construction crisis starting in 1899. The family legends also tell of a flood that washed away the
railway embankments under construction, and it is also often mentioned that Pollacsek “paid eve-
rything back to the last penny”. Unfortunately, due to the lack of data, this can neither be verified
nor rejected. What is clear is that the Budapest papers covered the story of the family’s movable
property being auctioned off in 1900. These were items of relatively low value compared to the
half a million Mihály Pollacsek owed. He most probably made some kind of financial arrange-
ment as he remained active after 1900, albeit as an employee of various companies. Most of the
time he undertook work in Germany. Even though the family had to leave the palace on Andrássy
Street, they were still able to maintain the semblance of a middle-class lifestyle, moving to a flat
– 5 Ferenciek Square and then to 4 Bécsi Street, both in the city centre. The assumption that Pol-
lacsek was never able to psychologically process his bankruptcy is not without foundation, and
it may well have contributed to his early death at the age of 42 (12 January 1905). The funeral
was so moving for the children that they were still exchanging letters about it decades later. The
enduring closeness between the Polányi siblings, especially between Laura, Karl and Michael, was
undoubtedly influenced by the early death of their father. “My dear little sister, we are cordless
Siamese twins” – Karl wrote in a letter to Laura (NSZL – fond 212). In a letter to Michael – who
throughout his life was much more critical than him of Marxism and especially in his condemna-
tion of the Soviet Union – he noted how ignorant their Anglo-Saxon critics were by insisting on
a conflict between them based on their differences of opinion, while overlooking how strong and
unbreakable their fraternal ties, their shared family and Hungarian memories were.
Schools
Mihály Pollacsek’s financial fall had an impact on Karl Polányi’s schooling. He completed the
first two years of an eight-year secondary school as a private student (one of the private teachers
was his relative, Ervin Szabó) but in his third year (1898‒1899) he entered the Main Secondary
School of the Royal Hungarian Teacher Training Institute, colloquially known as the Model Sec-
ondary School or ‘Trefort’. This school was undoubtedly one of the best educational institutions
in Budapest at the time, where graduating university students completed their teaching practice.
The teaching staff was made up of the best teachers of the time, who published scientific books
and were the authors of the secondary school textbooks used at the time. The school library’s
holdings comprised 10,000 volumes as well as Hungarian and foreign scientific journals. Getting
into the Model Secondary School was considered an outstanding opportunity for both teachers
and students. Every year the school published a detailed yearbook (Badics ed. 1904); so almost
everything is known about Karl’s (and later Michael’s) studies. For example, it is known exactly
what he read in the original Hungarian, German, Latin and Ancient Greek, as well as what he
learnt in physics and mathematics. Polányi’s school report also shows that in addition to the basic
subjects, he studied French, philosophy, art history, calligraphy and shorthand. It is even recorded
in the school report how many centimetres Polányi grew each year (for example, from 155 cm
to 160 cm in his fifth year) and how many pull-ups on the horizontal bar he was able to do at the
7
János Gyurgyák
beginning and end of the year (15 and 20, respectively, officially making him the second strongest
boy in the class).
Polányi was always among the top students in his class and after his father’s bankruptcy he
became eligible for the Ármin Brüll scholarship (320 crowns compared to the annual tuition fee
of 140) based on the votes of the council of the Israelite community. After Karl graduated in 1904,
his brother Michael also received the same scholarship until he completed his own studies. In Tre-
fort, it was rare for ‘children with a modest financial background’ to be granted a scholarship of
such a high amount; therefore, both Karl and Michael would have had to demonstrate exceptional
abilities.
Karl Polányi was also the president of the school’s literature self-study group, and, revealing
much about his oratory skills, “he gave an enthusiastic opening speech” at the ceremony on 15
March 1903 reciting Sándor Petőfi’s poem Egy gondolat bánt engemet (One Thought). (Badics
1904). Then, at the funeral of Elizabeth Queen of Hungary on 19 November 1903, he delivered the
ceremonial speech imbued with a spirit of patriotic enthusiasm. Polányi’s 1903 class consisted of
21 students: seven Catholic, four Lutheran, two Reformed and eight of the Jewish faith. In regard
to occupation, approximately half of the students’ parents were civil servants, while the other half
were private officials, licensed agricultural producers, independent traders and tradesmen (Pótó
1982: 20).
In autumn 1904 Polányi enrolled in the Faculty of Law at the Royal University of Budapest
(today Eötvös Loránd University, ELTE) and studied tuition-free from the first term. It is not clear
why Polányi did not instead apply to the humanities faculty that at the time would have been more
in line with his interests. It may have been that his father wished him to study law, or that Polányi’s
uncle, the legal advisor Károly Pollacsek, was really behind this decision, or indeed that Polányi’s
choice was influenced by financial factors and career opportunities. One of his best friends and an
intellectual rival at the time, Georg Lukács, noted in a letter that “Karli” deserved a Nobel Prize
because he had helped one of his aristocratic students, “whom he trained in his spare time”, to
pass his end-term exams (Lukács 1981: 22). Lukács was also somewhat jealous of Polányi’s ora-
tory success, ranking him intellectually alongside Ernst Bloch and Georg Simmel. Since Polányi’s
university report book has been preserved in his estate, it is also known exactly what subjects
he studied: constitutional and legal history, early Hungarian history, national economics, modern
history, criminal law, politics, jurisprudence. Several things transpire from the document (Leck-
ekönyv. School report. NSZL, fond 212). First, Polányi enrolled in courses at the Humanities Fac-
ulty, attending lectures on historical subjects that interested him, but he clearly avoided specialised
legal subjects. Second, he passionately prepared for all his lessons, which is demonstrated by the
descriptions in his report book such as “very diligent” and “excellent”. In 1907 Polányi spent a
term at the University of Vienna, where he also attended the economics lectures of the Austro-
Marxist Carl Grünberg. He received his doctorate on 26 June 1909 at the Franz Joseph University
of Kolozsvár. Polányi ‒ like Georg Lukács ‒ completed his doctorate under the bourgeois radical
thinker, Bódog Somló. Even at this time his outstanding talents were obvious to his contemporar-
ies. For example, Lukács wrote in his diary that their mutual friend Leo Popper’s faith in “Karli”
was aprioristic, while his own faith in him was only a posteriori (Lukács 1981: 22).
In October 1907 the members of the Catholic Saint Emeric Student Association announced
a boycott of the lectures of Gyula Pikler, professor of law, who was a well-known free-thinking
evolutionist; in reaction to this the students who supported him engaged a fist fight to get lectures
resumed. As a Pikler’s student, Polányi took part in the conflict: this is why he was forced to finish
his studies at the University of Kolozsvár.
8
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
9
János Gyurgyák
The circle started with 256 members, that soon grew to over a thousand. In the year it was es-
tablished, 1908, most of the Galileists were medical students (36%), law students (24%) and tech-
nical university students (20%) (Csunderlik 2017: 151). The Circle was divided by different world
views: the Polányi-led core of the circle was formed by the adherents of Mach and Avenarius. In
the first few years of the circle the evolutionists, following the Darwin-Spencer line of thought,
were still present, as well as Bergsonists and Marxists. Anyhow, the greatest influence upon the
circle was exerted by domestic bourgeois middle-class radicalists (Oscar Jászi, Paul Szende); in-
deed, the circle was given two rooms in the premises of the bourgeois radical Society of Social
Sciences in the city centre. Galileists were, then, able to read magazines subscribed to by the Soci-
ety, meet the bourgeois radical leaders who frequented this venue and listen to their lectures. And
vice versa: Jászi and his followers regarded the Galileo Circle as an important youth organisation
and a source of recruitment. The Galileist generation, according to Jászi, “could lead Hungary out
of the Balkans and into Western Europe” (Jaszi 1923: 40). Polányi was later given an important
position in the bourgeois Radical Party, led by Jászi. The periodical Szabadgondolat, as well as the
other activities of the circle, increasingly addressed issues concerning the bourgeois radicals, such
as anti-capitalism, anti-clericalism, anti-militarism, anti-alcoholism, suffrage, international issues,
the women’s movement, land reform.
Polányi’s freemason activities were also related to the Galileo Circle. In 1911 the Archime-
des Lodge was founded with the express purpose of bringing together in one association those
old Galileists, who would otherwise have been lost to ‘progressive’ movements after graduating.
Polányi was admitted to the Archimedes ‘chain of brotherhood’ relatively late, on 5 December
1913, and exempted from paying tax as a “brother of limited means”. Polányi later moved to the
Martinovics Lodge, led by Jászi. In the first half of 1914 he gave several lectures on the importance
of freethought in the various lodges, but after that his activities almost completely ceased and he
did not get beyond the status of ‘apprentice’ until he immigrated to Vienna, where an attempt to
resurrect the radical freemason lodge wasn’t very successful. There are no data on whether or not
Polányi continued his association with the freemasons after moving to England.
Polányi and the Galileist presidents who followed him invited renowned foreign progres-
sive speakers to Budapest, including Max Adler, Eduard Bernstein, Auguste-Henri Forel, Robert
Michels, Wilhelm Ostwald, Werner Sombart and Émile Vandervelde. Polányi also had a signifi-
cant role in making 15 March, the first day of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence
of 1848‒1849, into the celebratory day of the Galileo Circle. The ceremony always followed the
same pattern: a keynote speech, delivered by the president of the circle or a famous guest, after
which the Marseillaise was sung and revolutionary poems by Petőfi and other poets were recited.
The highlight of the evening was the recital of a poem written for this occasion by the poet Endre
Ady. In his 1913 speech at the annual celebration, Ady claimed that
When the Galilei Circle was founded, its members perhaps did not realise that they were tak-
ing on a grandiose task, compared to which perhaps even the mission of the young Russian
students would have been seen as easy as a song or as a daredevil’s despair.
(Szabadgondolat Nov. 1913: 337‒338)
At the end of the First World War the circle had become highly politicised and radicalised; the
slogan “to learn and teach” was replaced by “let’s speak Russian, let’s act in Russian”. Ilona
Duczynska, who was later to become Polányi’s wife, and Tivadar Sugár printed anti-war leaflets,
while Duczynska smuggled the Zimmerwald anti-war appeal of the revolutionary socialists into
Hungary, and, moreover, plotted to assassinate the incumbent prime minister, István Tisza. The
10
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
operation was called off by Duczynska because Tisza resigned. The government didn’t tolerate
the circle’s radicalisation, dissolved it on 12 January 1918 and confiscated its archives. The re-
organisation and the recovery of the office only took place on 24 October, not long before the
Aster Revolution, led by Count Mihály Károlyi, which gave rise to the First Hungarian People’s
Republic (Nov. 16, 1918 – March 21, 1919). At the end of November 1918, after the Party of Com-
munists in Hungary was founded, Bolshevism became the main issue for the Circle, with a debate
on it organised by Polányi (Szabadgondolat Dec. 1918).
At the end of his life, Károly Polányi again turned his attention to the Galileo Circle. The leit-
motif of his writings on this subject is self-reproach. In a letter to Oszkár Jászi he wrote:
The Society of Social Sciences, and later the Radical Party, could not do anything without
young people. I was never a politician – I didn’t have the talent for it, nor an interest in it.
Thus, no one saw the revolutionary potential of the Galileo Circle. This was the reason for
the failure in October. I cannot shift the responsibility to anyone else.
(27 October 1950. NSZL, fond 212)
This is, however, a major overstatement. First of all, Polányi played an important role in the his-
tory of the Circle, despite the fact that the term of office of its presidents was limited to one year.
Second, although the circle was not a party-political institution, the majority of its members were
involved in politics, with some leaning towards bourgeois radicals or social democrats, and not
just in the period after 1917 but also before the First World War. Third, the potential and the course
of the October Revolution (and then the proletarian dictatorship) were determined by greater his-
torical powers, far beyond the forces of a few hundred Galileists. Polányi’s self-recrimination that
the Circle did not seek or barely sought to engage with the nationalities, the peasantry and the
workers is also exaggerated. And finally, the politically sensitive Hungarian university students –
similarly to the politicised Hungarian public – were divided into two distinct groups along the
achievements of the Revolution of 1848 and the Compromise of 1867. Polányi’s opinion about the
government parties, which supported the compromise, and about the opposition parties of 1848
was scathing: “Government and opposition are products of a single system and a single storm will
knock down the rotten tree along with all its odious, poisonous fruits” (Polányi 1986a: 117). In his
last letter to Polányi, on 5 November 1950, Jászi writes that he overestimated the circle in both a
positive and negative sense:
The Galileo Circle suffered from the same disease as Hungarian society. It was a group full
of slogans, far removed from real life, which later succumbed – for the most part – to the
ideology of [Béla] Kun and [Mátyás] Rákosi.
(NSZL, fond 212)
In this poignant letter, Jászi also clarifies that while Polányi basically followed the line of histori-
cism, he could not imagine decent politics without the rehabilitation of natural law.
Although not completely without foundation, in his writings remembering the Galileo Circle
Polányi placed too much emphasis on the continuity of its ideology, stating, for example, that the
way in which the circle was connected to politics had remained unchanged between 1908 and 1919
(Polányi 1986b: 188). In reality, there was a huge and stark difference between the Galileo Circle
before 1914 and after 1917: from a scientific, non-political to a radical leftist, highly politicised
organisation. Finally, Polányi’s premise that the membership of the Galileo Circle was “proletar-
ian” or “intellectual proletarian” and even the “better-off petty bourgeois elements avoided it” is
11
János Gyurgyák
certainly an overstatement, not supported either by the list of members, which shows where they
resided, nor by the education and housing costs of the students at the time, which on average came
to 1,500 crowns per year. Poorer students had to constantly work in order to fund and continue
their studies, yet this was still a far cry from the conditions endured by the proletariat at the time.
On the basis of the list of members it can be tentatively concluded that a bourgeois, lower-middle-
class or rural petty bourgeois origin seems to have been much more common among the circle’s
members than a proletarian one.
I have reinforced the party and now I am running it. […] These days I am, perhaps, Jászi’s
most confidential man in the party. Everything is imputed to me. Not only in work, but in
terms of moral leadership as well. […] Jászi works a lot. He has proved to be the best of our
people. But perhaps I am the hero when it comes to action.
(27 June 1914. NSZL, fond 212)
Despite Polányi’s positive approach, in reality the process of building up the party was lacking in
several ways. First of all, its foundation upon the threshold of the outbreak of the First World War
was late. Second, the party was mainly made up of intellectuals who were doctrine-driven, rigidly
adhering to the Party’s principles, thereby reducing its social basis. Third, there were few radicals
in Hungary who were able to accept the almost transitory nature of the party in that it was to rep-
resent radical bourgeois politics until the presumed right time to establish socialism in Hungary.
Later, after emigrating, Jászi himself was critical about the party, calling it the biggest blunder of
his life. The party-political articles Polányi wrote in 1918 were aimed at overcoming this tem-
porary nature of the party. He sought to prove that bourgeois radicalism superseded Marxist so-
cialist and social-democratic theories, which were considered obsolete (Polanyi 2016: 174‒180).
12
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
The Radical Party’s break from the social democrats was also largely caused by the latter’s turning
away from internationalism at the outbreak of the First World War.
Polányi argued that there was only one reality and one society: the one in which people were
living; thus, the transformation of the country and the world, the elimination of income without
work and the establishment of a “society based on work” had to be implemented there and then
with radical reforms by “hand- and head-workers” and it would be a mistake to wait for the coming
of a “foggy Zukunftstaat”. Polányi also claimed that only these radical reforms would be able to
protect the country from revolutionary upheavals. Third, he stated that the radicals did not attribute
as vital an importance to the abolition of private property as the social democrats and especially
the Bolsheviks did; he argued that the production of a surplus was impossible without individual
initiative and risk. Fourth, he claimed that radicals did not agree with socialists in attributing a
distinguished role to the proletariat. In contrast, Polányi believed that the whole movement needed
to be subordinated to the leadership of “intellectual workers”, since the ethic needed to be mas-
tered by people and this would not be successfully implemented either through class struggle or
the self-imposed dictatorship of the factory workers. The elements of these radical reforms were
constituted by taxes on land, property, wealth, and a radical reform of public administration and
suffrage (Polányi 1986a: 167‒175). According to Polányi, these ideas for reform came from Henry
George, H.G. Wells, Josef Popper-Lynkaus and Rudolf Goldscheid.
During the First World War Polányi served as a lieutenant, though not as a combatant at the
front but as a serving officer at the logistics department. Apart from a few letters he wrote to Jászi
and family members, almost nothing is known about him during this period, nor about the wound
that led to him being sent home at end of 1917. All that is known is that he always kept the works
of Shakespeare and the Bible with him. Hence, his gradual disillusionment with mechanical ma-
terialism, militant atheism and radical anticlericalism can be dated to this period. In his note on
“Hamlet” (1954), he theoretically elaborated the problems that preoccupied him when he served
in the army: “Hamlet does not wish to die; he just hates to live”, from which he drew the following
conclusion: “Life is Man’s missed opportunity”.
At the end of 1918, during the Aster Revolution, it seemed as if some of the bourgeois radical
political objectives had been achieved, while others had already become obsolete since at this
time a new notion and political practice appeared on the scene that made everyone adopt a stand:
Russian Bolshevism. Polányi immediately realised its relevance: he organised a debate on Bolshe-
vism, which went on for several days in the Budapest University, and he edited a special issue of
the periodical Szabadgondolat on Bolshevism. Published in this issue was Georg Lukács’ highly
influential article “A bolsevizmus, mint erkölcsi probléma” (Bolshevism as a Moral Problem), in
which he expounded on the dilemma of the social democrats and the communists in regard to the
Bolshevist experiment (Szabadgondolat Dec. 1918). Jászi condemned the idea of a dictatorship
of the proletariat, since in his opinion no individual or class had the right to impose a dictatorship
upon anybody else. In contrast to this, Jenő Varga, who later became Stalin’s economic advisor,
believed that a new discipline of production, not based on coercion, could come into being in
Bolshevism. Varga added that if all of this did not happen in Russia, it could happen in England, a
civilised and cultured country.
Polányi’s position was similar to Lukács’. First, in his view, the old socialist parties ceased to
be socialists when they supported the war. Second, the only ones who tried, at the time, to achieve
socialism were the Bolsheviks. Third, the Bolshevik party was formed in the spirit of the inter-
nationalism, democracy and socialism, but, at the same time, it effectively renounced all three by
adhering to the idea of peoples’ right of self-determination, i.e. to nationalism, and moreover, by
embracing the idea of dictatorship and even of war communism: in other words, by advocating
13
János Gyurgyák
that the “debauched system of capitalism” should continue, unchanged. Fourth, the ideology of
socialism based on the proletariat had failed, both because of the proletariat’s role in the war and
because it was not they who paved the way for the Russian revolution but the intellectuals, until
then regarded as Mitläufers. Polányi drew the final conclusion that the problem was not with Bol-
shevism but with socialism, and that the only thing that would remain from socialism would be
trade unions, just like nothing else remained of Christianity but the Catholic Church. Polányi had
an ambivalent relationship with Bolshevism, Communism and the Soviet Union throughout his
life: he was their harsh and sometimes merciless critic, and at the same time felt an almost mag-
netic attraction and deep affinity towards them.
In another early article, “Polgárháború” (Civil War) (2016: 95‒98), Polányi predicted where
building up the communist system and its power mechanism would lead: “violence, coercion, in-
timidation, the overstretching of political power, terror”. According to him, communists expected
socialism to be implemented through these elements. He asserted, instead, that socialism could not
afford to deviate from the path of democracy, since that was not merely a form of government but an
ideal way of life for society. No doubt, then, that the dictatorship of the proletariat had to be rejected.
At the end of the First World War, Polányi’s worldview markedly changed in two respects.
First, he shifted his focus from social determinism to faith, the role of the individual and individual
effort. At the memorial ceremony held for Ady in February 1919 he couldn’t have expressed this
fundamental change more clearly, by mentioning the fact that he and his contemporaries only gave
credence to the reality of society and to social laws, while individual opinion and individual desire
did not matter. They supposed that individual lives depended on the course of society’s develop-
ment, thus seeing capital, labour, crises, the class struggle, etc. as the key concepts. “Believers”
attitude is the opposite:
I change and with that everything changes in the world, and if the others also change, the
whole world has changed. […] No amount of science can alter this but can only confirm the
truth that birds are able to fly not because of the law of gravity but in spite of it, that trees
grow their leaves not according to the principle of economy but according to the principle
of creative abundance, that society reaches ever-higher intellectual levels not because of
material interest but in spite of it, and that human faith, strength and self-sacrifice are not
determined by the downward gravitating force of material interests but lead us ever higher
thanks to the sacred spirit that defies it.
(Polányi 1986a: 228‒229)
It was also at this time that social cooperation as a guiding principle – one of the central concepts
of his later work – appeared in Polányi’s thinking. The main question was “how to replace the
method of aimless struggle with the conscious cooperation of humanity” and how constructive
ideas can prevail in society instead of the socially destructive forces of pure interest and bigotry.
One of Polányi’s main ideas also appeared in an embryotic form in his writings of 1918‒1919,
when he claimed what a mistake it had been to see only a production system in human society and
only the automatic operation of economic factors in human history (Polányi 1986a: 201).
14
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
B̊éla Kun of the Communist Party. After the proclamation of the proletarian dictatorship, Jászi ad-
vised the members of the Radical Party that they should neither take on political responsibility nor
sabotage the government. In various memoirs there are accounts, albeit contradictory, on Polányi’s
role. According to Lee Congdon (1991: 218–219), Polanyi offered his collaboration to the Com-
missars of production, despite of his disagreement with the goals of the dictatorship, and even
more so with its practices. On the other hand, in a note by the Free Trade Union of Old Galileists
about 64 Galileists and their role in the communist republic, no activity is mentioned regarding
Polányi (Pótó 1982: 81). Besides, Jászi intervened with the Austrian ministry of foreign affairs
as early as in May to ask Otto Bauer for Polányi’s right of asylum. However, Polanyi’s decision
to stay in Vienna also depended on the fact that already on the first of August an anti-communist
government had come to power in Budapest, whereby – as he points out (1937: 29) – “the feudal
nobility regained political control”.
More is known about the tumultuous first years of Polányi’s emigration in Vienna than the
later, more consolidated years, thanks to Jászi’s diary. Jászi provided an almost daily account of
Polányi’s condition, as well as of their common work. It is recorded, for example, that Polányi had
his surgery in the Ottakring Clinic, after which his condition improved, and that he found some
tranquillity in Hinterbrühl near Vienna, in a resort called Helmstreitmühle, inhabited by Hungarian
emigrants. He was also struggling with other problems. While Jászi believed that Polányi’s “ail-
ment” was imaginary, he really did suffer from depression, of which he gave an accurate account
of in a letter to Richárd Wank in 1929:
When we met I was dreadfully ill, mentally ill, and the victim of a melancholy that had grad-
ually been increasing since I was twenty years old. There is nothing more abominable than
this disease. Agonising, continuous, senseless internal excitement is one of its elements. The
other is a poisoned feeling of life, an inner malady of sorts, like some infernal mental nausea.
The third is a narrowed-down sense of self-awareness and compulsive thinking in which one
can only see a palm-sized white spot, around which nothingness revolves and swirls.
(NSZL, fond 212)
Polányi’s illness suddenly disappeared, very probably thanks to his marriage to Ilona Duczynska
in 1922 and to the birth of their daughter Kari in 1923.
When Oscar Jászi took over the editorship of Bécsi Magyar Újság (Hungarian News in Vienna)
in June 1920, he offered Polányi a secretarial job, but it soon became obvious that the two men
were not able to work together as effectively as previously in the Radical Party. Polányi’s illness
hindered him in his work. Furthermore, he had begun to distance himself from Hungarian affairs
and daily politics. Jászi notes in his diary that “Poor Karli can’t stand editorial work and has col-
lapsed. […] What’s more, his editorial performance is just average” (Litván ed. 2001: 284). Thus,
from mid-1922 Polányi only wrote for the newspaper as a freelance editor, primarily submitting
theoretical and far-flung articles on foreign policy. From his articles it can be reconstructed who
the most read and studied authors were: Tolstoy, Laozi, Buddha, Carey, Oppenheimer, Dühring,
Wells, the physiocrats, Rudolf Steiner, Spengler and Kautsky. It was at this time that Jászi wrote A
kommunizmus kilátástalansága és a szocializmus reformációja (The Hopelessness of Communism
and the Reform of Socialism – never published) and discussed it daily with Polányi, whose major
concern was the reasons for the failure of non-Marxist, liberal socialism, and the possibility of
reworking this system of thought. Providing a glimpse of one of his later, central ideas, he wrote
the following to Jászi:
15
János Gyurgyák
Liberal socialism is doomed when, outlining the natural law-based foundations of economic
order, it fails to determine the place of moral postulates in a normal society, which it treats as
if they played the role of a one-off, unrepeatable act of legislation regulating the just order of
the economy in perpetuity, and it regards the resulting society as nothing other than a liberal
economy, which keeps the other (intellectual and moral) forces and values in pre-established
harmony. This primacy of the economy can no longer be rectified with any kind of holy water.
(7 January 1920. NSZL, fond 212)
He continues his train of thought thus: if the economy is the single objective structure of society
with politics, institutions, etc. being only its functions, then it is not clear how this unique objec-
tivity could have been adjusted and by whom, and then it disappears again into nothingness. Ac-
cording to Polányi, therefore, a new ideology must be provided to replace the old ones. However,
only the outlines and fragments of this ideological system are known, conveyed in certain articles
and letters. The most important of these is “Hívő és hitetlen politika” (Believing and Unbelieving
Politics) (Polanyi 2016: 99‒107, originally 1921). While unbelieving politics seeks to achieve
results without changing people, believing politics envisions general progress through the devel-
opment of individuals. Two branches of unbelieving politics developed: the reactionary and the
Marxist. According to both, human nature is immutable, but they differ in their conclusions. There
are also two branches of believing politics: liberal socialism and guild socialism. These ideologies
hold that man can be changed since without this no political and social institution can ensure the
achievement of its goals. In a world dominated by unbelieving politics, socialism, in Polanyi’s
view, represents instead a moral goal, implying that the fundamental task is to strive to realise the
fullness of human freedom and solidarity.
In this time Polányi was concerned with three things. First, Marxist socialism, that has simpli-
fied and narrowed down the original values of socialism. Second, the Russian Revolution, which
he observed critically, albeit with sympathy since he believed that the Bolsheviks were continuing
the mission of Peter the Great, namely that they were attempting to open to Western civilisation by
using the tools of despotism. Third, what fascinated him was the relationship between democracy
and socialism. In relation to this he concluded that democracy was the sine qua non of socialism.
16
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
Jászi, who by then had moved to the United States, supported Polányi’s participation in the
Károlyi movement. He wrote:
I believe it is important for you to discuss the situation with Károlyi and to try your best
to bring him back to reality. […] This is because the main problem is not (as you yourself
wrote) that Hungary will end up falling under the Soviet sphere of influence (this is all but
inevitable) but rather if in this sphere of interest Hungary will still be able to maintain a
Western character and the best of our humanist soul. I am concerned that Károlyi has no
sense for this problem.
(18 August 1943. NSZL, fond 212)
After the Germans occupied Hungary, the Hungarian Council in Britain, the leading body for
Hungarian emigrants to England, was formed in April 1944; however, the British did not regard it
as an émigré government. Károlyi’s movement had four representatives in the association (Ilona
Duczynska, Karl Polányi, Zoltán Kellermann and Endre Havas). Polányi was expressly regarded
as having been delegated to serve in the association as the representative of the American group,
i.e. that of Jászi and his circle, although he had no specific mandate for this. It must be noted that
Polányi and Duczynska somewhat exaggerated their political role. In January 1945 they wrote a
letter to Károlyi saying that he should either return home to get directly involved with Hungarian
politics, thus consolidating the left-wing there, or draw the necessary conclusions and resign from
politics. Outraged, Mihály Károlyi responded by writing that he had no desire to ever again discuss
his political plans with the Polányis. However, Polányi and Károlyi continued their correspond-
ence; indeed, on June 23, 1948 Károlyi, in his capacity as the Hungarian ambassador in Paris, sug-
gested to Gyula Ortutay, the minister of education, that Polányi – who, as he said, demonstrated
“pro-Soviet leanings” and “in his own way has shattered people’s faith in the present Western
European system” – should be recalled home to fulfil some kind of independent research position.
Based on source material, it can clearly be established that Polányi himself was not against the idea
of returning home. However, in Hungary, and indeed in the entire region, there was no question
of the country undergoing a process of “finlandisation”, i.e. “limited economic and cultural inde-
pendence”, “windows left open to the West” and “a clear-sighted, self-sacrificing and tenacious
people’s democracy”, as Polányi naively thought at the time. (Letter to Oscar Jaszi. Jul. 13, 1944.
NSZL, fond 212.) On the contrary, in Hungary the merciless Stalinist logic of power prevailed.
In 1945 a study of extraordinary importance by Polányi was published in The London Quar-
terly of World Affairs and, the following year, in the Budapest magazine Új Magyarország (New
Hungary) (Polányi 1946). He postulated that the war had brought about the demise of the earlier
three economic-social forms (liberal capitalism, world revolutionary socialism and rule by race).
In addition, he argued that the failure of these economic-social forms would lead to an increased
role of regional planned economies and, furthermore, that it would take the Soviet Union only
some half dozen five-year plans to overtake America’s industrial production and standard of liv-
ing. However, Polányi, a man with a positive and hopeful disposition who always assumed that
everybody was well-intentioned, was again doomed to disappointment. Jászi, far more realistic
and pessimistic in nature, saw this well in advance and wrote to Polányi: “This window will be
soon smashed without the very active cooperation of what Lippmann calls the Atlantic democra-
cies” (28 July 1944. NSZL, fond 212). Following this he repeatedly cautioned Polányi about his
unrealistic hopes and expectations saying: “The Bolsheviks will collaborate with anyone they can
use” (29 September 1945. NSZL, fond 212). In his letter to Polányi on 4 March 1947 he drew up
the final inventory:
17
János Gyurgyák
The Hungarian Republic hurtling towards Soviet dictatorship will equally shatter your
hopes and my hopes, unless you have managed to find a slightly more comforting theory of
a compromise. I myself am unable to.
(NSZL, fond 212)
The Polányis’ return back to Hungary eventually came to nothing. Indeed, Károlyi himself soon
became an emigrant, while Jászi was never to return home.
The next time Polányi resumed ties with Hungary was in the years directly after the Hungarian
Revolution of 1956. The revolution surprised him, indeed filled him with admiration. He wrote to
his brother Michael:
1956 reconquered me for Hungary. More than that: it gave me a mother country. […] I ad-
mire the fighters of October, I am proud of Gimes Miklós, son of my own Galileist friend.
They have redeemed Hungary, a non-people, from Ady’s ‘szégyenkaloda’ (stocks) of history.
(21 October 1959. NSZL, fond 212)
In the same letter, he stressed that for him 1956 was not important from the perspective of power
politics but rather because of the moral values that the populists and the revisionist communists rep-
resented, and upon which an independent Hungary could be built in the future. In two unpublished
studies (“Hungarian Lesson”, “Covert External Rule and Socialist Economy” (NSZL, fond 212.) he
also discussed the damaging effect “covert external rule” had upon Hungary and how impossible it
made the running of a socialist economy. Despite his admiration for the revolution and repudiation
of the Soviet intervention, Polányi made overtures to the Kádár regime: indeed, at a time when a
great many of the revolutionaries were still in prison. On 21 November 1960 he left the Hungarian
Writers’ Association Abroad “in protest against the hurtful behaviour they demonstrated to writers
at home” (NSZL – fond 212), i.e. after the great majority of writers in Hungary had taken an oath
of loyalty to the system and the leadership of the Association had vehemently disapproved of it.
In 1963, a year before his death, he and Ilona Duczynska visited Hungary, where he published his
Hazánk kötelessége (Obligation of Our Homeland), setting out his allegiance to the system (Polanyi
1963). In describing his return home, he pointed out “the promising picture of a reviving country”
and “the amazing speed in the growth of the Soviet Union’s economy”, that “terrified America”,
while expressing his hope that, living up to its calling, the Hungarian youth could be of help to
socialism in the coming ideological match. Polányi’s last gesture in Hungarian politics was the an-
thology The Plough and the Pen. Writings from Hungary, 1930–1956 jointly edited with Ilona Duc-
zynska (Duczynska an Polanyi eds 1963), presenting the Western public with collected short stories
and poems of Hungarian populist and reform communist writers, thus facilitating the promotion of
Hungarian literature abroad – though slightly reducing Hungary’s much richer literary tradition.
Summary
In his last letter to Jászi, Polányi summed up the most important component in his life’s work:
You and I grew into men before the great change. There are only a few such men now: they
embody the benchmark of the West, they are the platinum units of historical values. Those
who came after us exaggerated or belittled, overstretched or discounted the ideals of the
nineteenth century.
(27 October 1950. NSZL, fond 212)
18
Károly Polányi’s Hungary
Actually, the generation to which Polányi belonged (Ady, Jászi, Lukács, Mannheim, Koestler, etc.)
thought about the world in universal concepts. Despite their heated debates, they were driven by a
common, inextinguishable leftist desire to make the world better. Moreover, to borrow Polányi’s
own words, they saw their very selves in their views, which gave them their calling and bound
them to their fate (Letter to Oscar Jászi, 30 June 1921. NSZL, fond 212). It stemmed from such
universal, multidisciplinary thinking and wish to change the world that the members of that gen-
eration were roaming on the borderlands of politics, science, ideology, religion and art.
Polanyi was passionately interested in politics throughout his life, but he was actively involved
in it especially in the first, Hungarian half of his life. In general, as an intellectual advocating
politics on an ethical and conceptual plane, he was repeatedly disappointed. An important experi-
ence of people of Polanyi’s generation during their youth and a determining factor in the path they
chose in their lives was their anti-capitalist left-wing stance. Polányi clearly expressed this in a
letter to one of his old Galileist friends, Zsigmond Kende:
In the 20th century, this left-wing stance was presented with a serious challenge by the advent
of Bolshevism. It was at this point that Polányi’s thinking diverged from Jászi’s and that of his
brother Michael: the disputes they later had were mostly connected to this. Karl harboured a
greater hatred of capitalism than the others, due to the historical events he had witnessed, to the
influence of Samuel Klatschko and Ervin Szabó, and presumably also to his father’s bankruptcy.
This is why he was more inclined to play down the irredeemable actions of ‘existing socialism’,
i.e. Russian Bolshevik policies and Hungarian communism, as manifested during the period of the
Hungarian Soviet Republic and the Moscow trials (Polanyi 1922). A strange duality can, therefore,
be observed: a rejection on principle in tandem with an almost magnetic attraction. In contrast,
Jászi became a staunch anti-communist, while attempting to revive ‘natural law’; moreover, since
the freedom of the individual was paramount in his thinking, he had to make concessions to the
notions and practice of capitalism. Despite their differences, both Polányi and Jászi sought a new
socialist path, in which the subject, individual initiative, faith, enthusiasm could be attributed a
greater role. In this regard, they acknowledged Marx’s achievements, though being disillusioned
with determinist and teleological thinking, whether evolutionist or Marxist.
Polányi’s relationship with politics was also problematic from a different perspective, as he
viewed it from above and from the outside, rejecting its primarily power-based aspect and despis-
ing the often shallow, down-to-earth and compromising nature of daily politics. This was another
difference between Polányi and Jászi. Besides, while the latter was stirred by general principles
and conditions, Polányi was excited by specific historical phenomena and the processes of change.
Another important feature of this period was that Polányi’s articles, studies and letters were
original, full of ideas and theoretically sensitive, but at the same time they tended to be disjointed
and often scatty, while the conclusions he reached were not thoroughly considered. In fact, he
tended to combine intellectually soaring and brilliant propositions with illusory ideas. Referring
to one of the essential elements of his friend’s way of thinking, Jászi wrote: “I find your successes
a cause for joy especially as I vividly remember those hours in the Viennese coffee house when
I tried to bring your soaring thoughts back down to Earth” (23 February 1948. NSZL, fond 212).
The following quote by Polányi illustrates the fact that he was aware of his lack of organisation
19
János Gyurgyák
and his habit of always seeking new paths: “If we wish to assess the alternatives of the future,
we must overcome our natural tendency to follow in the footsteps of our fathers” (NSZL – fond
212). Perhaps the best example of this theoretical sensitivity and original approach is the article
written when he was twenty-four, in 1910: “Nézeteink válsága” (“The crisis of our ideologies”.
Polanyi 2016: 83‒85), where he explains that the first era of capitalist society, which focused on
competition and the individual, has passed. According to him, this first era would be followed by
the second stage, which would restrict competition and focus on collectiveness; socialist views
would prevail and thus socialism would return to bourgeois society. It transpires from his answer
to a circular question published in a periodical in 1922 that he regarded socialism as the way of
the future but only if it was free of the intellectual superstition of determinism and the material
superstition of national welfare (Az európai kultúra jövője [The future of the European culture].
Tűz [Fire], 13/2/1922).
In answer to the question asked at the beginning of this study – To what extent were Polányi’s
views determined by his early years and by his encounter with Hungarian politics? – it can be
concluded that those years were indeed decisive for him and clearly delineated the framework
of his thinking: his relentless search for the truth, his critical idealisation of the Russian revolu-
tion, leftism as a defining framework of reference, his indisputably anti-capitalist and anti-market
stance, and finally his quest for humanist and democratic socialism. At the same time, Polányi’s
later elaboration of the “grand theory” undoubtedly required his encounters with Red Vienna and
British society history and his studies of English history and classical capitalism. All this, com-
bined with his Hungarian experiences, enabled him to elaborate his views and organise them into
a system. His ideas opened up new horizons and continue to exert their influence today.
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