CONTENTS
1. Legacy of Colonial Rule and Partition.....1–7
1.1 Character of The Colonial Rule............................1
1.2 Impact of Colonial Rule on India.........................1
1.3 Legacy of Colonial Rule...........................................2
1.4 Legacy of National Movement..............................3
1.5 Immediate Challenges after Independence.......4
1.6 Logic and Reasoning Behind Partition.............5
1.7 Process of Partition...................................................6
1.8 Impact and Consequences of Partition............6
2. Integration of Princely States..................8–18
2.1 Lapse of Paramountcy and Problems
with States....................................................................8
2.2 Role of Mountbatten in National
Integration....................................................................9
2.3 Strategy of Sardar Patel to Integrate
Princely States ...........................................................9
2.4 Process of Integration of the Princely
States............................................................................ 10
2.5 Integration of Princely States after
Independence........................................................... 13
3. Integration of Tribals............................19–22
3.1 Planning and Programmes for Tribal
Development: British India................................ 19
3.2 Tribal Development in Post-Independence
India............................................................................. 19
3.3 Approach of Pandit Nehru.................................. 20
3.4 Constitutional Arrangements for
Integration of Tribals............................................ 21
3.5 Other Measures Taken by the
Government.............................................................. 21
4. Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of
States: Growth of Regionalism..............23–34
4.1 Political Organization of Indian
States after Integration........................................ 23
4.2 Outcome of Linguistic Reorganization
of States...................................................................... 27
4.3 Challenges Created by State
Reorganization......................................................... 27
4.4 Analysis of Linguistic Organisation
of States...................................................................... 27
4.5 Minority Languages............................................... 27
4.6 Economics of Formation of New States:
Debate Over Small and Big Size States.......... 28
4.7 Issue of Official Language .................................. 28
4.8 Case of Hindi as Official Language.................. 29
4.9 Three Language Formula:
Issue Over New Education Policy 2020........ 29
4.10 The Present Issue Over 3 Language
Formula....................................................................... 30
4.11 Growth of Regionalism in India........................ 30
4.12 Types of Regionalism............................................ 30
4.13 Characteristics of Regionalism ........................ 31
4.14 Causes of Regionalism.......................................... 31
4.15 Nationalism and Regionalism........................... 31
4.16 Federalism and Regionalism.............................. 31
4.17 Clashes in India Having Colours of
Regionalism............................................................... 31
4.18 Impact of Regionalism.......................................... 33
4.19 Steps Taken to Contain the
Regionalism............................................................... 33
5. Achievements after Independence, Foreign
Policy and Era of War............................35–45
5.1 Resettling Refugees Post-Partition................. 35
5.2 Making an Electoral Democracy....................... 35
5.3 Development of Science and Technology........ 36
5.4 Development in the Field of Education......... 36
5.5 Dams and Steel Plants: New Temples
of India........................................................................ 37
5.6 Creating Democratic Institutions.................... 37
5.7 Social Change............................................................ 37
5.8 Community Development Programmes....... 38
5.9 Rooting Socialism................................................... 39
5.10 Opposing Communalism..................................... 39
5.11 Foreign Policy of Nehru....................................... 39
5.12 Non-Alignment Movement (NAM).................. 40
5.13 India’s Role in International Affairs................ 41
5.14 Relationship with the Superpowers�������������� 42
5.15 Relationship with Neighbours.......................... 44
6. From Shastri to Indira Gandhi.............46–50
6.1 The Shastri’s Years................................................. 46
6.2 Early Years of Indira Gandhi.............................. 48
 7. End of One-Party Dominance: Emergence
of Multi-Party System in India.............51–56
7.1 First Phase (1947—1967):
‘Congress System’................................................... 51
7.2 Debate Regarding Relationship
Between the Party’s Leader and the
Government.............................................................. 52
7.3 Decline of Congress............................................... 52
7.4 The Opposition Parties (1947 -64)................. 52
7.5 Second Phase (1967-1977):
‘Market Polity’ System.......................................... 55
7.6 Third Phase (1977-1998):
Multi-Party System................................................ 55
7.7 Fourth Phase (1998 to the Present):
Loose Bi-Polar Alliance System........................ 56
8. Emergence of Indira Gandhi and
Creation of Bangladesh.........................57–61
8.1 General Elections of 1967 and its
Impact on Indian Political Outcome of
Elections..................................................................... 57
8.2 Back to Congress Dominance and the
Leadership of Indira Gandhi (1969-73).............
��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57
8.3 Creation of Bangladesh........................................ 58
8.4 Pokhran I.................................................................... 61
9. JP Movement and Era of Emergency......62–67
9.1 Early Protest............................................................. 62
9.2 Start of Jp Movement............................................. 63
9.3 Era of Emergency (25 June 1975 to
18 January 1977).................................................... 64
9.4 Janata Dal Government........................................ 66
10. Revival of Congress and Punjab Crisis......68–71
10.1 Punjab Crisis (1960s to 1980s)����������������������� 68
10.2 After Operation Bluestar..................................... 71
11. Era of Rajiv Gandhi: Crisis of Assam......72–76
11.1 Early Years of Rajiv Gandhi................................. 72
11.2 Bhopal Gas Tragedy 1984................................... 73
11.3 Foreign Policy of Rajiv Gandhi.......................... 73
11.4 Assam Crisis and its Resolution....................... 75
12. Politics after Rajiv Gandhi....................77–80
12.1 The National Front Government,
1989–1990................................................................ 77
12.2 United Front Government................................... 79
12.3 Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government.................... 79
13. Land Reforms and Cooperatives..........81–86
13.1 Colonial Impact........................................................ 81
13.2 Phases of Land Reform......................................... 81
13.3 Bhoodan Movement.............................................. 84
13.4 Cooperativization and Community
Development Programs....................................... 84
13.5 Present Status of Land Reforms in India......... 86
14. Green Revolution..................................87–89
14.1 Start of Green Revolution.................................... 87
14.2 Phases of Green Revolution................................ 88
14.3 Achievements of Green Revolution................. 88
14.4 Issues with the Green Revolution.................... 89
14.5 Need of Evergreen Revolution.......................... 89
15. Indian Economy Since Independence......90–97
15.1 Capitalist Versus Socialist Economy............... 90
15.2 Planning Commission and
1st Five-Year Plan..................................................... 90
15.3 Strategy for Industrialization and
Nehruvian Consensus........................................... 90
15.4 Achievements of Indian Economy
During Nehru Era................................................... 92
15.5 Indian Economy From 1965 -1991................. 92
15.6 Reformative Era: 1991 Onwards...................... 94
15.7 Indian Economy in the New Millennium:
30 Years of LPG Reforms .................................... 95
15.8 Covid-19 Crisis and Atma-Nirbhar
Bharat.......................................................................... 97
16. Social Movements in Independent
India...........................................................98–111
16.1 Women Movements
16.2 Student’s Movements......................................... 102
16.3 Agrarian Movement............................................ 105
16.4 Caste Movements................................................. 108
16.5 Backward Class Castes Movements............. 109
16.6 Environmental Movement............................... 110
17. India During 2000 to 2014................112–118
17.1 The Kandahar Incident..................................... 112
17.2 Agra Summit.......................................................... 112
17.3 Godhra Riots of 2002......................................... 112
17.4 Policies of Vajpayee Government.................. 112
17.5 UPA Government: 2004 General
Elections.................................................................. 114
17.6 UPA 2: 2009-2014............................................... 116
17.7 Evolution of Nature of Democracy
in India..................................................................... 118
18. Present Era.........................................119–122
18.1 Rise of BJP and NDA Government................. 119
18.2 Policies and Prospect of Modi
Government........................................................... 119
18.3 Policy over Terrorism........................................ 120
18.4 Economic Policies................................................ 120
18.5 Evolution of India’s Foreign Policy............... 121
vi
 Legacy of Colonial Rule and
1 Partition
z On August 14, 1947, at midnight, Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru addressed the Indian Constituent
Assembly, saying, “Long years ago we made a tryst
with destiny, and now the hour has come when we
shall fulfil our commitment, not totally or entirely,
but very substantially. India will awaken to life and
independence at the stroke of midnight when the rest
of the world sleeps.” With this speech, India awoke to a
new age of independence, the climax of a long-drawn
battle for independence against the repressive British
colonial authority.
z However, patriotic Indians had celebrated
their first ‘Independence Day’ seventeen years
earlier. In the first week of January 1930, the Indian
National Congress passed a resolution designating
the last Sunday of the month for nationwide
demonstrations in support of purna swaraj or
complete independence.
1.1 CHARACTER OF THE COLONIAL
RULE
z By the Revolt of 1857, the British East India Company,
which landed in India in 1608, at the port of Surat, had
formed an empire that occupied about two-thirds of
India. Political power over such an enormous territory
was destined to affect almost every aspect of Indian
life.
z The footprints of these consequences of political
interaction are still obvious in our culture post-
independence, making it necessary to address the
changes brought about by colonial authority over
India.
z Following changes were observed due to Colonial
Rule:
 Colonialism resulted in the comprehensive but
difficult integration of India’s economy with the
global capitalist system, while India’s immense
continental resources were diverted to meet the
demands of the British Industrial Revolution.
 A particular framework of production and
distribution was imposed on us to suit British
industry. The colonial state misappropriated and
misapplied a considerable portion of India’s social
surplus or savings.
 From the economic outflow, India received
no commensurate economic, commercial, or
material returns.
 The lack of state assistance to industry and
agriculture was a significant contributor to India’s
underdevelopment.
 The colonial state enforced free trade in India
and refused to defend Indian industry with tariffs,
as Britain, Western Europe, and the United States
had done.
 Finally, net savings in the Indian economy from
1914 to 1946 amounted to barely 2.75 per cent
of GNP.
1.2 IMPACT OF COLONIAL RULE ON
INDIA
Colonial policies resulted in economic backwardness,
z
deindustrialisation, ruralization of the Indian economy,
uneven industrial development, and a restricted
transport revolution.
z Dadabhai Nauroji proposed the “Drain of Wealth”
Theory in his book “Poverty and Un-British Rule
in India” (1901), which demonstrated how Britain
drained India of its wealth to the tune of 200-
300 million pounds a year. It emphasised India’s
widespread economic exploitation.
z Between 1700 and 1950, India’s proportion in the
global economy fell from 24.4% to 4.2%, according
to British economist Angus Maddison.
z Their policies wiped out indigenous handcraft
enterprises and craftsmen working in many areas of
the economy.
z Furthermore, Britishers set high tariffs on Indian
items while allowing free cross-border circulation
of British goods.
z De-industrialisation resulted in the downfall of
many towns and the ruralisation of India, with many
craftsmen retreating to villages and resuming farming.
z The British’s agricultural policies, such as Permanent
Settlement (Bihar, Bengal, and Orissa), Ryotwari
Settlement (Madras and Bombay), and Mahalwari
 Settlement (Punjab and Central Province), resulted
in severe taxation and misery of the peasants.
 Forced commercialization of agriculture
through systems such as Bengal’s Tinkathia
system (which required farmers to cultivate
indigo on 3/20th of their landholding) created
economic hardship for peasants.
 The total result of British policy was a tremendous
strain on the Indian agriculture sector and
rural economy, which has its effects even today.
z The pattern of India’s international commerce
revealed the colonial nature of the economy.
 As late as 1935-39, food, drink, tobacco, and raw
materials accounted for 68.5 percent of India’s
exports and 64.4 percent of its imports.
z Impact on society: The British reign over India
resulted in the mixing of common people, which had
a significant influence on Indian culture as it began
to align itself with Western values while maintaining
Indian customs. As a result, society was divided
along racial lines.
 In the 18th and 19th centuries, Indians of various
categories received Westernised education and
began working under Company rule. This class,
known as the ‘intelligentsia,’ eventually became
a middle class.
 Similarly, the promotion of modern industries in
the late nineteenth century and early twentieth
century developed the ‘Proletariat’ (working)
and ‘Bourgeois’ (capitalist) classes in Indian
society.
 Furthermore, under the pretence of a
separate electorate, British reservation laws
for some underprivileged groups of society
were perpetuated in modified form in post-
independence India.
 They were also responsible for the emergence of
several caste-based phrases in India, which have
sparked heated discussion in post-independence
India.
 In the Government of India Act 1935, for
example, the term Scheduled Caste was created
for the oppressed castes.
z Impact on education: British education was devoid
of technical and scientific content. Studies were
mostly concerned with philosophy and social sciences.
Furthermore, it was inaccessible since universities
and higher educational institutions were exclusively
situated in capital cities, with limited transit options.
 In the end almost eighty-two per cent of
illiteracy in 1951. Enforcing the English language
amongst the masses, divided society alongside the
strains of Anglicists and Orientalists, a problem
which persists in society even today.
2 Post Independence India
1.3 LEGACY OF COLONIAL RULE
z Reforms in administration: Indian bureaucracy
was organised by Britishers in India during the
reign of Lord Cornwallis, who split bureaucracy into
Covenanted and Non-Covenanted Civil Services.
 After independence, this category was eliminated,
and the bureaucracy was renamed Civil Services
of India, and it is regarded as India’s steel frame
since it has created a robust administration.
z A curious dichotomy distinguished the colonial
legacy in terms of India’s unity. The colonial state
achieved more political and administrative unity in
India than had previously occurred.
z The British left behind a formidable but expensive
military force that had served as a key pillar of the
British government in India.
 The army’s legacy of being ‘apolitical,’ and
hence subject to political authority, as was the
civil service in the long term, would be a boon to
independent India, as opposed to newly formed
Pakistan.
z The Parliamentary system is the Britishers’ most
significant political legacy in India. From the
Regulating Act of 1773 through the Government of
India Act of 1935, this system was embraced by the
nation’s founding fathers post-independence due to
Indians’ experience with it.
 The legislatures, on the other hand, did not
have much authority until 1935, and even then,
absolute control remained with the British. The
government could take any action without the
approval of the legislatures.
 However, the legislatures did afford some
Indians the opportunity to participate in
elections at various levels and work in elected
organs. This knowledge was crucial after 1947
when Indians gained access to representative
institutions.
z The ideals of an independent judiciary, equality
before the law, and the rule of law are British in
origin and were accepted by our country’s founding
fathers after independence.
z Social reforms: The British were also in charge
of establishing a non-religious and secular legal
system in India. The Indian Penal Code, adopted in
1860, remains the foundation of the current legal
system.
z Spread of English language: With Macaulay’s
Minutes (1835), English was embraced in India as a
lingua franca or common language of instruction. This
language serves as the foundation of the country’s
higher education system.
  The Woods Dispatch, popularly known as the
“Magna Carta of English Education” in India,
advocated a university education system in 1854.
This system is still in use throughout the nation.
z Rural-urban divide: Electricity and a modern water
supply system were unknown in villages and were
nonexistent in many towns. Every year, epidemics of
smallpox, plague, and cholera, as well as ailments such
as dysentery, diarrhoea, malaria, and various fevers,
killed millions.
z Fall in agriculture productivity: Between 1901 and
1941, agricultural productivity per capita declined
by 14 per cent. Foodgrain consumption per capita
fell by more than a quarter. Subinfeudation, tenancy,
and sharecropping became more prevalent in both the
Zamindari and Ryotwari districts.
 By the 1940s, landowners held more than 70%
of the land and, together with money lenders and
the colonial authority, controlled more than half of
overall agricultural production.
z Poverty and exploitation: The effect of colonial
underdevelopment was the poverty of the population,
particularly the farmers and craftsmen. Ordinary
people faced extreme and visible poverty, disease,
hunger, and starvation.
 This culminated in a series of large famines
that ravaged all areas of India in the second half
of the nineteenth century; during the British
administration, there were frequent scarcities and
lesser famines in one or more parts of the country.
z Abysmal healthcare system: In 1943, there were
only 10 medical colleges producing 700 graduates
each year, whereas 27 medical schools produced
approximately 7,000 licentiates. There were only
about 18,000 graduate doctors in 1951, with the
majority of them concentrated in cities.
As colonialism came to an end, the legacy of
colonialism was stagnant per capita income, poor
living standards, stunted industrial growth, low
productivity and semi-feudal agriculture.
1.4 LEGACY OF NATIONAL MOVEMENT
z Understanding the 100-year-old freedom fight is
essential to understanding changes in India after
1947. The national movement provided India with
the values and ideals—the vision—and the well-
defined and complete ideology that were to guide it
in nation-building, while the precolonial and colonial
eras provided it with the economic and administrative
systems that it would inherit.
 It included diverse political movements from
the right and left that shared its ideological aims
while representing the Indian people; it excluded
Legacy of Colonial Rule and Partition
only communists and those who were loyal to the
colonial powers.
z Unity among masses: The basis of satyagraha as a
method of resistance was the active involvement of
the populace as well as the sympathy and support of
the millions of non-participants.
 A multi-religious, multi-ethnic nation needed
the principle of Unity in Diversity to be cohesive,
and the linguistic organisation of states was one
of its key tenets. Lokmanya Tilak was the first to
make this demand, and after some early resistance,
political leadership after independence embraced
it.
z Temper for democracy: The national movement’s
agreement to embrace non-violence also helped to
instill a spirit of democracy throughout the nation.
z Civil liberties and Fundamental Rights: The
fundamental ideas of popular sovereignty,
representative governance, and civil freedoms were
indigenized, made popular, and deeply ingrained in
India through the national movement.
 Along with advancing other political and economic
initiatives, a lot of effort was also given to defending
press and speech freedom against attacks by the
colonial authority.
 Additionally, the freedom of organization and the
right to free speech were secured by the resolution
on fundamental rights that the Karachi Congress
voted on in 1931.
z Representative democracy: The Indian national
movement firmly believed in a government based on
representative democracy and the entire spectrum of
individual civil freedoms. The leaders unhesitatingly
introduced adult franchises despite widespread
poverty and illiteracy.
z As a torchbearer, Mahatma Gandhi had a significant
influence on India’s social, economic, and political
landscape. His vision of a panchayat at the village
level was codified in Article 40 of the Indian
Constitution and presently serves as the third layer
to further grassroots democracy.
 Gandhiji advocated for his educational programme,
the “Wardha Scheme of Education,” which
provided pupils with practical training to help
them become self-sufficient.
 However, because the government placed a strong
focus on technical education, this style of education
was unable to flourish in post-independent India.
However, the New Education Policy 2020 has
brought back the idea of vocational education
for kids starting in class 6.
z Respect for Minority voice: Congress did not require
that members in its ranks hold the same opinions or
follow the same course of action. It permitted dissent
3
 and not only tolerated it but rather promoted the
openly held and unrestricted expression of divergent
and minority viewpoints.
z Self-reliant economy: The fundamental components
of India’s colonial economy were subject to a
sophisticated and in-depth examination by the Indian
national movement. A self-sufficient, autonomous
economy was formed and became popular.
 Autarchy was not the definition of independence;
rather, it was the avoidance of a subservient
position in the global economy.
 A socialist-leaning resolution on economic
policies was approved by the Indian National
Congress.
 Various economic ideas had been proposed in
India before independence by many distinguished
people. The Bombay Plan, presented by eight
powerful entrepreneurs in 1944, stood out
among them.
 These various ideologies came together after India
gained its independence to form the Socialist
Model of Mixed Economy, which was adopted for
India to carry out a fair distribution of resources
and deter wealth concentration.
z Social reforms: No voices of opposition were
raised in the Constituent Assembly when the idea of
reservations for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes because of the atmosphere and sentiments
created by the national movement.
 Similar to this, the national movement’s efforts in
support of the social freedom of women aided in
the passing of the Hindu Code Bills in the 1950s.
 Gandhiji did argue for the complete destruction
of the caste system itself in the 1940s, but the
movement failed to develop and spread a strong
anti-caste philosophy.
z Secular nature of India: The tactic of divide and rule
established by the British rulers after independence
had a significant influence on Indian society via its
split in 1947 on religious lines.
 However, by enshrining secularism through several
parts of the Indian Constitution, the national
movement’s secular credentials preserved the
multi-religious and varied structure of Indian
society.
 To promote harmony among the many segments
of Indian society, equality was lastly guaranteed by
the Fundamental Rights portion of the Constitution.
z Emergence of All India character: The development
of a strong national identity and the establishment
of other, more specific identities were mutually
reinforcing processes.
 The diversity and many identities were not viewed
as challenges to be overcome but as assets that
4 Post Independence India
bolstered Indian culture, civilization, and the
country and were essential to the emergence of
a national identity. Particularly, these regional-
cultural identities grew with the national
movement and the all-Indian identity rather than
in opposition to it.
z Socialist nature of the state: The first rural session
of the INC occurred during the National Movement
during the Faizpur Session of the Congress (1936),
which was held in Maharashtra. During this session,
Congress focused on the agrarian issues that the
people of the nation were experiencing.
 After that, the Congress Working Committee
Election Manifesto in 1945 called for the
abolishment of Zamindari, and when India gained
independence, land reforms and the repeal of
Zamindari were among the first moves taken
toward modernisation.
z Nationalists have pushed for technical education
at Indian institutions and an emphasis on India’s
industrialization since the 19th century. An enduring
legacy of the national struggle is the post-independence
government’s extensive industrialization efforts
despite having a sizable rural population.
z Foreign Policy: Indian leaders developed a broad
international outlook over time based on opposition
to colonialism and sympathy for the people fighting
for independence.
 National movements took a strong anti-fascist
stance during the 1930s and 1940s. This
culminated in the emergence of the Non-
Alignment Movement (NAM).
To sum up, throughout the years, the nationalist
movement effectively developed an alternative to the
authoritarian, bureaucratic, obedient, and paternalistic
political culture of colonialism and post-colonialism.
Based on respect for dissent, freedom of expression, the
rule of the majority, and the right of minority views to
exist and flourish, it had a culture of democracy and civil
freedoms.
In the end, the National Movement’s legacy influenced
the India of today and will continue to inspire new
generations to create a better India.
1.5 IMMEDIATE CHALLENGES AFTER
INDEPENDENCE
Tomorrow we shall be free from the slavery of British
domination. But at midnight India will be partitioned.
Tomorrow will thus be a day of rejoicing as well as of
mourning
–Mahatma Gandhi (14 August 1947, Kolkata).
z First day of free India was commemorated on
August 15th, 1947, with much fervour and joy.
However, freedom had been accompanied by a host of
 issues, and of course, centuries of ignorance, bigotry,
and backwardness still weighed heavily on the region.
 It was necessary to clean away the remnants of
two centuries of colonialism to fulfil the promises
made during the battle for liberation.
z In general, India after independence experienced
the following types of difficulties.
 The first and most pressing task was creating
a nation that was inclusive of diversity while
remaining together.
 Refugees’ crisis: About 8 million refugees from
what is now Pakistan entered the nation as a result
of Partition. Homes and employment have to be
provided for these refugees.
 Integration of princely states: Then there was
the issue of the over 500 princely states, each of
which was controlled by a Maharaja or a Nawab,
and all of which needed to be convinced to join
the new country.
 The medium-term challenges of drafting
a constitution, creating a representative
democratic and civil libertarian political order,
and holding elections to establish a system of
accountable and representative national and
state governments were also apparent.
 Implementing extensive land reforms to abolish
the semi-feudal agricultural system.
1.6 LOGIC AND REASONING BEHIND
PARTITION
z At about 25% of its population, Muslims were
British India’s biggest religious minority. They
had been accustomed to having their minority status
preserved by a system of reserved parliamentary seats
and distinct electorates while living under imperial
authority.
z As independence drew nearer, more and more Muslims
became concerned about losing this protection, first in
some regions of northern India and then, after World
War II, in the powerful Muslim-majority provinces of
Bengal and Punjab.
z Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League
received the majority of Muslim votes in provincial
elections from 1945 until 1966.
 This enhanced the party’s assertion that it
speaks for a sizable fraction of Muslims in the
subcontinent, but never for all of them.
z Congress’s shortsightedness, Jinnah’s ambition,
and Britain’s amorality and cynicism may have all
played a role, but by the early 1940s, Partition had
already been incorporated into the logic of Indian
history.
Legacy of Colonial Rule and Partition
z The advent of contemporary electoral politics would
have favoured the development of community vote
banks even if the British had not promoted communal
electorates. Muslims were being pushed to identify as
“Muslims” more and more.
z The Muslim League officially called for Pakistan
for the first time in March 1940. The issue of
Pakistan had been put on hold because of the Second
World War. After the war, a Labour administration was
installed in Britain, and they felt morally obligated to
hasten India’s path of independence.
z Muslim League used two types of discourse:
1. The first appeals to optimism, to societal ideals for
economic success and social harmony.
2. The second makes use of sectional fears of being
overwhelmed or worsened by one’s former
adversaries.
z Election results in 1946 were a remarkable
endorsement of the League’s programme. The
Congress performed remarkably well in the general
category in all of India’s provinces, while the League
won all of the Muslim seats after campaigning only on
the topic of a Muslim-only state.
 For instance, the League won 114 of the 119 seats
designated for Muslims in the province of Bengal.
 “Those who have been elected this time to the
Legislatures have been tasked by the public with
the job... of conquering Pakistan,” the League’s
newspaper, Dawn, said after the results were
announced.
z Deadlock over Cabinet Mission Plan: On the terms
under which provinces would enter or leave the
proposed union, the Congress and the League were
unable to come to an agreement.
 Jinnah’s claim that Congress could not appoint a
Muslim as one of its members to the negotiations
was another bone of contention.
 Jinnah fought for his demands, confident that he
had the support of the Muslim populace. It became
quite evident that no agreement could be achieved
by the end of June 1946.
z During their meeting on July 29, 1946, the League’s
leaders declared that “the time has come for the
Muslim nation to resort to direct action in order to
achieve Pakistan and assert their just rights and to
vindicate their honour and to get rid of the colonial rule
and contemplated future of Caste Hindu domination.”
z Direct Action Day, which occurred two weeks later,
marked the beginning of the end of the idea of a United
India.
z On 3 June, the Mountbatten Plan was announced
which made it clear that India was to be partitioned.
5
1.7 PROCESS OF PARTITION
z It was determined to abide by the majority
religion rule. In essence, this means that Pakistan’s
territory would be made up of regions where Muslims
predominated. The remainder would remain with
India.
z In the west and east, respectively, there were two
concentration zones. These two pieces could not
possibly be combined.
 So, it was determined that the new nation of
Pakistan will be made up of the two regions
of West Pakistan and East Pakistan, which are
divided by a sizable portion of Indian land. Second,
not all regions with a majority of Muslims desired
to be in Pakistan.
Fig. 1.1: Violence before the partition
z In June 1947, Sir Cyril Radcliffe was appointed
Chairman of the two Border Commissions (one for
Bengal and the other for Punjab).
 Each commission had five members: Sir Cyril,
the Muslim League’s two nominees, and the
Congress Party’s two nominees.
 Sir Cyril was given until August 15th to complete
the demarcation, but the final result was not
released until August 17th.
z The two-nation hypothesis was vehemently
resisted by Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, the undeniable
ruler of the North Western Frontier Province and also
known as “Frontier Gandhi.” In the end, his concerns
were simply disregarded, and Pakistan forced the
NWFP to become a part of it.
z The third issue was the size of the non-Muslim
majority territories in Bengal and Punjab, two of
British India’s provinces with a majority of Muslims. It
was ultimately agreed that these two provinces will be
divided based on the district-level or even lower-level
religious majority.
6 Post Independence India
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (PRELIMS)
1. The Radcliffe Committee was appointed to: (2014)
(a) Solve the problem of minorities in India
(b) Give effect to the Independence Bill
(c) Delimit the boundaries between India and
Pakistan
(d) Enquire into the riots in East Bengal
Partition- A Story Of The Communal Holocaust: Its
Challenges And India’s Response
z On the basis of religion, British India was split
into the states of Pakistan and India. The divide
was a devastating blow to the country, and after the
declaration of partition, there was a large flight of
people over the new boundaries from both India and
Pakistan, according to their preferences.
Fig. 1.2: Exodus during migration
z It created the following challenges:
 Food and other consumer products were in
short supply, and there was concern over a
possible administrative breakdown.
 Riots, several fatalities, and a massive wave
of migration were all brought on by partition.
Millions of people relocated to what they believed
to be a safer location; Muslims went in the direction
of Pakistan, while Hindus and Sikhs went in the
direction of India.
 The ultimate displacement of up to 14–16 million
people who travelled on foot, in bullock carts, and
by rail is possible.
 Between 200,000 and two million people are
said to have died after the Partition. Many died
from infectious illnesses that spread via the refugee
camps, members of neighbouring communities,
and occasionally even their own families.
1.8 IMPACT AND CONSEQUENCES OF
PARTITION
z Growth of Communalism: Partition and riots
strengthened communal tendencies. Though
communalism was weakened by massive campaigns
and measures but was not eliminated.
z Economic Consequences: The partition led to an
uneven distribution of area and India had to share
a greater burden of the population in proportion to
land share.
 Migration due to partition involved a significant
wealth shock for the households involved.
 The flourishing jute industry was distorted - the
boundaries separating West Bengal from East
Bengal separated the jute growing areas in East
Pakistan from jute mills in West Bengal.
 India also had to bear the cost of rehabilitation of
a large number of refugees.
z Effect on India-Pakistan Relations: The partition
resulted in far-reaching impacts in the region.
 Kashmir conflict emerged as a constant source of
tension resulting in numerous border clashes.
 Another source of constant tension was the strong
sense of insecurity among Hindus in East Bengal
which emerged as a consequence of the communal
character of Pakistan’s political system.
 As a result, independence had been fraught
with difficulties, and the effects of centuries of
illiteracy, bigotry, and backwardness were still
felt in the country. Thus, it was imperative that
v v
Legacy of Colonial Rule and Partition
India should respond to these challenges with
a long-term vision.
z The majority of West Punjabi Sikh and Hindu refugees
landed in Delhi and East Punjab (including Haryana
and Himachal Pradesh). The population of Delhi
increased from just under 1 million (917,939) in
the Census of India, 1941, to just under 2 million
(1,744,072) in the 1951 census, making it the city
with the highest number of refugees.
z Hindus who had fled East Pakistan (now Bangladesh)
moved throughout Eastern, Central, and Northeastern
India, with a large number of them settling in nearby
Indian regions like West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura.
Demography, economy, culture, religion, law, foreign
relations, and party politics would all be significantly
impacted by India’s split. When East Pakistan sought
independence from West Pakistan to form the
independent nation of Bangladesh in 1971, the myth of
the two-nation idea was disproved.
#OpinionMaters
Did the Constituent Assembly represented the
aspirations of people who had taken part in the
Indian National Movement?
v
7
 2 Integration of Princely States
National integration means “creating a mental outlook
which will promote and inspire every person to place
loyalty to the country above group loyalties and the
welfare of the country above narrow sectarian interests.”
– Dorothy Simpson
z At the time of independence, India faced challenges
on multiple fronts with respect to national integration.
The first and foremost challenge before India was to
shape a united nation that would accommodate its
diversity. National Integration is the cementing
force that binds the citizens of the country into a
unified entity.
z It is the awareness of a common identity among
citizens of the country which means that although
the citizens belong to different religions and speak
different languages, they recognise the fact that they
are all one.
2.1 LAPSE OF PARAMOUNTCY AND
PROBLEMS WITH STATES
The Indian States are governed by treaties . . . . . The
Indian States, if they do not join this Union, will remain
in exactly the same situation as they are today
–Sir Stafford Cripps
z Through a succession of treaties with the country’s
numerous rulers throughout the years, the British
began to dominate India. The British Government
was only partially successful in expanding its control
throughout the entire nation even after sending
armed troops.
z System of paramountcy was a unique system
governing the interactions between the states and the
British government.
z The states were required to work with the government
on all-Indian policy issues including the rail, roads,
post, telegraph systems, and defence.
z The royal representatives occasionally stationed an
army, built rail and roads through parts of the states,
and assumed administrative authority over the region.
z States and the British government have a number
of agreements. In addition, the crown envoy had the
option of requesting military support from the Indian
government if he felt it was essential to defend the
monarch against an insurrection or an attack from
the outside.
z When power was transferred in 1947, the standing
of the states became extremely important. It was
uncertain whether the states would achieve total
independence when the Paramountcy fell.
z Regarding the States’ situation following the end of
the Paramountcy, there were two possibilities:
1. Stay independent: The two newly established
states of India and Pakistan might not impose any
control over the states, allowing them to become
fully autonomous and independent sovereign
entities. A proposal like that would have resulted
in the nation becoming totally divided.
2. Join either of two nations: Following the loss of
British influence, the nations would forge new ties
with either Pakistan or India, depending on the
regional stability and political climate of the time.
2.1.1 Solution for the State: Proposal of
Cabinet Mission Plan (1946)
z The Cabinet Mission Plan on May 16, 1946, provided
a comprehensive explanation of the handover of
authority and the place of the native states in the new
free India system.
z It suggested that provisions will be created to allow
the states to participate in the body responsible for
drafting the Constitution.
z The British government would respect the State’s
choice to retain the status quo and refrain from joining
either of the two countries until it made a decision to
use this option in the future.
Options with States
z The then British PM Clement Attlee announced on
Feb 20, 1947, that “His Majesty’s Government does not
intend to hand over their powers and obligations under
paramountcy to any government of British India”.
z There were issues because even after the British left, it
remained unclear what exactly the British stance was
toward the more than 565 Princely States.
z The local Princes were free to ally with one of the
two nations of their choosing. Those Princes may
 have created a third force, which would have led to
its collapse rather than greater consolidation.
z Sardar Patel was tasked with finding a solution
because the situation was so urgent and complicated.
z Patel was able to bring all the monarchs
together and merge their states into the Indian
Union without any violence by using diplomatic
approaches, privy purse promises, sympathetic advice,
and occasionally tough and powerful administrative
actions.
2.2 ROLE OF MOUNTBATTEN IN
NATIONAL INTEGRATION
z Mountbatten, the last viceroy and Governor-
General of India, was so concerned about how
history would portray him.
z In order to negotiate a deal with Congress for the
transfer of power, Lord Mountbatten thought it was
essential to ensure the accession of princely states
to India.
z Most Indian princes trusted him, and several of them,
like the Nawab of Bhopal, considered him a close
friend. The princes had confidence in him because of
his personal relationship with the Queen and his role
as the Governor General of India.
z They believed he would be able to guarantee that
independent India abided by any terms that may be
agreed upon.
z He announced that none of the princely kingdoms
would get dominion status from the British
Government and that the British Commonwealth
would not recognise them.
 This implied that until the nations joined either
India or Pakistan, the British Crown would
terminate all ties to them.
 On July 25, Mountbatten addressed the Chamber
of Princes with the aim of “Tossing Apples” into
Patel’s basket.
z Additionally, he emphasised that the Indian
subcontinent constituted a single economic unit and
that the states would be most negatively impacted if
this connection were to be severed.
 As an example, Mountbatten personally conversed
with the Nawab of Bhopal, who he requested in a
secret letter to sign the Instrument of Accession
incorporating Bhopal into India.
 If the Nawab did not alter his mind before then,
which he was free to do, this letter was to be kept
locked up in his safe and delivered to the States
Department on August 15. The Nawab concurred
and did not back out of the agreement.
z Along with Sardar Patel, he was instrumental in
persuading Nehru to issue the order for a military
Integration of Princely States
attack to aid Kashmir after Maharaja Hari Singh
signed the accession treaty.
 The Governor-General, Mountbatten, emphasised
that only upon Kashmir’s official accession to India
could India send soldiers there in accordance with
international law.
The final touch in the process of persuading the states
was applied by the Viceroy Lord Mountbatten. His aid is
significant in the process of integrating the princely
states, which was necessary so that India is not left
in a state of Balkanisation and disruption.
2.3 STRATEGY OF SARDAR PATEL TO
INTEGRATE PRINCELY STATES
z The ‘Iron Man of India’, Patel was valued on one hand
for being politically astute and on the other hand for
his pragmatic acumen, necessary to bring together the
more than 500 bits and pieces of royal territories into
the fold of the Indian union.
z Patel wanted democratic governments to be created
in the states and for the princes to join the Indian
Union as federal units at the time of independence,
so the Princely States should be a part of the larger
Union of India.
z He wanted the people of the states to help him in
creating the nation. He held that the people’s will
was superior and that the people alone were the true
sovereigns, not the monarch.
z Patel preferred to avoid conflict with the princely
states until it was absolutely necessary. He took
a conciliatory stance toward the princes, offering
them psychiatric counselling and polite guidance, but
he did not completely rule out use of force if necessary.
 The future of the nation and the Princely States
would both be brighter as a result of joining the
Indian Union, he claimed, and even peace would
return to the nation.
z By treating the princes as his friends, he gave the issue
of the Princely States a personal touch. He was certain
that his plea would inspire patriotism in the hearts of
local rulers.
 “Through the spring of 1947, Patel threw a series
of lunch parties, where he urged his princely
guests to help the Congress in framing a new
constitution of India,”.
z Patel’s strategy for dealing with the princes was
complex in design. He was aware that not all of the
monarchs may be swayed by his plea to the princes.
z Some kings would require a different but more severe
treatment if they did not heed his appeal.
 When his appeal was rejected, Patel did not
think twice to threaten the princes with dire
repercussions.
9
z He said the princes needed to think like the
administration and the people of their various
states at a time when the nation was under intense
international attack.
 Even more, he made it clear that he would not
think twice about taking decisive action in the
event of an invasion.
z Patel understood that the Congress and the Constituent
Assembly should have complete authority in order to
oppose any plan of the princes.
 So, on December 21, 1946, K.M. Munshi introduced
a motion in the Constituent Assembly requesting
the formation of a committee to consult with
the States’ Negotiating Committee over the
distribution of the 93 seats allotted to them.
z A new department named the “States Department”
was established to negotiate with the individual
states, and Patel took office there on July 5th, 1947.
z Patel stated that the Constituent Assembly would
really have the power to select how the states would
be grouped as early as December 7, 1946.
z He outlined the government of India’s approach
toward the Princely States and convinced them to
join the Dominion of India on the following subjects:
 Foreign Affairs
 Communications
 Defence
z It should be noted that Patel’s strategy for solving the
issues facing princely states included the following:
 Due to the rulers’ lack of knowledge in those areas,
the initial step of acceding to the Union in respect
of three topics was a reasonable choice.
 Patel had a thorough understanding of the
political, social, and economic circumstances of
each state. He attempted to take advantage of the
circumstance since he was aware of the frailty of
the princes of such realms.
 The Cabinet trusted the Viceroy to negotiate
with the rulers on the accession and to deal
with Hyderabad since Patel could fully rely on
Mountbatten.
 He favoured social and economic integration in
addition to geographic integration. He saw that
the work needed to achieve social, constitutional,
and financial concord would be simpler to carry
out after the nation had been geographically
linked.
 In Patel’s opinion, the payment of privy purses was
not a significant matter in light of the monarchs’
extravagant spending. He urged the members to
concur with him and give that element realistic
attention. However, by thoughtfully crafting the
Privy Purse clause, Sardar left the matter open for
eventual examination.
10
z The initial reaction of the rulers was not favourable
since most of them were considering their own
autonomy following the end of the Paramountcy.
 However, as the rulers took a sobering inventory of
the circumstances, their attitude began to soften.
 Patel encouraged the states, who were already
represented in the Constituent Assembly, to
consent right away to three subjects that would
allow them to directly influence the Central
Government’s policies.
z On July 31st, 1947, the States’ Negotiating
Committee, under the leadership of Sardar,
completed the text of the Instrument of Accession
and Standstill Agreement.
z If Patel was the one who laid out the initial framework
for persuading the princes to join, it was his alert and
intelligent secretary, V.P. Menon, who did the actual
groundwork of coaxing them.
 As noted by famous historian Ram Chandra
Guha, Menon was the first to urge the British
government not to support fanciful claims to
independence. Menon would often travel to the
court of the princes and negotiate with them on
a one-to-one basis.
 Patel has got the credit for the integration of
India, yet it is VP Menon’s signature on every
Instrument of Accession. He was an invaluable
asset to the Sardar.
 In 1951, following the death of the Sardar, Vappala
Pangunni Menon slipped into political and
professional obscurity, where he remained until
the end of his days in 1966.
2.4 PROCESS OF INTEGRATION OF THE
PRINCELY STATES
z Nearly 40% of colonial India’s area was held by fifty-
six small and major states controlled by princes
with varied degrees of autonomy under the British
paramountcy system.
z By any estimate, there were more than 500 of them,
and the size and prestige of each one varied greatly.
The enormous states of Kashmir and Hyderabad, each
the size of a sizable European nation, were at one end
of the spectrum, while small fiefdoms or jagirs, each
consisting of no more than a dozen villages, were at
the other.
z The fate of the princely states after the British left
became a source of concern in 1947. Many of the
larger princely states began to fantasize about and
plan for independence.
z The Indian nationalists could not accept a scenario
in which the sovereignty of the hundreds of tiny or
Post Independence India
 major independent or autonomous entities scattered
throughout free India threatened its unity.
 A strong sense of Indian nationalism also evolved
among the residents of the states as a result of
their involvement in the nation-building process
from the end of the nineteenth century.
z Naturally, the nationalist leaders in British
India and the states rejected the claim of any
state to independence and repeatedly stated that
independence for a princely state was not an option,
with the only choice being whether the state would
accede to India or Pakistan based on the contagiousness
of its territory and the wishes of its people.
z Sardar Patel was given additional command of the
newly formed States’ Department, with V.P. Menon as
its Secretary. They set out to deal with the obstinate
states as quickly as possible.
z Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel used both coercion and
persuasion to successfully integrate the hundreds
of princely republics with the Indian Union in two
stages.
Fig. 2.1: India before partition
Integration of Princely States
z He did this with remarkable skill and diplomacy.
By entering the Constituent Assembly in April 1947,
several states had demonstrated common sense,
realism, and possibly even a measure of patriotism.
z The bulk of princes, however, had dispersed, and only
a select few, like those of Travancore, Bhopal, and
Hyderabad, had made public declarations of their
intention to assert an independent status.
z Hyderabad and Mysore were originally unaffected,
but another 5 states were transformed into Chief
Commissioners’ Provinces.
z Indian states were admitted concurrently with their
physical integration and rearrangement; 215 states
were united with neighbouring provinces, while 310
states were structured into six unions.
 In each of these units, responsible governments
were established, and the people in charge were
given the title “Rajpramukh.”
 Additionally, they were given tax-free privy
purses and allowed to keep their personal
rights.
11
Important Princely States Who Were Integrated
Before Independence
z Given the absence of British assistance and internal
pressure from the populace, many rulers felt that the
restricted extent of the Instruments of Accession and
the promise of a broad-ranging autonomy and the
various assurances they supplied provided enough
solace.
z Most states signed Instruments of Accession between
May 1947 and the transfer of power on August 15,
1947.
z A select handful persisted, nevertheless. Others just
put off submitting their Instrument of Accession.
2.4.1 Travancore
z The first state to contest the Congress’ claim to
replace the British as the preeminent power was
Travancore. The state was positioned advantageously
at the southernmost point of the subcontinent.
z It boasted the most highly educated population
in India, a booming maritime trade, and recently
found monazite reserves from which thorium, a
component of atomic energy and atomic bombs, is
extracted.
z Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyar, a talented and
aspirational lawyer who had served as the dewan
of Travancore for sixteen years, held the position.
 It was widely believed that he was the state’s
true monarch and that the Maharaja and
Maharani submitted to him with ease.
z Sir C. P. made it plain in February 1946 that he
thought Travancore would return to being a “fully
independent unit” once the British had left, just as it
had been before it originally signed a treaty with the
East India Company in 1795.
 He staged a number of news conferences in the
summer of 1947 to solicit support from the people
of Travancore for his independence campaign.
 He emphasised to them the long history of their
monarchy and the 1741 Dutch fleet sinking by
Travancore.
 To combat the pan-Indian nationalism of the
present, this appeal to a history replete with local
grandeur was made.
z It’s interesting to note that Mohammad Ali Jinnah
supported Travancore’s desire for independence.
He informed Sir C. P. through a wire that Pakistan was
“ready to create ties with Travancore which will be of
mutual profit” on June 20.
z The viceroy had scheduled a meeting with the dewan
of Travancore for July 21 in Delhi. He met a top British
ambassador the previous evening and expressed his
desire to be recognised by his government.
12
 He questioned whether the UK would intervene
if India refused to provide textiles to Travancore.
Politicians in London, who saw an independent
Travancore as a source of material important to the
impending Cold War, appear to have encouraged
Sir C. P. in his goals.
 In actuality, the monazite supply deal between
the governments of Travancore and the UK had
already been inked.
z With independence still clearly on his mind, Sir C.
P. went back to Travancore. Then, on July 25, while
travelling to a concert, he was attacked by a man
wearing military shorts, who then stabbed him in
the face and torso before removing him for immediate
surgery.
z Sir C. P. gave his maharaja advice from his hospital
bed to “follow the route of conciliation and
compromise,” which he had not personally taken
since he was “autocratic and over-decisive.” The
maharaja informed the viceroy via cable on July 30
that he had decided to join the Indian union.
2.4.2 Jodhpur
z Jodhpur is a vast, venerable state with a Hindu ruler
and a predominantly Hindu populace. The young
Maharaja of Jodhpur attended the other Rajput princes
at a lunch held by Mountbatten in the middle of July
to show his eagerness to join India.
 But soon after, it seems as though someone planted
in his mind the notion that since his state bordered
Pakistan, he may be able to negotiate better terms
with that hegemon. A meeting between him and
Jinnah was probably set up on Bhopal’s ruler’s
initiative.
z The Muslim League leader proposed to Jodhpur
full port access in Karachi, the free import of
armaments, and the provision of grain from Sindh to
his own famine-stricken regions.
 If Jodhpur had defected to Pakistan, it would
have been possible for neighbouring states like
Jaipur and Udaipur to follow suit.
z When K. M. Pannikar learned about the scheme and
requested Vallabhbhai Patel’s help in stopping it.
z Jodhpur was promised enough grain and free
import of weaponry by Patel when he spoke with
him.
z In the meantime, the maharaja had been informed by
his own nobles and village chiefs that he could not
really expect them to feel comfortable in a Muslim
state.
Post Independence India

Fig. 2.2: Jodhpur and neighbouring
princely states before partition
z He was also questioned about what would transpire
if he joined Pakistan and a riot broke out between
Muslims and Hindus by the king of the neighbouring
state of Jaisalmer.
z On 11 August, Maharaja Hanvant Singh, the King
of Jodhpur signed an instrument of accession and
it was integrated into the Indian Union.
2.4.3 Bhopal
z This region of central India had a monarch who was
Muslim and a population that was primarily Hindu,
which is not unusual. The Nawab of Bhopal had been
the chancellor of the Chamber of Princes since 1944.
z Its ruler was Habibullah Khan who was supported by
Jinnah.
z The Nawab experienced sadness when the British
announced their decision to depart India after the war.
He considered this to be “one of the biggest disasters
that have ever befallen mankind,” if not the greatest.
z Bhopal made a statement that he may declare his
independence like Travancore.
z However, the majority Hindu population revolted
against the ruler.
z Finally, under the pressure from Sardar Patel, he
signed an instrument of accession with India in July
1947 and became part of the Indian Union.
2.5 INTEGRATION OF PRINCELY STATES
AFTER INDEPENDENCE
2.5.1 Junagadh
A tiny state on the Saurashtra coast, Junagadh had no
physical border with Pakistan because it was encircled
by Indian territory.
z On January 22, 1911, Mohammad Mahabat Khanji
III, the ninth and last Nawab, took the throne while
still a minor. He remained in charge until 1947 when
the drama surrounding the instrument of accession
played out in Junagarh.
Integration of Princely States
 His Dewan during the latter months of British
India was a member of the Muslim League by the
name of Shah Nawaz Bhutto.
z At first, Junagadh promised that it would join India.
Junagadh did not join Pakistan or India till August
14th, 1947.
z However, on August 15, 1947, the state’s Nawab
proclaimed its admission to Pakistan, despite the
fact that the majority-Hindu population of the state
wanted to join India.
 This was legally allowed to do, although
geographically it made little sense.
 It also flew in the face of Jinnah’s ‘two-nation’
theory, since 82 per cent of Junagadh’s population
was Hindu.
z Pakistan accepted Junagadh’s accession on 13
September. On the other hand, the people of the state
would not accept the ruler’s decision.
 In a press release dated September 25, 1947, the
Government of India sharply condemned Nawab’s
behaviour and vowed to handle the problem with
determination.
z The Kathiawad People’s Front was established to
organize people to intensify internal efforts to join
India under the direction of Shamaldas Gandhi.
z To pressure Junagadh into changing its mind, it was
determined in New Delhi. The state was first placed
under an embargo by cutting off supplies of necessities
like food and coal. Indian soldiers were stationed
across the area as a show of force.
z Bhutto repeatedly requested financial and military
support from Pakistan, but nothing ever materialized.
z The subjects of the State began a rally against the
Nawab, who fled to Karachi with his family, when
violence broke out in the state and was sponsored
by the Kathiawad People’s Front (provisional
administration).
 After asking the Indian Union Government to
assume control on October 27th, Bhutto escaped
to Pakistan.
z On February 29, 1949, the Government of India
held a plebiscite in which 1,90,870 of 2,01,457
registered voters exercised their right to vote; only
90 of these voters supported Pakistan.
z Finally, Kathiawad and Junagadh were combined, and
Kathiawad thereafter joined the state of Gujarat.
2.5.2 Kashmir
z While nearly 75 per cent of the population was
Muslim, Maharaja Hari Singh, the state’s monarch, was
Hindu. It was at a border location between India
and Pakistan. Despite being a Hindu, the ruler was
13
 equally apprehensive to join either India because he
believed his primarily Muslim subjects would not like
joining a country with a Hindu majority or Pakistan
because he would personally want to avoid such a
situation.
z In the third week of June 1947, after the decision
was taken to divide India, Lord Mountbatten set off
for Kashmir.
z He wanted to make his own assessment of where
the state might be going. In Srinagar, the viceroy met
R.C.Kak, then Prime Minister of Kashmir, and advised
him to tell the maharaja to accede to either dominion
– but to accede.
z He firmly thought that Kashmir could exercise its right
to be independent, and Sheikh Abdullah, the head of
the National Conference, the largest political party in
Kashmir, shared this opinion.
 But later on, the popular political forces led by
the National Conference and its leader Sheikh
Abdullah, however, wanted to join India.
z Hari Singh agreed to a Standstill Agreement with
Pakistan, maintaining the status quo, but had not
made up his mind by August 15.
 Kashmir did not join India till August 15th,
1947. Sardar, who was Minister of the States
and was aware of Kashmir’s significance due to
its location, intended to address the issue on his
own, but Nehru wanted to do so, and Sardar had
no objections.
z Pakistan sought to force the issue by allowing tribal
infiltrations from the North-West Frontier, followed
by regular forces since it was concerned about the lack
of activity on the front.
 On October 22, 1947, 5,000 tribesmen under the
command of Pakistani Army regulars launched an
offensive on the area and swiftly seized most of it.
z On 24 October, when the tribesmen were en route
from Uri to Baramulla, Maharaja Hari Singh wired the
Indian government for military assistance.
z At a meeting, it was considered whether to dispatch
the Indian Army to aid the Maharaja in repelling an
armed invasion.
 The Maharaja had to sign the Instrument of
Accession in order to get this help, which he did
in a panic the same day, when the raiders were
just five kilometres from Srinagar, thereby making
Kashmir a part of India.
 Kunwar Sir Daleep Singh was sent as an agent in
Jammu after India chose to send a representative
to Kashmir. At dawn on the 27th of October, the
first plane left Delhi for Srinagar with troops and
arms aboard.
14
 India provided military support to the unorganised
military of the Kashmiri government.
 During the First Kashmir War, Indian forces
defended Jammu, Srinagar, and the valley itself,
but the hard combat dwindled as winter set in and
rendered most of the state inaccessible.
z As the Indians prepared to push back the raiders,
Lord Mountbatten flew to Lahore on a peace
mission.
 On 1 November 1947 he had a contentious meeting
with Jinnah, in which he was told that if India gave
up its claim to Kashmir, Pakistan would relinquish
its claim on that other disputed state, Junagadh.
 Jinnah described Kashmir’s accession to India
as based on ‘fraud and violence’. Mountbatten
suggested that the violence had come from raiders
who were Pakistani citizens.
z With the onset of winter, military operations were
temporarily suspended. Attention now returned to
the internal affairs of Kashmir.
2.5.3 Kashmir, United Nations (UN) and
India
z On 1 January 1948 India decided to take the
Kashmir issue to the United Nations. This was
done on the advice of the Governor-General, Lord
Mountbatten.
z Since Kashmir had acceded to it, India wanted the UN
to help clear the northern parts of what it said was an
illegal occupation by groups loyal to Pakistan.
z Through January and February, the Security Council
held several sittings on Kashmir. Pakistan, represented
by the superbly gifted orator Sir Zafrullah Khan, was
able to present a far better case than India.
Fig. 2.3: Riots during partition
z He accused the Indians of perpetrating ‘genocide’
in East Punjab, forcing 6 million Muslims to flee to
Pakistan.
 The Kashmir problem was recast as part of the
unfinished business of Partition.
 India suffered a significant symbolic defeat when
the Security Council altered the agenda item from
the ‘Jammu and Kashmir Question’ to the ‘India-
Pakistan Question’.
Post Independence India
  A striking feature of the UN discussions on
Kashmir was the partisanship of the British.
Their representative, Philip Noel-Baker, vigorously
supported Pakistan’s position.
 As a result, the Security Council established
the United Nations Commission in India and
Pakistan (UNCIP) to evaluate the accusations and
denials of the two nations.
 While first denying any involvement, Pakistan
eventually acknowledged that its troops had
participated in the invasion.
 The UNCIP issued a resolution on August 13, 1948,
requesting that Pakistan remove its soldiers and
tribal members from J&K.
 India will lower its troop levels to the absolute
minimum when Pakistan withdraws its forces,
and a referendum will be held to discover the
preferences of the state’s citizens.
Present status of Jammu and Kashmir
z By bringing the dispute to the U.N., India made it an
international one and included Pakistan as a party.
However, J&K became a part of India after Maharaja
Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession.
z According to the Indian Independence Act of 1947,
which was approved by both India and Pakistan and
granted Maharaja Hari Singh dominion over the state
once the British Paramountcy ended, this was entirely
lawful.
z The Act included no provision for conducting a
plebiscite to establish the preferences of the citizens
of the Princely States.
z With the state of Jammu and Kashmir joining India, the
Government of India gained authority over subjects
relating to communications, defence, and foreign
affairs, and the Union Parliament was given the
authority to pass laws for the State only for those
three purposes.
z On the recommendation of his Council of Ministers,
Yuvraj Karan Singh nominated four people to serve in
the Indian Constituent Assembly in June 1949.
z Jammu and Kashmir State remained to be governed
under the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution Act, 1939,
even after joining India Dominion.
 Because doing so would go against the conditions
set forth in the agreement governing Kashmir’s
connection with India, the Indian government could
not compel the State to approve the Constitution.
 Only three items had been freely turned over by
the State, and the Indian government was unable
to unilaterally expand its jurisdiction.
Integration of Princely States
z Kashmir formally joined the Union in 1957, albeit
with specific rules outlined in Article 370 of the
Constitution.
 Among Indian states, J&K was in a unique
situation since it had its own Constitution and
just a few laws that applied to other states were
upheld there.
 Article 370 of the Constitution was the legal
law that granted it this special status, but the
government essentially abolished it by altering
some of its provisions and eliminating others by
presidential order.
 “The president proclaimed that all sections of the
aforementioned Article 370 shall no longer be in
effect as of August 5, 2019, at the proposal of
Parliament.
z Kashmir is still managed by Pakistan in the
northwestern part, which is still under its military
authority. China invaded Aksai Chin, a region in
northeastern India that borders Ladakh, in 1962.
2.5.4 Hyderabad
z The state of Hyderabad had a Muslim king and a
populace that was primarily Hindu, yet it was much
more valuable than Bhopal or Junagadh.
z In the middle of the subcontinent, the state traversed
the Deccan plateau. Its population of more than 16
million people, divided among three linguistic zones
(Telugu, Kannada, and Marathi), occupied an area of
more than 80,000 square miles.
z Hyderabad was encircled by Madras in the south and
east, Bombay in the west, and Central Provinces in
the north.
z Over 10% of the state’s land was controlled by
the Nizam, while the vast majority of the remaining
portion was held by powerful landowners and wealthy
nobles.
 Both Muslims and Hindus made up the majority
of the workforce, which included manufacturing
workers, craftsmen, labourers, and peasants.
z Despite being a landlocked country, it had abundant
supplies of grain, cotton, oilseeds, coal, and cement.
However, it was necessary to import salt and gasoline
from British India.
z The seventh Nizam, Mir Usman Ali, of Hyderabad
was the third Indian ruler who did not accede to India
before 15 August. Instead, he claimed an independent
status and, encouraged by Pakistan, began to expand
his armed forces.
z The Nizam’s ambitions, if realized, would virtually
cut off the north of India from the south.
 But Sardar Patel was in no hurry to force a decision
on him, especially as Mountbatten was interested
15
 in acting as an intermediary in arriving at a
negotiated settlement with him.
z When Mountbatten suggested that Hyderabad should
join the Constituent Assembly, the Nizam’s lawyer
answered that if India pressed too hard his client
might ‘seriously consider the alternative of joining
Pakistan’.
z Beginning in July 1947, talks were held with Nizam
officials, but an agreement was not achieved. Sardar
made it very obvious that the Nizam should join the
Dominion of India in accordance with the Instrument
of Accession created for the other states.
z According to Sardar, the Nizam should take the same
course as the other states and, if he objected, he should
agree to let the state’s citizens decide whether or not
to join the union.
Fig. 2.4: Hyderabad princely state
 But despite Mountbatten’s best efforts, the talks fell
z Each side in this conflict between the Nizam and
through. The Nizam of Hyderabad proclaimed
the Indian government had a representative of
Hyderabad’s independence on August 15, their own.
1947, the same day India gained its freedom.
 The Hyderabad State Congress, established
z Following more meetings with other delegations with in 1938, actively promoted representative
Hyderabad, Sardar gave the Nizam certain concessions, governance in the state.
and the Standstill Agreement was signed for a year  The Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen, which aimed to
along with the collateral letters on November 29, defend Muslims’ standing in politics and
1947. administration, belonged to the Nizam.
 The Nizam was given a year to prepare for Final z The Communist Party of India (CPI), which had a
accession, according to a declaration delivered by significant presence in the state’s Telangana area, was
Sardar the same day in the Constituent Assembly. another significant player.
 The Telangana Rebellion, also known as the
 As a result, he supported the government’s decision
Telangana Uprising, was a massive peasant
on the grounds that Hyderabad’s accession would
uprising against local Hindu and Muslim
be peaceful.
landowners in Telangana that involved direct
z The Heads of Agreement, another alternative conflict with the Razakars. The uprising was
plan put out by Lord Mountbatten, proposed for supported by the Communist Party of India and
the dissolution of the Razakars, limitations on the the Andhra Mahasabha.
Hyderabad army, the Nizam’s holding of a referendum z All three voices became increasingly shrill in 1946–
and elections for a constituent assembly, as well as 1947. The State Congress pushed Hyderabad to
eventual annexation. conform to national standards.
 The agreement permitted Hyderabad to establish z The Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen party, under the
a parallel administration and postpone admission leadership of its new leader Kasim Razvi, became
more and more radicalised in 1946–1947.
even though India would still be in charge of
 Under his leadership, the Ittihad created the
its diplomatic relations. The Nizam, however,
“Razakars,” a militia whose armed members
rejected the scheme, hastening the final
desired an independent Hyderabad.
confrontation.
 The Razakars began setting everything on fire and
z Despite the one-year Standstill Agreement, the pillaging the neighbouring States.
Nizam never gave up on the idea of obtaining total
z The Congress, on the other hand, understood the
independence with the aid of other nations. conflict as one between democracy and despotism,
 K.M. Munshi, other trustworthy individuals, and whilst the Razakars saw the entire conflict in terms
news reports about the reign of terror and the of religious conflict.
mistreatment of the Hindu population informed z As the months went by, the tension increased due to
Sardar of his dubious conduct. claims that Pakistan was supplying Hyderabad with

16 Post Independence India

 guns and the constant influx of Hindu refugees into
nearby Indian regions.
z The Nizam, and especially the Razakars, gained
further power from Pakistan’s help.
 Jinnah had promised Mountbatten that every
Muslim in the subcontinent would rise to protect
Hyderabad if Congress tried to take it over.
z When things started to get serious, Sardar informed
Nehru that it was time to convince Hyderabad that
the Nizam to unreservedly accede.
z When Sardar contacted the Defense Ministry for
information, he was told that, in the event of military
action, it wouldn’t take more than three weeks to
defeat the troops of Hyderabad.
z The decision was made for the troops to march
into Hyderabad, and the then Governor General, C.
Rajagopalachari, summoned a meeting of the Cabinet
to formalise the move.
z In a campaign known as “Operation Polo,” Indian
forces entered Hyderabad on September 13, 1948,
from all directions.
 Because Hyderabad State at the time had the most
polo grounds in India—17—the name was picked.
z The Indian army and the Razakars engaged in most
of the four days of warfare. The action claimed the
lives of about 32 Indian soldiers, while Hyderabad
state forces and irregular forces collectively suffered
1,863 fatalities, 122 injuries, and 3,558 captures.
Hyderabad was taken over in less than a week.
z The Nizam appeared on the radio that evening, and K.
M. Munshi most likely wrote his speech specifically for
him. He instructed his followers to “live in peace
and concord with the rest of the people in India”
and declared a ban on the Razakars.
z The Nizam was given the title of “Rajpramukh”
(Governor) of the newly created state of Hyderabad
as compensation for his final accession to India, but
he resigned from this position when the states
were reorganised in 1956 on the basis of linguistic
divisions, and significant portions of Hyderabad state
were transferred to Bombay State, Andhra Pradesh,
and Gujarat.
2.5.5 Manipur
z Instrument of Accession with autonomy: Instrument
of accession was signed with Maharaja of Manipur,
Bodh Chandra Singh while assuring him that internal
autonomy would be provided.
z Constitutional monarchy: The Maharaja of Manipur
held elections in June 1948 as a result of pressure
from the populace, and the state eventually adopted
the constitutional monarchy system.
Integration of Princely States
 So, the first Universal Adult Franchise election
in India was held in Manipur.
z Merger agreement: In 1949, India signed a merger
agreement with the Maharaja without consulting the
Legislative Assembly of Manipur.
2.5.6 Tripura
z Prior to the 15th November 1949 unification with
India, Tripura was a princely state.
z Before India gained its independence, the last
monarch, Bir Bikram, passed away on May 17, 1947.
 After his death, Kirri Bikram Mannikya, his
minor son, ascended to the throne of the Tripura
kingdom, but he was too young to rule.
z Therefore, his widowed queen Kanchan Prabha
assumed the regency of Tripura and the administrative
responsibilities.
z She played a key role in the union of the kingdom of
Tripura with the Indian Union.
2.5.7 French and Portuguese Settlements
z When the British left in 1947, the Portuguese stayed on
in Goa and their other possessions in India while the
French remained in control of three slivers of land in
the south – most importantly the port of Pondicherry
– as well as the eastern enclave of Chandernagore.
Integration of French Settlements
z The people of Chandernagore overwhelmingly chose
to join India in a poll held in June 1949. During the
election, there was a resounding show of patriotism,
with posters showing an Indian mother reaching out
to retrieve a kid dressed in Western clothing. The
territory was transferred a year later.
z The French, however, held on to their portions in
south India. There was a strong pro-merger campaign
underway in Pondicherry during the spring of 1954,
and there were regular protests in front of the French
consulate in Madras.
z The Indians celebrated the official handover of French
territory on November 1 by putting on a spectacular
fireworks show.
Integration of Portuguese Settlements
z Reluctance of Portuguese: Portuguese, on the other
hand were adamant on not handling its settlements
in India.
z A Goa Congress Committee had been in existence for a
long time before Independence; its members included
both native Goans and exiles in Bombay.
 They contended that the circumstances in Goa
were significantly worse than those in British
India; racial prejudice was pervasive, and human
rights were completely lacking.
17
z Rammanohar Lohia, a left-leaning Congress
leader, travelled to the region in 1946 and urged
the populace to overthrow the government.
 Following, there was a wave of strikes and protests,
which were put down by the authorities.
z The Indian tricolour was flown here and there on
August 15, 1947, but the protesters were promptly
removed by the police.
z The Portuguese also controlled a number of lesser
territories along the Konkan coast in addition
to Goa. One of them was Daman, which had 1,500
African soldiers from Portuguese East Africa as a
garrison.
 This bordered Bombay, an Indian province that
had enacted prohibition upon Independence. The
smuggling of alcohol was now a thriving business.
z With the exception of alcoholics, the majority of
politically aware Indians were appalled by the
Portuguese attitude toward their colonies.
 Nehru initially took a cautious approach in the
hopes that a conversation would address the
situation.
However, Socialist Party radicals initiated a series of
satyagrahas to persuade Goa to join the union, forcing
his hand.
v v
18
z A handful of Bombay activists took control of the little
hamlet of Dadra in July 1954.
 The somewhat larger enclave of Nagar-Haveli
likewise succumbed without a struggle the next
month. On Independence Day, 1,000 volunteers
then made an attempt to cross over to Daman.
 NATO’s support to Portugal: NATO allies
supported Portugal’s position and Portuguese
resorted to repression of common people in the
face of the independence movement in Goa.
 Operation Vijay: Ultimately, Indian troops
marched in Goa in 1961 (under Operation Vijay)
when asked for support by the popular movements.
 Integration of Goa with the Indian Union: The
Portuguese surrendered without a fight and Goa
was merged with the Indian union.
Smaller states were amalgamated with neighboring
states or merged to establish “Centrally Governed
Territories.” Many were merged into five new unions,
forming Madhya Bharat, Rajasthan, Patiala and
East Punjab States Union (PEPSU), Saurashtra, and
Travancore-Cochin; Mysore, Hyderabad, and Jammu and
Kashmir remained separate states of the Union in their
former shape.
v
Post Independence India
 3 Integration of Tribals
z The old land revenue system and legislation were upset
by the British East India Company’s establishment
of authority in the second part of the 18th century.
The new structure had a negative impact on both
tribal and non-tribal areas. The fundamental goal
of British policies was to gain as much economic
profit as possible from the tribal areas. No effort was
made to comprehend their manner of life or system
of government.
3.1 PLANNING AND PROGRAMMES
FOR TRIBAL DEVEL0PMENT:
BRITISH INDIA
z Through the initiatives led by missionaries in the
early nineteenth century, the British came into touch
with tribal areas. Excluded and partially excluded
districts were created as administrative divisions
by the British government, who also granted them
distinct political representation.
z Due to the extension of the British legal and economic
systems into the tribal areas during the British era, the
issues faced by the tribes grew.
z New forest restrictions, as well as the loss of their
land as a result of a combination of British policy and
the rapaciousness of money lending classes, were the
specific difficulties.
z The British legal and administrative systems
were terrible for the indigenous people. It did not
consider any “unique” needs.
 The British created concepts of land tenure that
allowed for simple land transfers.
 For the first time, the land was now to be viewed
as a movable commodity.
 Especially in Assam and the hilly regions,
it led to the loss of land to outsiders and
the replacement of the indigenous village
chiefs with people from the plains. Farmers,
moneylenders, tradesmen, and even land snatchers
were among these outsiders.
z Due to industrialization, a large number of tribals
were recruited in mining and steel companies at
minimum wages.
 In order to make ends meet, they had to borrow
money. The moneylenders introduced forced and
bonded labour in lieu of their debts.
z The British often adopted a strategy of segregating
tribal enclaves from the rest of the nation.
 These discriminatory practices caused the
tribal regions of India to lag behind the
rest of the nation. These regions were also
mostly unaffected by the country’s liberation
movement.
3.2 TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT IN POST-
INDEPENDENCE INDIA
z Following independence, the Indian government
pursued a somewhat “modified isolation policy”.
They implemented welfare measures in the partially
excluded areas.
z Verrier Elwin proposed constructing “National
Parks” for indigenous people to live in isolation. A.V.
Thakkar agreed with this notion.
z Thakkar, who emphasised the importance of protecting
aborigines against non-tribal exploitation.
z The Constituent Assembly recommended that certain
regions be designated as tribal or scheduled.
z The government apparatus remained confined to
designated zones, and tribals living outside of these
places were not adequately protected.
z Some thinkers noticed that there may be two ways
to tribal people’s role in Indian culture:
1. First, leaving them alone and allowing them to
remain as they were (complete isolation);
2. Second, entirely absorbing (Assimilation policy)
them into Indian society.
 z G.S. Ghurye was a pioneer in the approach favouring assimilation of tribal people. He saw tribes
as backward Hindus. The assimilation of tribal communities with the rest of the population is
Assimilation a continuous process.
Approach z Many tribal groups are in varying degrees of assimilation with neighbouring castes and other
ethnic communities and have been in close association with their sociocultural, economic and
religious frameworks.
z Elwin advocated to adopt ‘Leave them alone’, ‘National Park Approach’ or ‘Isolation
Approach’.
Isolation
z In simple words the approach came to mean letting tribes live in their own way, not infringing
Approach
on their economic space and allowing them to develop in their own self-created development
design.
z In contrast to extreme isolation and assimilation, anthropologists, social reformers, and policy
makers considered integration as the best strategy for upliftment of tribes in view of their
diversity in the country.
z According to Nirmal Kumar Bose, neither the policy of complete isolation nor of assimilation
can solve the problems in tribal areas.
Integration
z As tribal populations are heterogeneous, a policy of complete assimilation will destroy the rich
Approach
cultural heritage of tribes.
z On the other hand, integration with the mainstream would discourage the separatist tendencies
among the tribals and bring them more opportunities.
z Bose suggests that tribal development policies should aim to integrate tribals with the
mainstream.

3.3 APPROACH OF PANDIT NEHRU
z Pandit Nehru’s attitude toward tribals was part of his
social justice and modernisation philosophy. The
spontaneity of tribal life, as well as their ability for joy
and courage, captivated him.
z He was also aware of their horrible poverty, destitution,
and ignorance. He was especially concerned with
preserving all that was beautiful, free, and captivating
in the world.
z Tribal culture and society Nehru always considered
the interests of both the tribal population and the
nation as a whole when developing his tribal policy.
z Ultimately the Government of India adopted a
“middle-of-the-road policy” towards the tribals.
The policies of isolation and assimilation, the planners
were forced to take a middle path, viz. the integration
approach. This approach was mainly the brainchild
of Jawaharlal Nehru.
 It consists of two kinds of measures: (1)
Protective and (2) Promotional.
 The first consists of land and the forest policies to
protect tribal culture and traditions, while it seems
to be identical with development and welfare
programmes undertaken by the government
through plans and other voluntary agencies to
make tribal life better.
z He believed that tribes had the same right to their
own culture and religion as anyone else. As a result,
the state structure had to adapt to the tribal way of
life.
z He never considers the absorption and extinction
of diverse tribal cultures in India’s mainstream.
As per Nehru, there were following challenges in
tribal integration:
z To instill confidence in them;
z To make them feel at one with India;
z To realise that they are a part of India and have an
honoured position in it;
z India should represent not only a protecting power,
but also a liberating one.
Tribal Panchsheel
z Overall, a national policy attempted to unify and
equalize the tribes into a shared national social
order. Jawaharlal Nehru implemented a tribal
integration policy known as ‘Panchsheel,’ which
consists of five key principles for tribal upliftment.
They are as follows:

20 Post Independence India

 1 Non-imposition:
2 Respect of tribal customs:
3 Development of tribal youth:
4 Simplicity of Administration:
5 Emphasis on human growth:
The tribal people should develop along the lines of their own genius and
nothing should be imposed on them.
Tribal rights to land and forests should be respected.
Tribal youth should be trained and a team of their own people should be
built to do the work of administration and development.
One should not over-administer these areas or overwhelm them with a
multiplicity of schemes.
One should judge the results not by statistics but by the quality of human
character that is involved.

z Article 164: It provides for a Minister-in-charge

3.4 CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS
FOR INTEGRATION OF TRIBALS
z Tribal panchsheel influenced the constitutional
arrangements for tribals. With these principles,
administration in tribal areas got a new momentum
for rebuilding of new India.
z Under the Constitution of India certain tribes have
been listed as the Scheduled Tribes.
 Only those tribes which have been included in the
list of scheduled Tribes are extended the facility of
reservations in legislatures and government jobs.
A similar arrangement is made for schedule caste
as well.
 Certain tribes, for instance, some nomadic
tribes are not specified as Scheduled Tribes. The
Constitution neither defines nor lays down any
criteria for specifying the Scheduled Tribes.
 As per Article 366 of the Constitution, Scheduled
Tribe means “such tribes or tribal communities
or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal
of Tribal Welfare in the states of Bihar, Orissa and
Madhya Pradesh. These states have substantial tribal
population and special provision of a Minister looking
after tribal welfare.
z Article 244 (Part IV): empowers the President
with the right to declare any area as a Scheduled Area
with a substantial population of tribals in the fifth
Schedule Area.
 The Fifth Schedule confers uncommon powers of
governance in scheduled areas on the governor of
a state having scheduled areas.
 In framing the regulations, the Governor is
required to consult the Tribes Advisory Council
(TAC) of the state.
z The administration in northeastern states was
incorporated in the Sixth Schedule.
 The Acts of Parliament or State legislature do not
apply to these areas by default, unless they are
specifically extended to these areas by notification
of the Governor.
 The Scheduled Areas were constituted to assist

communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be
Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this constitution”.
z The principle of charity as recognized by missionaries
was substituted by the spirit of development. The
constitution order of 1950 under Article 342 defined
the Schedules Tribes and declared 212 tribes
located in 14 states as Scheduled Tribes.
z Article 19(5): Safeguarding of Tribal Interests
- While the rights of Free movement and residence
throughout the territory of India and of acquisition
and disposition of property are guaranteed to every
citizen, special restrictions may be imposed by
the state for the protection of the interests of any
Scheduled Tribe.
z The Directive Principles Of State Policy (DPSP) on
tribal welfare also stresses that ‘state shall promote
with special care the educational and economic
the tribals in enjoying their existing rights and to
develop the areas to promote economic, educational
and social progress of the Scheduled Tribes.
z Article 275(1) provides special grant-in-aid for
promoting the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes.
z Further, a National Commission for Scheduled
Tribes (NCST) has been instituted through Article
338 which is operational at central level, to oversee
the implementation of safeguards provided to
scheduled tribes.
3.5 OTHER MEASURES TAKEN BY THE
GOVERNMENT
z With the newly created administration, tribal
development was taken up in different Five-year
plans.
 A new approach was introduced in the fifth Five-

interests of the downtrodden communities including year plan for integrated development of tribes i.e.,
Scheduled Tribes.’ Tribal Sub-Plan.

Integration of Tribals 21
z To promote integration of tribes, the Union
government introduced a tribal welfare
department in 1951 for protection and upliftment
of Scheduled Tribes.
z The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment
was bifurcated in 1999 to form a separate
Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which acts as a nodal
agency for overall policy, planning and coordination
of programmes for development of scheduled tribes.
z The Ministry of Panchayat Raj has extended the
Panchayat Raj Institutions to Scheduled Areas through
the Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas
(PESA) Act 1996.
In spite of these efforts, tribal development could not
succeed for all the target population. Still many tribes
are not in the reach of the administrative machinery
of central as well as the state governments. Lack of
v v
22
coordination among different agencies engaged in
implementing tribal development schemes is one of the
reasons for underdevelopment.
#OpinionMatters
Though tribal integration was started just after
independence, do you think it is yet to be completed?
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. What are the two major legal initiatives by the State
since Independence, addressing discrimination
against Scheduled Tribes (STs)? (2017)
2. Why are the tribals in India referred to as the Scheduled
Tribes? Indicate the major provisions enshrined in the
Constitution of India for their upliftment.  (2016)
v
Post Independence India
 Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization
4 of States: Growth of Regionalism
z The leading Indian nationalists had long recognised
the rousing and moving power of the native tongue.
This was a language-rich land, with each having its
own script, grammar, lexicon, and literary traditions.
z Rather than denying this diversity, Congress worked
to make room for it. As early as 1917, the party
declared its intention to establish linguistic regions
in a free India.
z The Nehru Report of 1928 included a provision
for dividing Indian regions along linguistic lines.
z Even the Congress election manifesto of 1935
stated that each group and territorial area within the
nation has the freedom to develop its own life and
culture within the larger framework, and that for this
purpose, such territorial areas or provinces should be
considered and arranged on a linguistic and cultural
basis.
z Mahatma Gandhi promoted and supported the
Congress’s language restructuring. When the new
nation gained independence, Gandhi believed that the
states should be defined by language.
z However, after independence Nehru was
concerned, believing that the country had already
been divided on religious grounds, and that dividing
it further on the basis of language would only foster
the Union’s disintegration.
z Nehru’s unwillingness to superimpose language
divisions on the recent religious divisions was
supported by both Vallabhbhai Patel and C.
Rajagopalachari. Fear of Balkanisation shifted Indian
National Congress leaders’ perspectives.
4.1 POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
OF INDIAN STATES AFTER
INTEGRATION
z The Constitution in 1950 contained a four-fold
classification of the states of the Indian Union:
1. Part A States: These states were ruled by an
elected governor and state legislature for example
Bombay, Madras, Assam, Bihar etc.
2. Part B States: The former Princely States with
legislatures (nine in total) were added to this
section.
3. Part C States: This section included all of the
former chief commissioner’s provinces of British
India as well as the remaining Princely States (a
total of ten).
4. Part D States: This state was administered by
a lieutenant governor appointed by the central
government. Part D state consists of Andaman and
Nicobar Islands only.
z These states were classified based on administrative
convenience rather than linguistic considerations.
This arrangement could not match the regional
ambitions of the people who desired governmental
linguistic organization.
z Due to growing regional support for Indian state
linguistic organisation, the Government of India
and the Indian National Congress established
the following commissions to investigate the
possibilities of state reorganisation:
1. SK Dhar commission: On 17 June 1948, Rajendra
Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly,
set up the Linguistic Provinces Commission.
z The commission submitted its findings in
December 1948, recommending state
rearrangement based on administrative
convenience rather than linguistic factors.
z According to the Commission, the country is
still vulnerable to external assault, and the
Indian states have not been fully united.
z It stated that the country could not afford
the financial and administrative burden of
establishing new provinces during its post-
independence economic turmoil.
2. JVP Committee: The initials of the three men
who chaired the Committee inspired the moniker
‘JVP.’ Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhi Patel, and
Pattabhisitaramayya were among them. It was also
known as the “Three Ministers Committee.”
z In its final report in April 1949, the committee
also rejected the language as a basis for
reorganising Indian states.
3. Fazl Ali Commission: The States Reorganisation
Commission (SRC), composed of Justice Fazl Ali,
K.M. Panikkar, and Hriday Nath Kunzru, was
 established in August 1953 to study “objectively
and passionately” the entire matter of the
reorganisation of the Union’s states.
z After two years, the Commission published its
report in October 1955.
z The committee essentially acknowledged
language as the basis for state reorganisation,
but it rejected the ‘One Language - One State’
approach.
z It advised that before making any proposals
for state reform, the following four factors be
considered:
1. The country’s unity and security must be
safeguarded.
2. To foster cultural and linguistic unity.
3. Financial, economic, and administrative
considerations must be made.
4. The wellbeing of the people in each state, as
well as the welfare of the nation as a whole,
must be prioritised in planning.
z It also proposed abolishing the original
Constitution’s four-tiered classification of
states and creating 16 states and three centrally
administered territories.
z The commission rejected the demand for the
formation of Punjabi Suba, a Sikh majority
Punjab state, and Haryana as a separate Hindu
majority state.
Reason for setting Fazl Ali Commission
z There were widespread protests against the Dhar and
JVP committee reports across India, particularly in
Andhra Pradesh, where state leader Potti Sriramulu
died in 1952 after a 58-day hunger strike.
Fig. 4.1: Linguistic reorganization during 1957 to 1966
24
z This event fueled the fire, and the Central government
was forced to separate the Telugu-speaking region
from Madras.
z As a result, after independence on November 1,
1953, Andhra Pradesh became the first state to
be carved off (from the previous Madras state) on
a linguistic basis.
z The establishment of a separate Andhra based on
linguistic lines heightened other linguistic demands
from various regions.
z In December 1953, the Government of India created
a three-member “States Reorganisation Commission”
in response to popular pressure.
Action taken on recommendations of Fazl Ali
Commission
z The Fazl Ali commission’s recommendations were
adopted by the Government of India with minor
changes.
z Government done away with the fourfold
distinction by the States Reorganisation Act of
1956 and the 7th Constitutional Amendment Act of
1956.
z Parliament passed the States Reorganisation Act
in November 1956. It established fourteen states
as well as six union territories.
 The Telangana region of Hyderabad was moved
to Andhra Pradesh, while Kerala was formed by
combining the Malabar province of the old Madras
Presidency with Travancore-Cochin.
 Mysore state now includes Kannada-speaking
territories in the states of Bombay, Madras,
Hyderabad, and Coorg.
 The state of Bombay was expanded by incorporating
the states of Kutch and Saurashtra, as well as the
Marathi-speaking regions of Hyderabad.
Post Independence India
z Some of the territories were merged with neighbouring states, while others were designated as union territories.
Fig.4.2: The Redrawal of Boundaries of India after independence
Formation of Gujarat out of
Bombay Province: 1960
z The largest opposition to the SRC’s report and the
States Reorganisation Act came from Maharashtra,
when violent rioting erupted and eighty people were
killed in police shootings in Bombay in January 1956.
z Students, farmers, workers, artists, and businesses
launched a significant protest movement with the
assistance of opposition parties.
z Under pressure, the government decided in June 1956
to split the state of Bombay into two linguistic states,
Maharashtra and Gujarat, with Bombay city being a
distinct, centrally controlled state.
 Maharashtrians were also vehemently opposed to
this development.
z Finally in May 1960, the government resolved to
divide the state of Bombay into Maharashtra and
Gujarat, with Bombay city included in Maharashtra
and Ahmedabad designated as the capital of Gujarat.
z The initial state reorganisation in 1956 laid the
foundation for escalating regional demands for the
creation of new states.
States created after 1956
z Maharashtra and Gujarat: The Samyukta
Maharashtra Andolan and Mahagujarat Andolan
protests led to the split of the Bombay state in 1960
into two parts: Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of States: Growth of Regionalism
z Punjab and Haryana: The PEPSU states were
combined with Punjab in 1956, although Punjab
continued to be a trilingual state with speakers of
three languages inside its borders: Punjabi, Hindi,
and Pahari.
 There was a strong call for the establishment of
a separate Punjabi Suba in the state’s Punjabi-
speaking region (Punjabi speaking state).
 Unfortunately, the problem started to have social
overtones. The linguistic issue was utilised to
further communal politics by the Jan Sangh, a
Hindu organisation, and the Akali Dal, a Sikh group.
 In 1966, Indira Gandhi finally consented to the
separation of Punjab into the two Punjabi- and
Hindi-speaking states of Punjab and Haryana, with
a portion of the Hoshiarpur district and the Pahari-
speaking district of Kangra being amalgamated
with Himachal Pradesh.
 The newly constructed city of Chandigarh, which
serves as the combined capital of Punjab and
Haryana, was proclaimed a Union Territory.
25
 Fig. 4.3: Timeline of formation of states

z Changes in North East: The 1970s witnessed several
changes in state boundaries along the north-eastern
frontier, often to douse the fires of militancy and
violence.
 Manipur and Tripura were granted statehood
and the state of Meghalaya and Union territory
Mizoram were carved out of Assam in 1972.
 Three years later, a referendum held in Sikkim,
till then India’s protectorate, voted for joining the
Indian Union as a state.
 The ’80s saw the birth of two more north-eastern
states when Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh
were granted statehood in 1987 (they were UTs
earlier).
 In the same year, Goa, Daman and Diu were split
into the state of Goa and the UT of Daman and Diu.
z The next changes to the boundaries happened in
the first year of the millenium, with Uttaranchal,
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh carved out of Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, respectively.
 Unlike the linguistic basis for states in the ’60s,
these states were created to address long pending
regional demands and inequalities in regional
development.
 Telangana, too, was formed on the basis of such
demands in 2014.
 The latest change to Jammu and Kashmir has
been justified on the grounds of development.

Fig.4.4: Formation of new states in early decades of 21st century

26 Post Independence India

 PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. The political and administrative reorganization of
states and territories has been a continuous ongoing
process since the mid-nineteenth century. Discuss
with examples.  (2022)
Note: this question can also be interpreted from the
world history perspective as well.
4.2 OUTCOME OF LINGUISTIC
REORGANIZATION OF STATES
The federal structure of the Union has not been negatively
impacted by the linguistic reform of the states, nor has it
been crippled or paralysed as many had anticipated. The
central government still has the same amount of power.
It has the following positive outcomes:
z Stability of federalism: In India, individuals felt secure
in their culture and language since the government
was able to meet their regional desires. This reduced
separatist demands in India and helped people better
embrace the country’s regional variety.
z Discord among people is eliminated: It also
succeeded in fostering regional unity by putting a stop
to animosities and strife among residents in nearby
regions.
z Equitable regional development: In India, there is
a strong correlation between language affinity and
economic growth.
z It gave the Indian states the chance to advance
and safeguard their local cultures at the state and
national levels, which further increased the cultural
and linguistic diversity of India.
z Inclusion at the grass-roots level: This linguistic
system allowed for the administration of several
states in their respective languages, which was
accessible to many people living in those states who
did not speak English or any other language other
than their own tongue. Providing various minority
communities in India a voice, strengthened the idea
of Indian democracy.
z Better justice delivery mechanism: The state’s
official language has been integrated into the courts
and all levels of its justice delivery system.
 In addition to being able to express their complaints
in their own language, people were also able to
comprehend the numerous laws and provisions
created by their state government.
4.3 CHALLENGES CREATED BY STATE
REORGANIZATION
z Vote-bank politics: This linguistic division has
further elicited psychological and emotional responses
Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of States: Growth of Regionalism
among people at different levels to preserve their own
identity. Different political parties have occasionally
taken use of these feelings to further their vote-
banking strategies.
z Rising linguistic loyalty is another factor that
is considered as posing a threat to national
sentiment. Some people place greater importance
on localised achievements than on maintaining the
national interest as the top priority.
z Rise of regionalism: Extreme sub-regional sentiments
have ruined the calm environment in certain Indian
regions. Inadvertent side effects include linguistic
chauvinism and the development of the “Sons of the
Soil” ideology.
z Rise of additional regional demands: It further
promoted individual local identities, fostering a sense
of uniqueness among those living in the regions. In
many parts of India, this intense sense of regionalism
has given rise to a parochial system.
4.4 ANALYSIS OF LINGUISTIC
ORGANISATION OF STATES
z Since 1956, events have clearly demonstrated that
allegiance to a language was entirely consistent with,
and even complimented, commitment to the nation.
z The national leadership alleviated a major grievance
that may have led to fissiparous tendencies by
rearranging the states along linguistic lines. As a
result, state reform is “best understood as preparing
the basis for national integration.”
z ‘Despite the leadership’s previous objections and
grave forebodings by supportive observers, the
reorganisation ended in rationalising India’s
political map without severely undermining its
cohesiveness,’ writes political analyst Rajni Kothari.
z Of course, the rearrangement of states did not
resolve all linguistic conflict issues. Disputes over
state borders, linguistic minorities, and economic
issues such as water sharing, power sharing, and
surplus food continue. Linguistic chauvinism is also
occasionally expressed. However, the rearrangement
has removed a fundamental component undermining
the country’s cohesion.
…..if linguistic provinces are formed, it will also give a
fillip to the regional languages. It would be absurd to
make Hindustani the medium of instruction in all the
regions and it is still more absurd to use English for this
purpose –Mahatma Gandhi (January 1948)
4.5 MINORITY LANGUAGES
z The position of minority languages has been an
essential component of the language problem.
Unilingual states were not possible, no matter how
27
 their borders were established. As a result, linguistic
minorities, or individuals who speak a language
different from the state’s main or official language,
continue to exist in linguistically reformed states.
z To address this issue, the Constitution grants language
minority specific Fundamental Rights.
 For example, Article 30 states that “all
minorities, whether based on religion or language,
shall have the right to establish and administer
educational institutions of their choice” and, more
importantly, “the state shall not discriminate
against any educational institution in granting aid
to educational institutions on the ground that it
is under the management of a minority, whether
based on religion or language.”
 Article 347 states that if a minority makes a
request, the President may mandate that its
language be officially recognised throughout the
state or any part thereof for such purposes as he
may define.
 Appointment of a Commissioner for Linguistic
Minorities to investigate and report on the
execution of these measures on a regular basis
4.6 ECONOMICS OF FORMATION OF
NEW STATES: DEBATE OVER SMALL
AND BIG SIZE STATES
z Since gaining independence, India has seen the
demand for smaller states. However, the basis for this
need has changed over time, moving from a linguistic
state to efficiency and development as the new base.
z The creation of the three states of Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand, and Uttarakhand from their respective
parent states of Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, and Uttar
Pradesh respectively, illustrates a contemporary
example of the demand for smaller states based on
growth.
Significance of Larger State
z A larger state, by virtue of having a larger market, can
generate financial resources more efficiently to supply
public goods to its citizens.
z However, when there are too many diverse groups
in a sprawling state, conflict emerges. And instead of
public goods provisioning, redistribution of resources
among regions becomes the central political issue.
z In other words, when the diversity effect becomes
greater than the scale effect, there is an economic case
for a smaller state.
Significance of Smaller States
z As per the study of Asher and Novosad the new
states are growing faster than the old states; by
28
2008 the difference between economic activity in old
and new states is no longer statistically significant.
 The new state side of the border has approximately
25% more economic activity.
z Smaller states in India trade more than the other
states, according to the Economic Survey 2016–17.
z Better and more effective government was
provided by the new states, which encouraged the
development of infrastructure, improved connectivity,
more market access, and increased trade for the
benefit of the nation’s economy as a whole.
4.6.1 Case Study: Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand, and Uttarakhand
z New states in the country are often seen more as the
outcome of political compulsion and less as drivers of
institutional change.
z If there are lessons to be learnt from the reorganization
of 2000, it is that the new states, as the preliminary
evidence suggests, did as well or no worse than their
parent states.
z As per NITI Aayog’s Second Edition of “Healthy States,
Progressive India” Report 2019, Aspirants states are
Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, and
Jharkhand. Their health indicators showed no increase
in performance after separation.
z Chhattisgarh was listed under the category “Achievers”.
 The largest tribal emigration in recent times
has taken place in Chhattisgarh. Given the
worsening wretched conditions of the tribes and
their forced removal, the state is far from being
able to achieve inclusive economic development.
z However, among its category, its performance was
the “Least Improved.” Although Jharkhand was the
state in its category with the “highest performance
improvement,” it was nonetheless placed in the
“Achievers” category.
Evidence suggests that states of diverse sizes have
performed successfully, and that size is not a reliable
indicator of success. India’s history of creating smaller
states has yielded conflicting consequences.
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Discuss whether formation of new states in recent
times is beneficial or not for the economy of India.
(250 Words) (2018)
2. Has the formation of linguistic States strengthened
the cause of Indian Unity? (2016)
4.7 ISSUE OF OFFICIAL LANGUAGE
z Like many other nations, India doesn’t possess a
single language. More than 19500 languages are
spoken in India as mother tongue. Language apart
Post Independence India
 from being the medium of communication is closely
associated with the culture of people.
z This complex interplay created a problem in front of
the newly independent nation to choose a language
as national or official language.
z The issue of making Hindi as the national language led
to the conflict between the Hindi-speaking and non-
Hindi speaking regions of the country.
z It was amicably resolved when the Constitution
makers accepted virtually all the major languages as
the ‘languages of India.’
z Gandhiji was opposed to the idea of making
English as the official language of India as it was a
foreign language.
z Apart from English, Hindi (written in Devnagari)
chosen over Hindustani (written in Urdu) became the
official language of India.
z A time frame (1965) was set to switch completely from
English to Hindi. This became a bone of contention
between the Hindi and non-Hindi speakers.
z As per the Constitutional provisions, an Official
Language commission was set up in 1955. It
recommended that Hindi should start progressively
replacing English in various functions of the Central
government.
z However, two members of the commission, one each
from Tamil Nadu and West Bengal dissented with the
report.
z The Joint Parliamentary Commission reviewed the
report of the commission.
z President issued an order in 1960, stating that after
1965 Hindi would be the principal official language
but
z English would also continue as an associated
official language without any restriction.
z Increased demonstrations were witnessed especially
in south India against making Hindi as the sole official
language, as it was seen as discriminating against the
non-Hindi speakers.
z Nehru, in 1959, in order to remove their fears, assured
the Parliament that English would continue as the
official language as the people required.
z To this effect, the Official Languages Act, 1963 was
passed to remove restrictions which had been placed
in the Constitution regarding the use of English as the
official language beyond 1965.
 Further in 1967, Indira Gandhi government
amended the Official Languages Act of 1963.
 The main objective of the amendment was that
indefinite bilingualism was adopted.
z In the years to come, the issue of language remained
non-relevant except on occasions when three language
formulas were proposed in the education policy.
Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of States: Growth of Regionalism
4.8 CASE OF HINDI AS OFFICIAL
LANGUAGE
z More than 50% of the population of the nation
speaks Hindi. It is the most widely used language
as a result.
z A national language will therefore help individuals in
a country as diverse as India, particularly in North and
South India, communicate more easily.
z The Hindi language is already the official language
of many non-Hindi states like Nagaland. Additionally,
Article 351 urges the Union to promote and
develop the Hindi language.
z Despite the apparent benefits, Hindi has not been
designated as the country’s official language since
India’s Constitution’s Fundamental Rights and
eighth schedule both support the country’s linguistic
diversity.
z The ability of governments to manage without a
National Language has already been proven through
75 years of independence.
4.9 THREE LANGUAGE FORMULA:
ISSUE OVER NEW EDUCATION
POLICY 2020
z A phrase in the Draft New Education Policy 2019 that
mentioned the required teaching of Hindi in States
where Hindi is not spoken recently gave new life to a
50-year-old debate. This was a repetition of the three-
language policy of the Central administration.
z It is generally accepted that the three languages being
discussed are Hindi, English, and the local tongue of
each State.
z Despite being a long-standing practice, the National
Policy on Education, published in 1968, was the
first formal document to codify Hindi education as a
national policy.
 Regional languages are already used in primary and
secondary education, according to this document.
 The document further recommended that “At the
secondary stage, State governments should adopt
and energetically implement the three-language
formula, which includes the study of a modern
Indian language, ideally one of the southern
languages, aside from Hindi and English in the
Hindi-speaking States.”
z Hindi should be studied alongside the local tongue
and English in the “non-Hindi speaking States”.
Every effort should be made to promote Hindi,
according to the NPE of 1968, and “due care should
be taken in developing Hindi as the link language to
ensure that it will serve, as provided for in Article 351
29
 of the Constitution, as a medium of expression for all z At the time of independence, the ruling class
the elements of the composite culture of India,” it added. understood that some areas were more developed
 It should be encouraged to create colleges and than others. Around Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras,
other higher education institutions that use Hindi only a small number of enclaves or regions have
as their primary language of instruction in non- undergone modern industrial growth.
Hindi-speaking States. z Regionalism at the national level refers to a process in
z Interestingly, the NPE of 1986 reproduced which sub-state actors become increasingly powerful,
and power devolves from the central level to regional
identically the policies of 1968 on the three-
governments.
language formula and the promotion of Hindi, making
no changes to them.
4.12 TYPES OF REGIONALISM
4.10 THE PRESENT ISSUE OVER 3 z It is an expression of the group
LANGUAGE FORMULA identity of several states. In this
type of regionalism, the group
z Proposed NEP-2020, a committee under the direction
of states joins hands to take a
of space scientist K Kasturirangan, was made public
common stand on the issue of
by the central government.
mutual interest vis-à-vis another
 Its mention of the requirement to teach Hindi group of states or at times against
in non-Hindi-speaking States sparked a political the union.
uproar in Tamil Nadu, which has historically Supra-State  The group identity thus
opposed the requirement to learn Hindi. Regionalism: forged is negative in character
z The draft had a clause on school kids’ freedom of and based on specific issue/s.
language choice. It is not an instance of the
 Those who wished to change the three languages permanent merger of state
may do so in Grade 6. identities in the collective
z Political figures in Tamil Nadu reacted hostilely to identity.
the plan, branding it as an effort to impose Hindi  Northeastern states in India

on the unwilling State. may be said to have possessed

supra-state regionalism.
 President of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam M.K.
Stalin forewarned that his party would be z It is coterminous with provincial
compelled to start a new campaign against the territories and involves
imposition of Hindi. juxtaposing the identities of one
 Massive demonstrations against past attempts
or more states against another. It
to impose Hindi in 1937 and 1965 had been Inter-State is also issue-specific.
witnessed by the State. Regionalism:  Disputes between Karnataka
and Tamil Nadu over the
z By first telling them that it was only a draft and that
distribution of Kaveri water
the policy had not yet been finalized, the Center hoped
may be construed as interstate
to diffuse the situation. The committee then decided
regionalism.
to remove the Hindi reference.
z It indicates that wherein a part
4.11 GROWTH OF REGIONALISM IN of the state strives for self-
identity and self-development
INDIA and therefore, it is taken in a
z Many people perceived regionalism as a serious threat positive sense. In negative terms,
to Indian unity in the 1950s. However, regionalism it militates against the collective
never played a significant role in Indian politics or Intra-State interest of the state as well as the
government; rather, it tended to lose significance over Regionalism: nation.
time.  As for instance there is

z Economic disparity between various states and areas often a feeling of the coastal
could be a source of conflict. Though it has stoked region and western region in
Odisha, the coastal region and
unrest and put a strain on the political system, this
Telangana region in Andhra
issue has not yet resulted in a sense of regionalism or
Pradesh, and so on.
discrimination against any particular region.

30 Post Independence India

4.13 CHARACTERISTICS OF
REGIONALISM
z Regionalism is conditioned by economic, social,
political and cultural disparities.
z Regionalism at times is a psychic phenomenon.
z Regionalism is built around as an expression of group
identity as well as loyalty to the region.
z Regionalism presupposes the concept of development
of one’s own region without taking into consideration
the interest of other regions.
z Regionalism prohibits people from other regions from
being benefited by a particular region.
4.14 CAUSES OF REGIONALISM
z Regional economic inequality: at the time of
independence, economic development was unevenly
distributed across the regions. For e.g., In 1948,
Bombay and West Bengal accounted for more than
59% of the total industrial capital of the country.
z Cultural dominance: minority language groups in
an otherwise homogeneous linguistic state tend to be
marginalized. For e.g., The northern region of Bengal
consists of Gorkha people who speak Nepali, but they
are dominated by the Bengali culture of the state.
z Caste and religion: When caste is combined with
language conflicts or religious fundamentalism,
it breeds regional feelings. It leads to dogmatism,
orthodoxy and obscurantism.
z Low level of infrastructural facilities: like schools,
and hospitals
z Low level of social development: in terms of low
literacy rate, high burden of diseases and mortality
become reasons for regional discontent.
z Geographical factor: The territorial orientation based
on geographical boundaries relate to the inhabitants
of a particular region which are symbolic, at least in
the Indian context. This is more so because of the
linguistic distribution along geographical boundaries.
z Son of the soil doctrine: according to this theory,
the resources of the state belong only to the local
residents.
z Politico-administrative factors: Political parties,
especially the regional political parties as well as
local leaders, exploit the regional sentiments, and
regional deprivation and convert them to solidify their
factional support bases.
 They give place to the regional problems in their
election manifesto and promise for political and
regional development.
 It gives rise to sub-regional movements for separate
states. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and
Telangana states are the result of this failure only.
Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of States: Growth of Regionalism
4.15 NATIONALISM AND REGIONALISM
z The rise of Indian nationalism against British
colonialism since the nineteenth century has also
sparked a fierce awakening among various region-
based linguistic nationalities for identity and self-
determination, frequently in opposition to pan-Indian
nationalism, as historians of modern India have
emphasised.
z Leaders of mainstream nationalism had to identify
and mobilise local leaders and communicate with
the populace in local languages in order to mobilise
people from all over India.
z Only once people realised the importance of and their
ability to meet regional needs was mass mobilisation
made possible.
z Regional nationalism was a constant challenge for
Indian nationalism in its mainstream. The Indian
National Congress (INC) could scarcely have managed
to remain immune to it given the weighty regional
identities of India’s population.
z The coalition of forces eventually expanded to include
more regions. The INC used to hold their yearly
gatherings in various parts of India to raise awareness
among the populace about colonial exploitation and
only for that reason, as well as to further build a sense
of nationalism.
4.16 FEDERALISM AND REGIONALISM
z Indian federalism’s contribution to maintaining
India’s unity, stability, and survival as a polity in the
face of persistent regionalism, which is frequently
on the verge of secession and is rooted in complex
and multifaceted social and cultural diversity, as well
as widespread poverty, illiteracy, extreme regional
disparities in development, and inequality.
z After the dissolution of the multiethnic and
multinational Soviet Union and the breakup of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the question has taken
on a special significance.
z Indian federalism is seen as a method of
accommodation of regionalism in India. Federalism
is seen here as a political equilibrium, which results
from the appropriate balance between shared rule
and self-rule. In the post-Second World War period,
many postcolonial countries adopted federalism as a
method of governance in multi-ethnic contexts
4.17 CLASHES IN INDIA HAVING
COLOURS OF REGIONALISM
z Linguistic Reorganization of States was the demand
of Potti Sriramulu, a freedom fighter and a devoted
follower of Mahatma Gandhi, that led to the creation
31
 of Andhra Pradesh state and linguistic recognition of
the states in India.
z To achieve this end, he died in 1952 after not eating
for 52 days in support of a Telugu-speaking state.
Sriramulu’s death forced Jawahar Lal Nehru to agree to
the various demands from other parts of the country
with similar demands.
Demand for Dravida Nadu
z This movement, also known as the ‘Self-Respect
Movement’ initially focused on empowering Dalits,
non-Brahmins, and poor people.
z Later it stood against the imposition of Hindi as
the sole official language in non-Hindi speaking
areas. But it was the demand of carving out their
own Dravidastan or Dravida Nadu, which made it a
secessionist movement.
z As early as the 1960s the DMK and the Nan Tamil
organized a joint campaign throughout Madras state
demanding its secession from India and making it an
independent sovereign state of Tamiland.
z DMK proposed that the states of Madras, Andhra
Pradesh, Kerala and Mysore should secede from the
Indian union and form an independent “Republic of
Dravida Nadu”.
Telangana Movement
z Discontentment of people: In the years after
the formation of Andhra Pradesh state, people of
Telangana expressed dissatisfaction over how the
agreements and guarantees were implemented.
z Discontent with the 1956 Gentleman’s Agreement
intensified in January 1969, when the guarantees that
had been agreed on were supposed to lapse.
z Student agitation: Student agitation for the
continuation of the agreement began at Osmania
University in Hyderabad and spread to other parts of
the region.
z Direct Action: Government employees and opposition
members of the state legislative assembly threatened
“direct action” in support of the students.
z Separate state of Telangana: This movement since
then finally resulted in last year in one separate state
of Telangana.
Shiv Sena against Kannadigas
z In 1966, Shiv Sena, in Maharashtra, launched its
agitation against Kannadigas in the name of Marathi
pride.
z The first targets of its agitation were South Indians
who were the workers of Udupi hotels in Mumbai.
z This agitation was labelled to be a retaliation of the
lathi-charge on Marathi-speaking people in the border
areas.
32
Bodoland Demand within Assam
z The Bodo agitation is led by the Assam Bodo Students
Union which is demanding a separate state and
has resorted to wide-scale violence and a series of
crippling bandhs to pursue their demand.
z One of the basic reasons for the Assam agitations
is because the expansion of education, particularly
higher education, but not industrialization and other
job-creating institutions is increasing the army of
educated youths in the backward regions.
z These frustrated young men are allured by the
movements against the inflow of people from other
countries and states.
z The Assamese anti-foreigner movement of 1979
opposed the massive illegal immigration from
Bangladesh and, to a lesser extent, Nepal that occurred
in a very short period of time.
z A significant anti-illegal migration movement was
launched by the All-Assam Students Union (AASU) and
the Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (Assam People’s
Struggle Council), a combination of local political,
literary, and cultural organisations.
Khalistan Movement
z The Khalistan movement, sometimes known as
Khalistan, emerged in the Punjab region of India and
Pakistan during the 1980s with the intention of
establishing a Sikh state. Since the demand is restricted
to Sikhs, it actually has communist overtones.
Attacks on Bihar Laborers by the ULFA
z ULFA continues to attempt ambushes and sporadic
attacks on government security forces.
z In 2003, the ULFA was accused of killing labourers
from Bihar in response to the molestation and raping
of many Assamese girls on a train in Bihar.
z This incident sparked off anti-Bihari sentiment in
Assam, which withered away after some months
though.
z On August 15, 2004, an explosion occurred in Assam
in which 10-15 people died, including some school
children. This explosion was reportedly carried out
by ULFA.
Tribal issues of Jharkhand
z Jharkhand, Bihar’s tribal territory comprising the
Chota Nagpur and Santhal Parganas, has sparked
demands for state autonomy for decades. Several
significant Indian tribes, including the Santhal, Ho,
Oraon, and Munda, are concentrated in this area.
 Jharkhand’s tribal society has become increasingly
class-divided.
z With the spread of education and modern activity
in tribal areas, a movement began in the late 1930s
and 1940s for the formation of a separate tribal
Post Independence India
 state of Jharkhand, incorporating Chota Nagpur and
the Santhal Parganas of south Bihar, as well as the
contiguous tribal areas of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa,
and West Bengal.
z However, the States Reorganisation Commission
of 1955 rejected the idea of a separate Jharkhand
state because the region lacked a common language.
 The central administration further said that
because tribals are a minority in Jharkhand, they
cannot establish their own state.
z After 1967, several tribal parties and movements
emerged in Jharkhand, the most important of which
was the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), which was
founded in late 1972.
 The JMM increased demand for the state of
Jharkhand, but it did it in two ways.
 It understood the harsh reality that over two-
thirds of Jharkhand’s population was non-tribal
and that a movement that appealed solely to tribal
people could not gain the necessary political clout.
 As a result, the JMM began to claim that all older
people of the Jharkhand region, tribal and non-
tribal, were exploited, discriminated against, and
dominated by north Bihar.
 It advanced the demand for a distinct regional state
on behalf of the region’s peasants and workers.
 Jharkhand finally came into existence as a state
on 15 November 2000.
Inter-State Disputes
z Another form of regionalism in India has found
expression in the form of interstate disputes. There
are boundary disputes for example between
Karnataka and Maharashtra on Belgaum where
the Marathi-speaking population is surrounded
by Kannada-speaking people, between Kerala and
Karnataka on Kasargod, and between Assam and
Nagaland on Rengma reserved forests.
z There is a dispute over Chandigarh in Punjab and
Haryana.
z The first important dispute regarding the use of
water sources was over the use of water resources
from three rivers mainly Narmada, Krishna and
Cauvery in which states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan,
Gujarat and Maharashtra were involved.
 Disputes also arose between the use of Cauvery
waters among the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and
Karnataka.
4.18 IMPACT OF REGIONALISM
Positive Impact
z Important role in nation-building: Regional
recognition in terms of statehood or state autonomy
gives self-determination to the people.
Linguistic Crisis and Reorganization of States: Growth of Regionalism
z Enhanced democratization: Regional identities help
in taking democracy closer to the people. For eg.,
Tripura Tribal Autonomous District Council formed
in 1985 has helped in protecting tribal identity in the
state.
z Balanced regional development: Many movements
of regionalism have demanded securing development
which ultimately ensures balanced regional
development.
Negative Impact
z Internal security challenge: Movements for secession
often create internal security challenges. For eg., the
greater Nagaland movement.
z Impacts polity: Policies are launched to satisfy
regional demands which are extended to all pockets
of the country. Hence national policies are decided by
regional demands.
z Vote bank politics: It is against healthy democratic
procedures. These often take the form of demand for
separate states.
z Uneven implementation of development plans:
Generally regions to which heavy-weight leaders
belong are focused or the regions which have faced
regional demands.
z Hurdle in international diplomacy: As was seen in
the case of West Bengal blocking the Teesta agreement
with Bangladesh.
4.19 STEPS TAKEN TO CONTAIN THE
REGIONALISM
z From the start, the central government implemented a
wide range of policies to affect growth rates in poorer
states and areas in order to close the economic gap
with richer states and regions.
z The transfer of financial resources to poorer nations
was a key government tool in achieving this.
z The involvement of the Finance Commission, as
called for in the Constitution and appointed by the
President on a regular basis, was critical in this regard.
z Planning was also viewed as a useful tool for
eradicating regional disparities.
 This goal was reflected in the Second Plan, and it
was reinforced in subsequent Plans.
 According to the Third Plan, “balanced development
of different parts of the country, an extension of the
benefits of economic progress to the less developed
regions, and widespread diffusion of industry are
among the major goals of planned development.”
z The Planning Commission offered more plan
assistance to backward states for this purpose.
This aid is provided in the form of grants and loans
33
 based on a formula that takes into account a state’s
level of backwardness.
z Central government investment in major industries
such as steel, fertilisers, oil refining, petrochemicals,
machine-making, and heavy chemicals, as well as
power and irrigation projects, roads, railways, post
offices, and other infrastructural facilities, has been
a tool for reducing regional inequality.
z Government incentives have been provided to
the private sector to invest in underserved areas,
including subsidies, tax breaks, and subsidised banks
and institutional loans.
z The government also employed the system of licensing
private industrial businesses, which existed from
1956 until 1991, to steer the location of industries in
backward areas.
z Following the nationalization of 14 banks in 1969,
the development of their branch network was
employed to favour underserved areas.
 Banks and other public-sector financial institutions
were tasked with encouraging investment in these
sectors.
v v
34
z Various ministries have also developed plans for
developing backward areas.
 Poverty eradication programmes, such as the Food
for Work programme and the Integrated Rural
Development Program, have been implemented
since the 1970s.
As for the cures, some suggestions may be made. First,
there should be a greater spirit of accommodation
on the part of the Central authorities. This implies a
reversal of the process of concentration of power which
has admittedly been much in evidence in the country,
causing resentment among the opposition-governed
State. Power and authority must be shared on an
equitable basis between the Centre and the constituent
units of the Indian Federation.
#OpinionMatters
Do you think the creation of states on linguistic lines
has served the purpose of national integrity and unity?.
v
Post Independence India
 Achievements after Independence,
5 Foreign Policy and Era of War
z The India that Nehru took charge of in 1947 was
miserably poor, hardly literate and unable to feed
itself. It was also traumatised by a violent partition.
Incredibly, Nehru, while fire-fighting to bring together
and consolidate our country, found the time to do
things that transformed it.
z As legacies go, Nehru’s is a mixed bag of spectacular
achievements and humongous failures — just as we
continue to reap the benefits of the former, we have
never ceased enduring the ill effects of the later. In this
chapter, we will discuss the various achievements of
early India under the leadership of Nehru.
5.1 RESETTLING REFUGEES POST-
PARTITION
z On June 3, 1947, when the partition was announced,
3,29,000 out of 9,00,000 lakh people in Delhi departed
for Pakistan, constituting one-third of the city’s
population.
z 4,95,000 individuals entered from the opposite
side, coming from Western Punjab, Sindh, and the
Northwest Frontier province.
z 36 permanent rehabilitation colonies were built in the
ridge area of Delhi and former cropland to handle the
inflow.
 The names of these rehabilitation colonies—
Lajpath Nagar, Rajendra Nagar, Patel Nagar, Tilak
Nagar, Malviya Nagar, etc.—were inspired by
liberation warriors.
5.2 MAKING AN ELECTORAL
DEMOCRACY
z With the first general election, which was held in
1951–1952, over a four-month period, democracy
made significant progress.
z The world’s largest democratic experiment took place
during these elections. All voters who were twenty-
one years of age or older had the right to cast a ballot
in the elections, which were conducted under the
principles of universal adult franchise.
z Over 173 million people cast ballots, the majority of
them being low-income, uneducated, rural, and first-
time voters. At the time, the main concern was how
the populace would react to this chance.
z India’s electoral system was created in accordance
with the Constitutional guidelines.
 A Chief Election Commissioner and an Election
Commission were established by the Constitution
to oversee elections. It was to be unrelated to the
executive, the legislature, or the ruling party.
Fig.5.1: People voting in 1st General election
z Suitable conditions were created for the free
participation of the opposition parties in the elections,
including the Jan Sangh and CPI.
 Nearly 75% of the Lok Sabha seats and 68.5% of
the state assembly seats went to Congress in the
election. However, in both instances, it received
fewer than 50% of the total votes cast.
 The communal right and left both had subpar
performances. Given their high expectations and
upbeat estimates, the Socialist Party and the Kisan
Mazdoor Praja Party (KMPP)’s disappointing
performance—the two parties gained only 21
seats in the Lok Sabha—was actually quite a shock.
z In May 1950, Rajendra Prasad and Dr S. Radhakrishnan
were duly chosen as the Republic’s President and
Vice-President, respectively, marking the end of the
electoral process.
z Two more general elections for the Lok Sabha
and state assemblies were conducted after 1952,
during the Nehru years, in 1957 and 1962.
 The voter turnout increased in each case; in
1951–1952, it was 46%, in 1957, it was 47%, and
in 1962, it was about 54%.
  With a small minority of votes in both elections,
the Congress once again won an overwhelming
majority of seats in the Lok Sabha, and neither
the right nor the left could mount a meaningful
challenge.
 The first democratically elected Communist
government in the history of the globe was
established by the Communists in Kerala in
1957.
 The removal of Kerala’s Communist government
in 1959 and the subsequent imposition of
the President’s Rule is the only blot on the
democratic record of the Nehru years, but it is
not a minor one.
z The fact that the elections were conducted fairly and
without incident was a sign that the democratic
system and institutions—a legacy of the national
movement—were starting to take hold. They were
fairly committed to democratic ideals when they
first started operating.
z It is also notable that the structure of the
Constitution came to be accepted by everyone,
including the Communists and the communalists, in
part as a result of how the elections were conducted.
5.3 DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND
TECHNOLOGY
z Science and technology, in Nehru’s opinion, were
essential to finding solutions to India’s challenges.
z In a message to the Indian Science Congress as
early as January 1938, he had stated: “Science alone
could solve these problems of hunger and poverty, of
insanitation and illiteracy, of superstition and deadening
custom and tradition, of vast resources running to
waste, of a rich country inhabited by starving people”.
z For Jawaharlal Nehru, science was an “engine of
hope”, a romance, a dream, and a constructive way
of imagining the nation, which he wanted everyone
to experience.
z Foundation of new Educational Institutions: The
government spent a lot of money to improve basic,
secondary, higher, and technical education.
 Nehru advised State governments not to cut
spending on basic education because it was
essentially a governmental responsibility.
z Establishment of IITs: On 18 August 1951 the
minister of education Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
inaugurated the Indian Institute of Technology at
Kharagpur.
z The Council of Scientific and Industrial Research
(CSIR) also expanded during this time due to the
initiation of Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar, who is popularly
known as the father of Indian research laboratories.
36
z The National Physical Laboratory (NPL), India’s
first national laboratory, was founded with the
goal of fostering self-sustaining scientific and
technical development.
 The National Physical Laboratory’s foundation
stone was placed on January 4th, 1947. Following
this, a network of seventeen national laboratories
with distinct research specialities was established
throughout the Nehru years.
z Over the years, however, scientific research started
to suffer as a result of the highly bureaucratic and
hierarchical organizational and administrative
structures of the scientific institutes, which
encouraged intrigue and factionalism among its staff
members.
 This had a significant role in the scientist brain
drain that started in the late 1950s.
z India started conducting space research. The Indian
National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR)
was created in 1962, and a rocket launch facility was
built in Thumba.
5.4 DEVELOPMENT IN THE FIELD OF
EDUCATION
z The founding fathers were fully conscious of the
necessity for better and more inclusive education as a
tool for social and economic advancement, opportunity
equality, and the development of a democratic society.
z This was made even more important by the fact that,
in 1951, only 16.6% of the entire population was
literate, and that number was even lower, at just 6%,
in the case of women.
z In order to address this issue, the constitution
mandated that by 1961, all children up to the age of
fourteen shall receive free and mandatory education
from the state.
z During the Nehru years, education expanded
quickly, particularly for girls.
 School enrollment increased over twofold for
boys and threefold for girls between 1951 and
1961. The number of boys enrolled in grades I
to V rose from 13.77 million in 1950–51 to 32.18
million in 1965–66.
z There were 18 universities with almost 300,000
students enrolled in them at the time of independence.
There were around 2,500 colleges and fifty-four
universities in existence in 1964.
z Although observable, the improvement in primary
education did not, in fact, meet the needs or the
intentions, particularly given the rapidly increasing
number of children who were eligible due to the rapid
pace of population expansion.
Post Independence India
5.5 DAMS AND STEEL PLANTS: NEW
TEMPLES OF INDIA
z In 1954 while inaugurating the Bhakra Nangal dam,
then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru christened it as
the ‘temple of modern India’.
 The Rourkela Steel plant was set up in 1959 in
the Sundargarh district of Odisha in collaboration
with Germany.
 The Bhilai Steel Plant was established with
Russian collaboration in the Durg District of
Chhattisgarh and started production in 1959.
 Durgapur Steel Plant, in West Bengal, was set up
in collaboration with the government of the United
Kingdom and started production in 1962 steel
plant was set up in 1964 at Bokaro with Russian
collaboration.
z Development in defence technology: the Defence
Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) was
set up in 1958.
 After its formation, it has developed several large
programs and essential technology, including
aircraft, small and large arms, artillery systems,
electronic warfare (EW) systems, tanks, and
armoured vehicles, sonar systems, command and
control systems, and missile systems.
z Development in the nuclear energy sector: The
nuclear energy program of India has its origin in 1944.
Dr Homi Bhaba approached the Tata Trust and, with
their financial support, TIFR was founded in Mumbai.
 The Department of scientific research and natural
resources was also set up in 1954.
z The central government established the Indian Drugs
and Pharmaceuticals Limited (IDPL) with Soviet
assistance.
z As per Nehru, “Science was not merely an individual’s
search for truth; it was something infinitely more than
that if it worked for the community”
5.6 CREATING DEMOCRATIC
INSTITUTIONS
z By conducting their politics in a way that built on
the national movement’s traditions, Indian leaders—
most notably Nehru—further solidified the roots
of democracy in the nation. They provided the
institutional components of democracy the attention
they deserved in order for people to become
progressively more attached to legislative institutions.
z With the Press being allowed to operate freely,
even when it harshly attacked the government, civil
freedoms were given a solid foundation.
Achievements after Independence, Foreign Policy and Era of War
 Even when they rejected agricultural reform, a
significant piece of popular legislation, the judges’
independence was rigorously protected.
z Despite having a resounding majority in Parliament,
Nehru treated it with respect and made every
effort to preserve its honour and reputation.
 He made an effort to make it a significant platform
for the expression of public opinion and for
participation in parliamentary debates.
 The Opposition also contributed by respecting
Parliament and its rules, acting freely inside
its walls, and maintaining a high standard for
parliamentary debates.
z During the Nehru’s years, the Indian polity also
solidified the federalism that the constitution provides
for, with a true devolution of authority to the states.
 Nehru forbade any diminution of the standing or
power of the federal government at the same time.
 He consistently drew a clear line between the
concentration of power or the dominance of
the centre over the states and the strong centre
required for nation-building and the preservation
of the nation’s unity and independence.
z During these years, the custom of the civil
administration ruling supreme over the armed
forces was thoroughly entrenched.
 The Indian military services have historically
abstained from politics and have accepted civilian
leadership and control.
 The armed forces were given a heterogeneous
character by abandoning the British colonial
practices of recruiting individuals into the army
based on the criterion of “martial” classes, with
nearly every region and section of society
being represented in them.
 Thus, during its early years, militarism was
shielded from India.
5.7 SOCIAL CHANGE
z The Republic’s founding fathers had a vision that went
beyond political stability and national unification.
Indian society needed to undergo social reform.
z “The state shall strive to promote the welfare of the
people by securing and protecting as effectively as
may be a social order in which justice, economic and
political, shall inform all institutions of the national
life,” reads Article 36 of the Directive Principles of
State Policy of the Indian Constitution.
z As a result, during the Nehru years, significant social
changes were implemented, some of which have been
referred to as the start of a welfare state.
 Land reforms, the start of planned economic
development, and the rapid expansion of the
37
 public sector were all very significant actions in
this regard, which we will analyse in other chapters
of this volume.
 Far-reaching labour law was also implemented,
including the provision of health and accident
insurance as well as the recognition of collective
bargaining and the freedom to establish unions
and go on strike.
 Additionally sought was the expansion of social
services including health, education, and others.
z Untouchability was already prohibited by a clause in
the Constitution. By enacting the Anti-Untouchability
Law in 1955, the government expanded upon this
clause by making the practice of untouchability a
penal offence.
z The government also made an effort to carry out the
Constitution’s provisions regarding reservations
for members of the Scheduled Castes (SCs),
Scheduled Tribes (STs), and other underprivileged
groups in government employment and educational
institutions.
z When the Hindu Code Bill was introduced in
parliament in 1951, significant progress was made
in this regard. Conservative segments of society,
including Jan Sangh and other Hindu communal
organizations, fiercely opposed the bill.
5.8 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMMES
z The Community Development Program and
Panchayati Raj were two significant programmes
for rural uplift that were implemented in 1952
and 1959, respectively. In the villages, they were to
establish the groundwork for the welfare state.
z They were created with agricultural development
in mind, but their primary focus was on improving
people’s quality of life and changing the appearance
of rural India.
z Every district in the nation was split up into
“Development Blocks,” and each Block Development
Officer (BDO) was appointed to oversee that block.
 Village Level Workers (VLWs), who reported to
the BDO, were hired and tasked with maintaining
contact with 10–12 communities.
 The National Extension Service (NES)
programme was introduced a year later, in
1953, with the goal of providing wider coverage
at a lower cost and encouraging greater public
participation.
 The programme put a strong focus on public
engagement, accountability, and people’s ability to
rely on themselves. It was envisioned as primarily
a populist movement for their own well-being.
38
Another major objective was to uplift the backward
sections.
 As a result, a national network of administration was
established for the nation’s overall development.
 The programme produced notable results
in extension work, including the building of
roads, tanks, wells, schools, and primary health
centres, as well as the expansion of educational
and medical facilities. These results contributed to
agricultural development generally and increased
food production in particular.
 The plan, however, was slowed down by
overbearing bureaucratic supervision, and soon
the need for administrative system improvements
started to emerge.
 The Balwant Rai Mehta Committee, asked to
examine the programme, sharply condemned
its bureaucratization and its lack of people
involvement, bringing to light the program’s flaws
as early as 1957.
 The Committee suggested democratic
decentralisation of the management of rural
and district development as a remedy. On the
Committee’s advice, it was agreed to implement
a comprehensive system of democratic self-
government throughout the nation, with the
village panchayat as its foundation.
z The new system, known as Panchayati Raj, was put
into place in a number of states starting in 1959. It was
to be composed of a three-tier system with directly
elected village or gram panchayats and indirectly
elected block-level officials. Panchayat samitis and
zilla parishads at the district level.
z The Panchayati Raj was to be merged with the
Community Development programme, and the
three-tiered samitis were to be given significant
responsibilities, authority, and resources to implement
development plans.
The fundamental flaw of the Community Development
Programme, Panchayati Raj, and the Cooperative
Movement was that they neglected the class separation
in rural society, where roughly half of the people had
small or no property and were consequently helpless.
Present Status of Panchayati Raj
z Political legitimacy arising from the active participation
of people in grassroots governance is regarded as a
litmus test for democracy. On April 24, 1993, India
took a decisive step in meeting that objective.
z When the 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment Acts were passed, giving these
local organisations pan-India uniformity and a
Constitutional status.
z The Panchayati Raj Act not only institutionalized
PRIs as the mandatory third tier of governance, it
Post Independence India
 transformed the dynamics of rural development
by giving a say to a large section of the people —
significantly, women — in the administration of their
localities.
5.9 ROOTING SOCIALISM
z Nehru rejected the capitalist developmental and
civilizational perspective and, instead, worked for a
fundamental transformation of Indian society in a
socialist direction.
z Clearly, he did not succeed in building a socialist
society and there was a large gap between his precepts
and practice.
z Moreover, his ideas on socialism and his strategy for its
establishment and development, as also his political
practice, provided deep insights into the problem of
socialist transformation in the modern world.
z To him, generally, socialism meant greater equality
of opportunity, social justice, more equitable
distribution of higher incomes generated through the
application of modern science and technology to the
processes of production, the ending of the acute social
and economic disparities generated by feudalism
and capitalism, and the application of the scientific
approach to the problems of society.
z Over time Nehru came to believe that a socialist
society could be achieved through peaceful and
non-violent means.
 While recognizing the existence and significance
of the class struggle, he believed that it could be
resolved through non-violent means and the rule
of law.
5.10 OPPOSING COMMUNALISM
z Nehru’s commitment to secularism was unsurpassed
and all-pervasive. Communalism went against his
grain, and he fought it vigorously throughout his life.
z He helped secularism acquire deep roots among the
Indian people, and he prevented the burgeoning forth
of communalism when conditions were favourable for
it.
5.11 FOREIGN POLICY OF NEHRU
z The pursuit of an autonomous foreign policy by India
was a high point in politics after 1947. This policy
was a result of its long history and recent past and
was characterized by a high degree of consistency and
continuity. The general guidelines developed during the
freedom struggle and the early years of independence
still hold true in the face of revolutionary changes in
the international situation.
z Jawaharlal Nehru stands as the architect of this not
mean achievement.
Achievements after Independence, Foreign Policy and Era of War
z Nehru highlighted the significance of the peaceful
coexistence of nations with various beliefs and
political systems.
z During his tenure, the foundations of Indian foreign
policy were laid, including Panchsheel, Non-
Alignment, strategic autonomy, anticolonialism, anti-
imperialism, anti-racism, and providing international
aid.
“What does independence consist of? It consists
fundamentally and basically of foreign relations. That is
the test of independence. All else is local autonomy. Once
foreign relations go out of your hands into the charge of
somebody else, to that extent and in that measure, you are
not independent”.
 – Jawaharlal Nehru during a debate in the
Constituent Assembly in March 1949.
5.11.1 Features of India’s Foreign Policy
Post -Independence
z Independent foreign policy: India pursued an
independent foreign policy in spite of the fact that she
was economically weak and food insecure.
z To remain non-aligned: India chose not to be part of
either of the two blocs in which the world was divided
after the second world war. India’s non-alignment
policy was far beyond being just neutral to having the
freedom to decide each issue on its merit.
 His non-alignment policy advanced the process
of democratization of international relations by
encouraging the newly independent countries to
pursue independence in foreign policy.
z Against colonialism: India supported the colonial
and ex-colonial countries in their struggle against
colonialism.
 For example, efforts were made at the Asian
Relations Conference to unite states bordering
the Indian Ocean against the Dutch attempts to
recolonise Indonesia in 1948.
z Promoted world peace and nuclear disarmament.
For example, at the Belgrade meeting of 1961, Nehru
along with Nasser of Egypt and Tito of Yugoslavia
called for nuclear disarmament.
z The policy of non-alignment did a good job of
serving a fundamental goal of Indian foreign
policy, namely providing assistance to colonial and
ex-colonial nations in their fight against colonialism.
 It also made it easier to achieve a second goal,
which was to advance international peace. It is
well known that Nehru was adamantly opposed
to war and that nuclear war loomed large after
Hiroshima.
z Protection of economic interest: Another major
function of the policy was to protect her economic
interest. For this, she developed economic ties with
39
 the countries of both blocs. For example, while the
steel plant of Bhilai was established with the support
of the Soviet Union, the steel plant of Rourkela was
established with the help of Germany.
z Militarily too, India was not dependent on a single
country. For example, India bought 104 Toofani
aircraft from France, and 26 Mi-4 helicopters from
the Soviet Union.
z Active member: India also maintained active
membership of various UN bodies, IMF and the World
Bank.
5.11.2 Reasons Behind India Pursuing
Independent Foreign Policy
z India’s principles during the freedom struggle: India
had gained independence by relying on non-violence,
democratic values, struggle against colonialism etc.
These principles would have remained meaningless
if India had not pursued independent foreign policy.
 India’s great civilization made it imperative to
pursue independent foreign policy.
z To avoid a power struggle: Joining either of the blocs
would have resulted in India becoming a pawn in the
contest for power.
z Newly independent nation: The immediate task
before India was to fight poverty, mass illiteracy,
secure food security etc. These tasks could not have
been achieved without remaining non-aligned.
z To play an active role in world politics: By pursuing
an independent foreign policy, India was able to play
an active role in world politics. For eg., the support
provided to the newly independent country of the
Congo.
z Secure cooperation from both blocks: By remaining
non-aligned India secured economic cooperation from
both blocs. India received technology and food aid
from both the Western countries and the Soviet Union.
5.11.3 Panchsheel of Nehru in foreign
policy
z Panchsheel, or the Five Principles of Peaceful
Co-existence, were first formally enunciated in the
Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the
Tibet region of China and India signed on April 29,
1954, which stated, in its preamble, that the two
Governments have resolved to enter into the present
Agreement based on the following principles:
1. Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity
and sovereignty,
2. Mutual non-aggression,
3. Mutual non-interference,
4. Equality and mutual benefit, and
5. Peaceful co-existence.
40
“Our general policy is to avoid entanglement in power
politics and not to join any group of powers as against
any other group. The two leading groups today are the
Russian bloc and the Anglo- American bloc. We must be
friendly to both and yet not join either. Both America and
Russia are extraordinarily suspicious of each other as well
as of other countries. This makes our path difficult and we
may well be suspected by each of us leaning towards the
other. This cannot be helped”.
 – Jawaharlal Nehru, January 1947.
z Panchsheel as the framework, not only for relations
between the two countries but also for their relations
with all other countries, so that a solid foundation
could be laid for peace and security in the world.
z Panchsheel, as envisioned by its creators, gave
substance to the voice of newly established countries
who were seeking the space to consolidate their hard-
won independence, as it provided an alternative
ideology dedicated to peace and development of
all as the basis for international interaction, whether
bilateral or multilateral.
z Panchsheel was incorporated into the Ten Principles
of International Peace and Cooperation enunciated
in the Declaration issued by the April 1955 Bandung
Conference of 29 Afro-Asian countries.
z The universal relevance of Panchsheel was
emphasised when its tenets were incorporated in
a resolution on peaceful co-existence presented
by India, Yugoslavia and Sweden, and unanimously
adopted on December 11, 1957, by the United
Nations General Assembly (UNGA).
z In 1961, the Conference of Non-Aligned Nations in
Belgrade accepted Panchsheel as the principled core
of the Non-Aligned Movement.
z Today, Panchsheel can help the world move away
from the traditional concepts of balance of power
and competitive security, the consequent search for
an enemy, and the predicating of activities on conflicts
rather than cooperation.
5.12 NON-ALIGNMENT MOVEMENT
(NAM)
“Broadly, non-alignment means not tying yourself off with
military blocs....It means trying to view things, as far as
possible, not from the military point of view, though that
has to come in sometimes, but independently, and trying
to maintain friendly relations with all countries.” 
 – Jawaharlal Nehru
z In the form of the concept of non-alignment and an
organisational cohesiveness through the non-aligned
movement, Nehru gave this voice a shape.
z The partition of the globe into two antagonistic blocs,
one led by the US and the Western nations and the
other by the Soviet Union, after the Second World
War provided the immediate environment for the
formation of this movement.
Post Independence India
z Nehru believed that poor, newly independent nations
in Asia and Africa stood to suffer the most by
succumbing to pressure to join the military alliances
of the major powers.
 India, on the other hand, and other nations in
a similar situation required peace and calm in
order to proceed with growth.
 Their goals were to increase the “region of
peace,” not to wage war or incite animosity.
India did not sign the Baghdad Pact, the Manila
Treaty, SEATO, or CENTO, which united the
nations of West and East Asia with the Western
power bloc, nor did it approve of them.
z However, India went much further than simple
neutrality or avoiding military alliances.
 Nehru was quick to deny John Foster Dulles’
accusation that India had an “immoral neutrality.”
 Being non-aligned meant being free to judge every
situation according to its own merits, to consider
what was right or wrong, and to then side with
the right.
z The fight of India and other recently independent
countries to maintain and strengthen their
independence from colonialism and imperialism
came to be symbolised by non-alignment.
 For instance, the one-country, one-vote system in
the UN, whose membership had increased with
their accession, allowed the non-aligned bloc,
frequently assisted by the Soviets, to check Western
bloc dominance. Therefore, non-alignment aided
in the democratisation of international relations.
z Non-alignment was not a set of guidelines for
policy; rather, it was an approach, a framework, and
a methodology that the nascent country might use to
guide itself through the night.
z Non-alignment allowed Indian foreign policy to
develop to fit the shifting requirements of Indian
society rather than imposing any rigidity.
 It did not interfere with the tight relationship that
grew with the USSR starting in 1954. It also didn’t
prevent India from entering the Commonwealth.
The Constitutional Principles
Article 51 of the Indian Constitution lays down some
Directive Principles of State Policy on the ‘Promotion
of international peace and security’.
“The State shall endeavour to –
(a) Promote international peace and security
(b) Maintain just and honourable relations between
nations
(c) Foster respect for international law and treaty
obligations in the dealings of organised people with
one another, and
(d) Encourage settlement of international disputes by
arbitration.”
Achievements after Independence, Foreign Policy and Era of War
5.13 INDIA’S ROLE IN INTERNATIONAL
AFFAIRS
5.13.1 The Korean War
z After the end of the second world war, Korea was
divided into communist North-controlled Soviet
camps and South Korea controlled by Western powers.
z In 1950, North Korea invaded S. Korea. In this
instance, India supported the US, calling N. Korea
the aggressor.
z But when the US decided to set up a unified command
in Korea for protecting the south, India abstained from
voting in the UN for it wanted to prevent the entry of
outside powers into the conflict.
 However, General MacArthur, in charge of US forces
under UN command, crossed the 38th parallel
into North Korea without the UN’s consent after
driving North Korean forces out of South Korea
and continuing toward the Yalu River, which
separated Korea from China.
Fig.5.2: Boundary between North
korea and South korea
z Following that, China dispatched waves of armed
“volunteers” and was able to drive American troops
south of the 38th parallel, causing significant deaths
among the Chinese, Koreans, and Americans. For this,
the US framed a resolution in the UN declaring China
as the aggressor.
 India voted against this resolution, as clearly in
this case the US was the aggressor.
z Finally, a formula framed by Krishna Menon was
accepted by the UN for the Korean problem.
z A Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission was
set up with an Indian, Gen Thimayya, as its chairman.
z India’s commitment to non-alignment and peace had
been put to the test throughout the Korean War, but
she had come out on top.
 Now, everyone acknowledges the value of non-
alignment. It was tough to brush it off as utopian
nonsense or mealy-mouthed, spineless neutrality.
5.13.2 French Indo-China Conflict
z French Indo-China was French colonial territory in
South East Asia.
41
z US support to France: In the French Colonial war with
the Viet Minh (of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam),
the US wanted to support France.
z India’s role: India played a vital role to obtain
guarantees from China for the neutralisation of
Cambodia and Laos in return for the promises made
by Britain and France that they would not allow the
US to have bases there.
z Supervision by India: India supervised the imports
of foreign armaments into Lao, Cambodia and
Vietnam as the Chairman of the International Control
Commission.
5.13.3 Suez Canal Crisis
Nationalisation of the canal: In 1956, Egypt
z
nationalized the Suez Canal in response to the US
and Britain’s pressure on her to renounce its policy
of non-alignment.
 The Western powers like Britain and France who
were the users of the canal demanded international
control over it.
z India’s stand: India maintained that Suez Canal was
an integral part of Egypt under the Constantinople
Convention (1888).
 At the London Conference, in 1956, India devised
a formula where Egypt would retain control of the
canal and there would be an advisory role for the
users.
z Attack on Egypt: However, France and Britain got
Israel to attack Egypt.
z The withdrawal of the foreign troops took place under
UN supervision and the Indian troops participated in
large numbers in the peacekeeping force.
z India continued to support Egypt: In the subsequent
negotiation, India continued to support Egypt while
the interests of Britain and other users.
 Over time, even Britain came to see the fairness
of India’s strategy, and the incident had no lasting
impact on British-Indian ties.
Fig.5.3: Blockade of Suez canal
42
5.13.4 Hungary
z The Soviet Union invaded Hungary in 1956 to crush
the rebellion whose objective was to take Hungary out
of the Soviet bloc.
z Indian stand: Though India officially did not condemn
the Soviet’s action, India did not send an ambassador
to Budapest for two years to show unhappiness.
 When Kashmir was next discussed in the UN
Security Council, the Soviet Union responded
by voting against it.
 After that, they resumed vetoing motions that
went against Indian interests as normal! India was
in a difficult situation, yet she managed to hold her
ground under intense pressure from both sides.
5.13.5 The Congo
z Congo gained independence: The copper-rich
Katanga province (of Congo) led by Tshombe
announced independence not much after the Congo
had gained independence from Belgium.
 Tshombe was backed by Belgium who sent its
troops to the Congolese capital apparently to
protect her citizens.
 All the global powers got involved in the Congo
with the US supporting President Kasavubu,
Soviet supporting PM Lumumba and the Belgians
supporting the army leader.
z Indian role: After the murder of Lumumba, India
demanded the UN to play a decisive role, get rid
of foreign troops, stop the civil war, convene the
Parliament and form a new government.
z The Security Council adopted a resolution in
1961 to stop the civil war. The Indian armed forces
successfully brought the civil war to a close.
5.14 RELATIONSHIP WITH THE
SUPERPOWERS
5.14.1 USA
India desired a friendly relationship with the US because
she needed technology, machines, development aid, food
for her people and moral support in the nation-building
process. However, the friendship could not develop due
to the following reasons:
z Support to Pakistan: The UN Security Council,
dominated by the US and its allies, evaded a decision
on the Indian charge of Pakistani aggression in 1948
in spite of the fact that the UN Commission reported
the presence of Pakistani troops in Kashmir.
z India’s recognition of Communist China was
unpalatable to the US.
z India’s stand on Korea: US did not appreciate India’s
stand in the Korean war when she voted against US’s
resolution in the UN charging China as the aggressor.
Post Independence India
z Arms supply to Pakistan: Pakistan, ostensibly was
provided arms in 1952 by the US to deal with the
Soviet’s threat from Afghanistan. However, the kind
of arms provided could never cross the Hindu Kush
and could only be used against India.
z On the issue of Goa’s integration into India, the US
took the side of Portugal.
 It has been opined that even if India had wished
to align with the US, its antipathy towards India
would not have decreased. This was due to the
following reasons:
z Dislike for the Congress: The US had inherited from
the British who had helped in setting up the CIA, the
dislike for the Congress which had brought down the
mighty British empire.
z Warm attitude for Muslim league: This was in
contrast to the positive attitude towards the Muslim
League which was considered pro-British and
supported in war efforts.
z Anticipation about India: It had anticipated that
because of India’s diversity, it would disintegrate and
hence cannot form a bulwark against communism.
z Pro-colonial trend in USA: There were strong pro-
colonial trends in America which had supported the
British and French to return to their colonies after
the war.
z At the same time, there were some positives too
in the relationship.
 People-to-people relations remain friendly.
 Economic ties grew as the US was the source of
machines and technology.
 The Soviet’s friendship with India increased
India’s value.
 The Kennedy administration made an effort to
improve the relationship with India by sending
Galbraith as an ambassador who liked it for India.
 The relations also changed with the Chinese
attack on India, when India looked towards the
US for help.
Present Status
z Civil nuclear deal: The India-US relationship did not
see much improvement until the end of the cold war.
Things took a positive turn after the India-US civil
nuclear deal. From then onwards, relationships have
been improving by leaps and bounds.
z Multi-faceted relation: India-US relations have
become increasingly multi-faceted, covering
cooperation in areas such as trade, defence and
security, education, science and technology, civil
nuclear energy, space technology and applications,
environment, and health.
Achievements after Independence, Foreign Policy and Era of War
z Strengthen defence relations: India’s relationship
with the US especially on defence and strategic issues
has strengthened.
 For egThere have been changes in U.S. export
control laws that place India in a privileged
category of NATO and non-NATO U.S. allies. The
US has also designated India as an integral part of
the Indo- pacific narrative through the conception
of the QUAD.
5.14.2 Soviet Union
The relationship with the USSR started on a cooler
note. The reasons for this are:
z There was a perception in the Soviet that India was
still under the imperialist influence.
z Communists’ ambivalence towards the Indian freedom
struggle was transferred to the independent Indian
nation.
z India’s decision to stay in the Commonwealth of
Nations was seen as proof of India’s surrender to
imperialism.
z However, with time relations started to improve
especially after India’s role in the Korean war
crisis.
z Food and material supplies: When the US vacillated
over its decision to send food supplies to India, the
Soviets sent supplies to help India tide over the
drought.
 During the early 1960s, India received supply-
dropping aircraft, helicopters and engineering
equipment for the Border Roads Development
Board, which helped in constructing roads along
the borders with China.
z Though the Western powers had promised military
support after the China war, it was the Soviet Union
who provided us with arms, ships and aircraft which
bolstered the capability of the armed forces
z USSR support to national integration: From 1955
onwards, the Soviets gave full support to India on the
Kashmir issue. It used or threatened to use its veto
power on the Kashmir issue in the security council
which was unfavourable to India.
 The USSR also supported India in the integration
of Goa.
z During China’s aggression: During the most crucial
time of China’s aggression on India, the Soviet Union
maintained neutrality, which was a great achievement
for India at that time.
z Military support: In 1962, the Soviets allowed India
to manufacture MiG aircraft. India became the first
non-communist country to acquire this capability.
43
z Economic development: It was not possible to
navigate the path of economic development without
the help of the USSR. It helped in establishing steel
plants in Bhilai and Bokaro. By 1973-74, it was
estimated that 85 percent of our machine-making
machines were produced in projects set up with
Soviet aid.
 However, it was not a one-sided affair. The Soviet
Union too gained from friendly relations with
India.
 India was an entry point for the USSR of the newly
independent Afro-Asian countries, which helped
in the cold war.
 The Soviets had a long border with China with
many disputed areas, and friendship with India
kept China in check.
India’s Non-Alignment tilted the balance away from
the West which was a help for the Soviets.
Present Status
z Although the ties between India and other Western
countries have improved, it has not in any way
lessened the good ties with Russia.
z India and Russia continue to share a common strategic
rationale for their relationship.
Apart from bilateral synergies, the two are members
z
of various multilateral organizations including BRICS,
RIC, G20, East Asia Summit, and SCO—where avenues
for cooperation on issues of mutual importance exist.
5.15 RELATIONSHIP WITH NEIGHBOURS
5.15.1 Nepal
z India signed a treaty of Peace and Friendship in
1950 with Nepal.
z This gave unrestricted commercial transit from India
to Nepal.
z It also secured Nepal’s total sovereignty at the
same time making both countries responsible for each
other’s security.
z In recent years, Nepal seems to be drifting towards
China.
 China considers Nepal a key partner in the Belt
and Road initiative and plans to invest in the
infrastructure and provide passage for Nepali
imports and exports.
 Nepal has also drawn a new political map claiming
Indian territories of Limpiyadhura, Kalapani and
Lipulekh.
44
Fig.5.4: India-Nepal boundary dispute
z Considering the strategic significance of Nepal, India
is dealing diplomatically to resolve the border dispute.
z Further, vaccine diplomacy and investment in
infrastructure projects apart from historically friendly
relations are poised to take India-Nepal relations to a
higher trajectory.
5.15.2 Myanmar
z With Myanmar too, the issues of Indian settlers and
long unchartered territory were settled amicably.
z India considers Myanmar an important neighbour
given its strategic significance and as such has invested
in infrastructure and connectivity projects.
z However, the recent issues of Rohingyas and the
military coup seem to present a challenge in the India
Myanmar relations.
5.15.3 China
z Policy of friendship: India chose to adopt a policy of
friendship from the very beginning.
z Fully aware of China’s character: PM Nehru knew
that a strong China is expansionist China, but choosing
to be friendly with China was nothing but imperative
for India.
z Delaying hostility from China: With Pakistan
already hostile towards India, having such an attitude
towards China would have meant preparing for a two-
front war and diverting precious resources towards
strengthening the military.
 India had hoped that with the common experience
of suffering imperialism, the two would join hands
to tackle poverty and under-development.
z India recognises China: India became the first non-
socialist country to recognise China.
z India avoids confronting China on the Tibet issue:
In the year 1950, when China annexed Tibet, India
was unhappy that she was not taken into confidence
but did not question China’s right over it as Tibet had
been subjugated by China many times in history.
 India-China signed a treaty in 1954, wherein
India recognised China’s right over Tibet and both
sides agreed to be governed by the principles of
Panchsheel.
Post Independence India
  Dalai Lama enters India with his followers: In
1959, following a revolt in Tibet, Dalai Lama fled
to India along with his followers.
 The asylum provided by India to the Dalai
Lama irked the Chinese and small skirmishes
began to take place at the border.
Chinese Aggression of 1962
z Attack on Thagla Ridge: Chinese troops attacked
Thagla Ridge on 8 September, 1962 and dislodged
Indian troops.
 This was considered a minor incident by the
Indian PM.
z Attack incursion in the NEFA: In October 1962, the
Chinese army overran the Indian posts in the eastern
sector of NEFA.
z The Western sector was attacked: In the Western
sector too, thirteen forward posts were captured by
the Chinese in the Galwan Valley.
z Unilateral withdrawal: However, the Chinese army
declared unilateral withdrawal after 24 hours.
Impact of the war
z Loss of self-respect: It dealt a heavy blow to the self-
respect of the newly independent country.
z Setback for non-alignment policy: The policy of non-
alignment seemed to have suffered a huge setback.
z India’s need for Western powers: India could no longer
ignore the Western powers as India had reached out
to the US for help during the war.
z Opportunistic Pakistan: Pakistan tried to make
everything out of this opportunity by creating pressure
from the Western powers on India to surrender
Kashmir in return for military aid.
z Links with US agencies: US agencies developed links
in India in the name of Countering Chinese threats.
They even planted a nuclear-powered device in the
Himalayas to monitor Chinese military activity.
z Military agreements with the US: To strengthen the
armed forces, India signed military agreements with
the US.
z For nearly three decades, India-China relations saw
no thaw until the visit of the then PM Rajiv Gandhi
to China in 1986.
 The visit was followed by efforts to solve long-
standing issues, improve trade and extension of
consular contacts.
Present Status
z Though India-China relations have gone through a
roller coaster, the recent couple of years have seen
the low point of the relations with the Galwan Valley
standoff continuing to date.
v v
Achievements after Independence, Foreign Policy and Era of War
z “The relationship right now is going through a very
difficult phase, because in violation of agreements and
understandings of many, many years the Chinese have
deployed a very large part of their military on and close
to the Line of Actual Control without explanation.” –
India’s foreign minister S. Jaishankar
z Earlier, India and China conducted two informal
dialogues between the heads of the states. The
relationship seemed to have improved for a brief
period until the occurrence of the global pandemic
and Chinese incursions in India’s territory.
z However, both sides continue to hold talks in order to
resolve the issue peacefully.
5.15.4 Pakistan
z Though India and Pakistan share cultural, geographical,
linguistic and economic ties yet their relationship has
been mired in complexity.
z The partition of India and Pakistan was associated
with one of the largest communal violence with an
estimated loss of one million lives. It also displaced
around 12.5 million people.
z Pakistan’s first misadventure against India was just
after independence when it sent militants to Kashmir
to force the state into Pakistan. The details of this have
been discussed in the chapter- Integration of Princely
States.
z In 1953–1954, there was a small window of time
when it appeared like the Kashmir question may
be settled.
 Following friendly meetings between Mohammed
Ali Bogra and Nehru in 1953, a joint communique
was released on August 20, 1953, announcing that
Nehru had consented to hold a vote in Kashmir.
But the Cold War’s political demands extinguished
the hope’s fleeting blaze.
z As Pakistan was further incorporated into the US-fed
Western alliance system through membership in
CENTO, SEATO, the Baghdad Pact, and a military
agreement with the US in 1954, the Kashmir problem
was used to poke India in the UN.
 Pakistan was more than willing to play the US
game, but India had made it clear that it would not.
The net result of Pakistan’s diplomacy, however, was
that Ayub Khan lost his job, Yahya Khan lost his freedom
and Pakistan lost half its territory - K. P Menon
#OpinionMatters
Most of the democracies were apprehensive towards
giving Universal Adult Suffrage whereas India granted
it in the first instance. In your opinion what was the
rationale for this?
v
45
 6 From Shastri to Indira Gandhi
z The resilience of the Indian political system was
put to the test after Nehru’s passing in May 1964.
Many people in India and outside projected that
it would suffer significant harm and possibly even
collapse due to disagreement and factional strife inside
the Congress party over the succession problem.
z Morarji Desai and Lal Bahadur Shastri were the two
leading candidates for the leadership of the Congress
parliamentary party, and consequently, for the position
of prime minister.
 Desai was more senior and experienced, a solid
manager, and a scrupulously honest individual.
 However, he had a dogmatic and unyielding
worldview and a reputation for being a right-
winger who was also self-righteous, haughty, and
intolerant.
 Furthermore, a sizable portion of the party found
him to be highly unpopular. Shastri was well-
respected, diplomatic, adaptable, and reputed to
be personally incorruptible.
z A group of Congress officials known as the
Syndicate oversaw the succession. They did it in
their direction.
z They supported Shastri because of his greater
party acceptance, which would keep the party
together.
 They also thought that he would be more
accommodating to their requests and would not
put their position as party leaders in jeopardy.
 Despite insinuating in private that the Syndicate
had “stage-managed” the choice, Desai graciously
accepted it and ended his participation in the race.
z Within a week of Nehru’s passing, on June 2, 1964,
Shastri was sworn in as prime minister after being
elected unopposed as the party’s legislative leader.
6.1 THE SHASTRI’S YEARS
z With the exception of convincing Indira Gandhi,
Nehru’s daughter, to join the government as Minister
of Information and Broadcasting, Shastri did not
significantly alter Nehru’s cabinet due to his acceptance
of the limited scope of his political mandate.
z The cabinet ministers had more freedom to operate
under his leadership.
z Additionally, he didn’t meddle in party or state
government operations. He generally maintained a
low political presence, with the exception of the latter
months of his presidency.
6.1.1 Problems faced by the Shashtri
z Due to a decline in agricultural production, the
1960s saw the worst food scarcity in history.
z In 1965, some states had a severe drought, which
dangerously reduced buffer food stores. The conflict
made matters worse.
z Due to India’s previous defeat in the Indo-China War
of 1962, the rate of industrial growth had slowed, and
the balance of payments issue had gotten worse, there
was a general feeling of deep pessimism.
z The calls for a Punjabi Suba (state) and Goa’s
unification with Maharashtra were also starting to
heat up in other regions.
z In 1965, there was also a resurgence of the issue of
Hindi vs. English as the official language.
6.1.2 Dealing with Food Crisis:
Emergence of Jai Jawan Jai Kisan
z In 1965, at a public rally, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur
Shastri created the phrase “Jai Jawan Jai Kisan.”
 The catchphrase resonated with an India that was
engaged in a border conflict with Pakistan (Jai
Jawan) and struggling with a severe food shortage
at home (Jai Kisan).
 Self-sufficiency was unimaginable at that time
period because the domestic need for food,
necessities, steel, fertilizers, and even cotton could
not be satisfied through local production.
z In addition, the humiliating loss in the conflict with
China in 1962 necessitated some significant measures.
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Write a critical note on the evolution and significance
of the slogan “Jai Jawana Jai Kisan”. (2013)
6.1.3 India Pakistan war of 1965  India quickly began to advance into Pakistani
territory and took control of some parts of
War Of 1965 Pakistan’s Lahore province thanks to the sheer
z The 1962 debacle of India at the hands of China sent might and morale of its armed forces.
a ray of hope for Pakistan, as it looked at it as an z The United States and Britain believed Pakistan
opportunity to attack India. was mostly to blame for the crisis and stopped
z In January 1965, Pakistani soldiers started sending any armaments to either India or Pakistan.
patrolling in territory that was under Indian z The Chinese leadership eventually showed moderation
authority.
despite having grave concerns about Chinese
 On April 8, 1965, both nations launched attacks on
engagement on behalf of Pakistan.
each other’s outposts. As a result, Pakistan started
z An important diplomatic disaster for India was
border skirmishes that eventually escalated into a
apparent in Indonesia’s backing of Pakistan.
full-scale conflict.
z Under pressure from the UN Security Council, both
 Due to the terrain, there was a military battle, but
India’s military response was hesitant and feeble. sides agreed to a ceasefire.
 The two parties concurred to submit the matter to
z India was successful in not only defending its own
international arbitration in response to Britain’s territory but also gaining some strategic locations of
intervention. Pakistan, however, believed that Pakistani territory.
India was not prepared for war as a result of The Outcome of the War
the incident.
z In India, the conclusion of the 1965 war was
z Pakistan was seeking perfect opportunities and had
seen as a “politico-strategic” triumph. Lal Bahadur
previously created plans dubbed Operation Grand
Shastri, the Indian Prime Minister, was revered as a
Slam and Operation Gibraltar.
national hero.
 Operation Grand Slam: It alludes to a strategy
z India, which had earlier led the charge for non-
developed by the Pakistan Army in May 1965
alignment, grew farther distant from the West and
to strike Jammu and Kashmir’s crucial Akhnoor
forged strong ties with the Soviet Union.
Bridge.
 Operation Gibraltar: It was launched in August
z India formed the Research and Analysis Wing
1965 with the intention of infiltrating troops into (RAW) in 1968 for external espionage and intelligence
Jammu and Kashmir to spark an uprising against with a focus on improving communication and
Indian sovereignty. coordination inside and among the three services
z On August 5, 1965, between 26,000 and 33,000 of the Indian Armed Forces.
Pakistani soldiers dispersed across the Line of Tashkent Agreement (1966)
Control while posing as natives from Kashmir.
z The Tashkent Agreement was signed by Pakistani
 Shastri gave the army the order to breach the
President Ayyub Khan and Indian Prime Minister Lal
line of the ceasefire, shut the routes via which the Bahadur Shastri at Tashkent, which is currently in the
infiltrators were entering, and take up residence country of Uzbekistan.
in such vital positions.
z The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 was ended by
z Pakistan threatened India’s sole road connection
the Tashkent Agreement, a peace treaty signed on
to Kashmir in September 1965 by launching a large
January 10, 1966, between India and Pakistan.
tank and infantry onslaught in the Chhamb region in
southwestern Jammu and Kashmir.
 Shastri promptly gave the order for the Indian army
to march into Pakistan and advance on Lahore and
Sialkot in addition to defending Kashmir. Thus,
despite it not being officially declared, the two
nations were at war.
z This was the third front that India had opened up to
draw Pakistan’s attention away from Jammu and the
Rann of the Kutch region.
 On September 6, India crossed the international
border (Radcliffe Line), signalling the start of the
war. Fig.6.1: PM of India at Tashkent

From Shastri to Indira Gandhi 47

z In accordance with this Declaration, both parties
promised to leave all of the occupied territories and
go back to their August pre-war positions.
z The nations agreed to respect each other’s economic,
diplomatic, and internal issues.
z It was also decided that the High Commissioners of
India to Pakistan and Pakistan to India would resume
their positions and that the diplomatic embassies of
the two nations would resume their regular operations.
Positives for India
z Restoration of lost pride: India’s lost pride after the
loss to China was restored.
z Politically stronger and unified India: India emerged
as politically stronger and more unified.
z Litmus test of secularism: India’s test of secularism
passed with flying colours; Indian Muslims had given
wholehearted support to the war, Muslims in the
armed forces fought as bravely as other counterparts,
and infiltrators failed in getting the support of the
Kashmiri people.
Negatives for India
z Unfavorable terms to India were put in the Tashkent
agreement: It did not include any renunciation of
guerrilla combat in Kashmir or a no-war pact.
 Shastri consented to these unfavourable conditions
since the alternative was to resume the disastrously
destructive war.
z Loss of strategic locations: As a result of the Tashkent
agreement, India lost strategic locations like the Haji
Pir pass which she had gained in the war.
z Death of Shastri ji: PM Shastri died of a sudden
heart attack in Tashkent which created uncertainty
in Indian politics.
Shastri’s passing brought up the topic of succession once
more. This, the second succession in two years, was also
carried out without incident, demonstrating the political
system in India’s durability.
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Analyze the circumstances that led to Tashkent
Agreement in 1966. Discuss the highlights of the
agreement.(2013)
6.2 EARLY YEARS OF INDIRA GANDHI
z Morarji Desai had returned to the scene. Desai
continued to irk Kamaraj and the Syndicate, so they
searched for a candidate who could unseat him while
still remaining in their sphere of influence.
48
z They decided on Indira Gandhi because she was
Nehru’s daughter, appealed to all of India, had a
progressive reputation, and was not associated with
any one caste, state, or religion.
z They also believed that Indira Gandhi would be
more flexible and pliable because of her youth,
inexperience, and lack of deep party roots. Kamaraj
was the one who rigged the election.
6.2.1 Challenges in the Early Years for
Indira Gandhi
z The economy was rapidly worsening and in a
recession. Exports and industrial output were falling.
z In 1966, the rains failed for the second year in
a row, and a more severe drought than in 1965
resulted in soaring inflation and acute food shortages.
 Large portions of the country were plagued by
famine, particularly in Bihar and eastern Uttar
Pradesh.
z The Pakistan-China axis and the 1962 and 1965
conflicts caused a dramatic increase in military
spending and a shift of funds away from planning and
economic growth. The Fourth Five-Year Plan was in
peril as the budget deficit grew.
z The administration hesitated, took decisions
slowly, and, what was worse, implemented them
slowly and ineffectively. The situation demanded
difficult decisions and strict enforcement.
z India was largely reliant on wheat imports from
the US under the PL-480 aid programme for its
food security.
 Additionally, it was important that the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
whose assistance had been halted during the Indo-
Pak conflict, restart their assistance. However, the
depreciation of the rupee was pressed upon by the
US, the World Bank, and the IMF.
 As a result, the Indian government reduced the
value of the rupee by 35.5%.
z There were nationwide outbursts of rage in
opposition to the choice. The move was opposed
by all political factions, with the leftist organizations
and parties, the majority of academics, and Kamaraj
being the most vocal opponents.
 Kamaraj also objected to the fact that he was not
consulted before the decision was made.
 Additionally, there was widespread animosity
toward the administration for following
outside pressure.
Post Independence India
z Ironically, the devaluation’s declared goals
of boosting exports and luring international
investment were not achieved. Additionally, the
flow of food and other types of foreign aid did not
significantly rise.
6.2.2 The Washington Fiasco: Early
Foreign Policy of Indira Gandhi
z Significant steps were taken by Mrs Gandhi in the
area of foreign policy. She first endeavoured to
strengthen ties with the United States, particularly
during her trip to Washington in March 1966, when
she desperately needed American wheat, financial
assistance, and capital investment.
 Under PL-480, President Johnson pledged to send
3.5 million tonnes of food to India as well as $900
million in relief.
 However, the actual transmissions to India were
erratic and arrived in fragments. Additionally, the
President took charge of the dispatches to ensure
that “India adjusted its farm policy” as well as its
stance on Vietnam and to regulate their quantity
and timing on a “tonne-by-tonne” basis.
z Indira Gandhi felt degraded by the United States
“ship-to-mouth” strategy and refused to submit to
such crudeness and overt bullying.
 She also made the decision to leave this precarious
employment as soon as feasible. In fact, India was
forbidden from attempting to approach the US on
unfavourable terms ever again.
z Foreign policy was a medium through which Indira
Gandhi expressed her dissatisfaction with the US.
 She began separating herself from that nation. She
had avoided discussing Vietnam on her March–
April 1966 visit to Washington. She then made a
statement in July 1966 criticising the US bombing
of North Vietnam and its capital, Hanoi.
z Mrs Gandhi had agreed in Washington to the US
plan for an Indo-American Educational Foundation
to receive $300 million in PL-480-rupee monies.
 She later withdrew the idea, in part because it
had received harsh criticism from many leftists
and intellectuals in India, both inside and outside
of Congress, who saw it as an American attempt
to infiltrate and control higher education and
research in India.
z In order to resist the threat of neocolonialism
coming from the US and West European nations,
Mrs Gandhi began to emphasize the need for
From Shastri to Indira Gandhi
non-aligned countries to unite politically and
economically.
 She formed close relationships with Nasser of
Egypt and Tito of Yugoslavia at this time.
 Mrs Gandhi promised the Soviet authorities of
India’s continued friendship as she expressed
concern about the Soviet efforts to forge ties with
Pakistan and maintain an equal distance from both
Pakistan and India.
 She also stated that she wanted to communicate
with China, but at the time, there was no warming
of Sino-Indian relations. After the Washington
debacle, she adopted a general foreign policy
of strong independence.
6.2.3 Early Phase of Turmoil
z Around the time Mrs Gandhi was taking the oath
of office as prime minister, a wave of public
agitations—demonstrations, student strikes and
riots, agitations by government employees—
began. Often, these agitations ended in violence.
 The bandhs, which resulted in the shutdown of a
town, city, or entire state, were a novel feature.
As the agitated crowds and lathi-wielding police
fought, law and order frequently collapsed.
 The army had to be called in on occasion. Police
firings and lathi accusations severely damaged the
administration’s reputation.
z In order to consistently embarrass the government,
opposition political parties, particularly the CPM,
Socialists, and Jan Sangh, took full advantage of
the attitude of the people and organized bandhs and
other agitations.
z Some of them thought that if the government
fell apart, the conditions would be right for
them to seize control through elections or other
unconstitutional, non-parliamentary measures.
 As a result, they frequently disregarded
constitutional and democratic norms. In an effort
to capitalise on the strong religious sensitivities
of many Hindus in the next elections, Jan Sangh
and other communal parties staged a heated
nationwide protest demanding a complete ban on
cow slaughter.
z The institution of the Parliament started to decline
in 1966 as well. There were frequent disruptions and
indiscipline in the legislature, and some opposition
members completely disregarded parliamentary
protocol.
49
  In particular, Dr Rammanohar Lohia wasted
no time in making fun of her and calling her a
“goongi gudiya” (dumb doll).
z Indira Gandhi had to deal with a challenging
situation within the party. One was the decline in
public support for Congress.
 Since Nehru’s reign, the party had been
deteriorating, becoming disorganised, and losing
its political clout.
 It was becoming more and more rife with
factionalism and group rivalries at every level,
which encouraged the emergence of oppositional
factions in nearly every state.
z The Syndicate and Kamaraj, the party president,
made repeated attempts to reaffirm the position of
the party organisation toward the prime minister
and to limit her freedom of action in formulating and
implementing policies.
v v
50
 Additionally, they did not give her much of a
role in the internal operations of the party or in
the choice of candidates for the parliamentary
elections.
 Given that 1967 was an election year, Indira
Gandhi was forced to put up with everything.
 She also had two significant flaws as a political
leader at the time: she lacked “ideological
moorings” and was inept as a leader, which
allowed her opponents to frequently succeed in
isolating her inside the parliamentary party and
even the government.
#OpinionMatters
What are the traits of mature democracy? Do you
think the smooth transfer of power after the death of
Nehru has shown the maturity of newly born Indian
democracy?
v
Post Independence India
 7 End of One-party Dominance: Emergence
of Multi-party System in India
z The political history after independence started with
the dominance of a single party, i.e., the Congress both
at the Centre and at the states level. The dominance
was first shaken at the state level which witnessed
coalition governments, in many cases it was marked
by instability due to defection.
z At the Central level, the Janta party formed the first
non-Congress government after India witnessed the
draconian provisions of emergency imposed by the
Indira Gandhi government.
z However, the politics continued to revolve around the
Congress party which witnessed a series of victories
and debacles.
 It was only after the NDA government, first in 1999
and then in 2014 and 2019 that Indian politics saw
a serious alternative to the Congress party.
In India,.......hero-worship, plays a part in its politics
unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics
of any other country....But in politics,....hero-worship is a
sure road to degradation and eventual dictatorship
– Dr B.R. Ambedkar (Speech in Constituent Assembly,
25 November 1949)
7.1 FIRST PHASE (1947—1967):
‘CONGRESS SYSTEM’
z The first phase in the evolution of the party system in
India was marked by complete dominance of Indian
politics by the Indian National Congress (INC).
z This led Rajni Kothari, widely regarded as the
most distinguished Indian Political Scientist, to
remark that the Indian party system is a ‘Congress
System’ or one-party dominance.
z The first four general elections to the Indian Lok
Sabha, 1952, 1957, 1961, and 1967, coincided with
elections to all the state assemblies.
 In the first three of these, the Congress party won
over the two-thirds majority of seats in the Lok
Sabha. It also won a majority of seats in the state
assemblies during 1952-1962.
The first three general elections and the
Congress’s Dominance
z In the first general elections held in 1952, Congress
bagged 364 out of the 489 seats in the Lok Sabha.
The party which was second to Congress was the
Communist Party of India which won only 16 seats.
z The Congress achieved big victories in states as
well except Travancore-Cochin, Madras and Orissa.
Even in these states, Congress managed to form the
government.
 So, the Congress-ruled all over the country both at
the state level and national levels.
 Second and the third general elections: In the
second and the third general elections held in
1957 and 1962 respectively, Congress maintained
the same position in the Lok Sabha by winning
three fourth of the seats.
 Not a single opposition party was able to bag even
one-tenth of the seats won by Congress.
z At the state level, Congress did not get a majority in
a few cases.
 The most important among these was the CPI-
led coalition government formed in Kerala, which
was the first communist government formed
through the democratic process.
Was the Congress’s dominance maintained
undemocratically?
z Unique case of India: India is not the only country to
experience one-party dominance. But the Indian case
is different from the rest of the world.
z In many countries, the dominance of one party was
ensured by subjugating democracy.
 For example, the Constitution of China, Cuba
and Syria permits only a single party to rule
the country.
 Other states like Myanmar, Egypt etc. are effectively
one-party rule due to legal and military measures.
z However, in the case of India, one-party dominance
happened through the democratic process.
z In India, free and fair elections were conducted in
which many parties contested. The losing candidate
and the parties accepted the loss with grace.
z Thus, it can be seen that the dominance of the Congress
party was maintained democratically.
Why was the Congress party so successful?
z Inheritor of a national movement: Congress was
seen as an inheritor of a national movement. Many
leaders who had participated in the freedom struggle
were now contesting as Congress candidates.
z Well-organized party: Congress was a well-organized
party with an organizational network up to the local
level.
z ‘First off, the blocks’ advantage: By the time other
parties could even think of strategies, Congress had
already started its campaign.
z All-inclusive: As it was recently a national movement,
its nature was all-inclusive.
z Weak opposition: Opposition parties remained weak
as they found common ground with one or the other
wings of the Congress than with each other.
z Elitist to inclusive party: Congress began as a party
dominated by the urban elite, upper caste and upper
middle class. But with time it brought together various
diverse groups like industrialists and peasants, urban
dwellers and villagers, and owners and workers. So, by
the time of independence, Congress was transformed
into a rainbow-like coalition representing India’s
diversity in every sense.
z Democratic leadership: After independence,
Congress was transformed into a distinct political
party. However, the party’s leadership decided to
retain an embracing consensual character.
z Accommodative party: It accommodated
revolutionary and pacifist, conservative and radical,
extremist and moderate, right, left and all shades of
the Centre.
 Though after an amendment in the party that no
person belonging to another political party or
group having its own constitution could be its
members, many socialists left the party. Still many
socialists stayed with the Congress.
z Tolerance of diverse views: There was tolerance of
different viewpoints, tendencies and open dissent. It
remained sensitive to and functioned as a medium
for reconciliation, accommodation and adjustment of
divergent class, sectional and regional interests.
Thus, Congress retained its all-embracing inclusive
character not only because of the inheritance of national
movement but also due to the party leadership’s belief
in democratic ideals.
7.2 DEBATE REGARDING RELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN THE PARTY’S LEADER
AND THE GOVERNMENT
z Congress being at the helm of affairs after
independence, a major question that arose among
the party’s leadership was - what should be the
relationship between the party’s leader and the
government?
52
 One group led by J B Kriplani held that the
president of the party should have a direct role in
government policymaking.
 Other groups led by Nehru and Sardar Patel held
that proceedings and papers of the government
are secret and as such cannot be divulged to
people outside the government.
z Kriplani believed that the party cannot extend full
cooperation to the government unless it is taken
into full confidence on important policy matters
affecting the nation.
z But Nehru and Patel opined that the government is
constitutionally accountable to the elected legislature
and not to the party.
z Finally, the matter settled in favour of Nehru when
the supporter of party’s supremacy Purushottamdas
Tandon resigned from Congress presidency and Nehru
became the president.
7.3 DECLINE OF CONGRESS
z A certain tendency towards deterioration is perhaps
inevitable in a ruling party but decline should remain
within tolerable limits. This was not the case with the
Congress party.
z Nehru in 1948 had observed that there is a progressive
collapse of the morale and the idealistic structure in
the party.
z Factions, factionalism and factional intrigues
and disputes emerged which led to non-democratic
functioning at the lower level of the organization.
z Neglect of ideology made Congress lose touch
with the people and it no longer appealed to the
intelligentsia and the younger people.
z Idealist youths preferred to join opposition parties
and thus Congress failed in training a new generation
of leaders to replace the old ones.
z A large number of congressmen were no longer
satisfied with the party’s work and craved official
positions and patronage.
z A failed attempt was made through the Kamraj plan
(made by Nehru and Madras CM K Kamraj) in 1963,
wherein no Union ministers and CMs of states would
resign and take up organizational work.
 The outcome of the plan was that it failed
to restore the prestige and importance of
party organizational work, but increased the
importance of state party bosses in central politics.
7.4 THE OPPOSITION PARTIES (1947 -64)
7.4.1 The Socialist Party
z It was formed within Congress in 1934 by a group
of young leaders who wanted a more radical and
egalitarian Congress. Its important leaders included
Jay Prakash Narayan, Achyut Patwardhan, Acharya
Narendra Dev, Asoka Mehta etc.
Post Independence India
Reasons Behind the Breakaway of the
Socialists From The Congress
z Ideological difference: They believed that their
ideology of democratic socialism distinguished them
from both the Congress as well as the Communists.
 In 1948, Congress amended its Constitution to
prevent its members from having a dual-party
membership.
z Apprehensions about Congress: They believed
that Congress was favouring the capitalists and the
landlords and ignoring the peasants and the workers.
They believed that after achieving independence there
was no necessity to remain united with the non-
socialists in the Congress.
z They were a minority in Congress and were facing
resistance and organizational discrimination at the
party’s local level.
z They had false optimism regarding the popularity of
their party.
Reasons Behind the Decline of the Socialist
Party
z Difficult to distinguish: It was difficult for them to
present themselves as alternatives to Congress when
in 1955, Congress declared its goal to be the socialist
pattern of society.
z Congress was the most popular party of the time
and neither the Socialists nor the Communists was
capable of replacing the Congress.
z Few advocated cooperation with Congress: Some
of the Socialists like Rammanohar Lohia increased
their distance from and criticism of Congress. Some
socialists like Asoka Mehta even advocated limited
cooperation with Congress.
z Quarrels and splits: From the beginning, it was
racked by ideological and factional quarrels and it
regularly underwent splits. The Socialist Party went
through many splits and reunions leading to the
formation of many socialist parties. For example, the
Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party.
z Electoral performance: The Socialist optimism
regarding their popularity was exposed in the general
elections when it won only 12 seats with 10.6% of the
votes in the Lok Sabha elections of 1951-52.
7.4.2 The Communist Party of India (CPI)
z The Communist Party of India (CPI) was part of
the Congress since 1936 but it parted ways in 1945.
Changing the Position of CPI Regarding the
Political Situation in India
z Supported Congress: Initially, it recognized that India
had become free and advised all progressive forces
to rally around the Congress against pro-imperialist
forces.
End of One-party Dominance: Emergence of Multi-party System in India
z Criticized Congress: Later, under Soviet guidance,
it declared that India’s independence was fake.
Nehru has become a medium of imperialism and the
government was ruling in a fascist manner.
z Called for the armed uprising: In 1948, it called for
an immediate armed uprising amidst deteriorating
economic situations. The party indulged in several
terrorist acts including armed peasant struggle
against the Indian government.
 At the end of 1951, the party decided that the
overthrow of the state was to be part of the
future agenda and the party would now focus on
upcoming general elections.
 At its Madurai Congress in 1953, it accepted that
the government was following an independent
foreign policy but its internal policy was still not
independent.
 At its Palghat Congress in 1956, it accepted
that India won independence in 1947 but the
government policies were directed at building
capitalism.
 At its Amritsar Congress in 1958, it declared that
it was possible to advance to socialism through
peaceful and parliamentary means.
 At its Vijayawada Congress in 1961, the party
decided to follow a policy of struggle as well as
unity towards the Congress and expected it to split
along progressive-reactionary lines.
Promising Performance at the General
Elections
z CPI focused only on those areas where it had
recognizable strength i.e., Andhra and Kerala.
z Largest Opposition Party: Along with its front
organization, the People’s Democratic Front in
Hyderabad, it contested only 61 seats for Lok Sabha
and won 23 emerging as the largest Opposition Party.
z Better performance: In the Lok Sabha elections of
1957, it performed even better by winning 27 seats.
It also won representation in almost every state
legislature
z Formed government: It won a majority in Kerala and
formed the first democratically elected Communist
government in the world.
z Strong political force: In the 1962 Lok Sabha
elections, it won 29 seats with close to 10% of the
votes. By this time, it had emerged as a strong political
force in Kerala, West Bengal and Andhra.
Split in the CPI
z The party was torn by controversies and conflicts and
many differences arose on issues such as Russia-China
differences etc.
53
z In 1964 the party was divided into CPI and
Communist Party (Marxist) or CPM. The CPI
represented the ‘Right’ and the ‘Centrist’ trend while
the CPM represented the ‘Left’ trend.
Ideologies of the CPM
z Class rule: The CPM believed that the Indian state was
the organ of the class rule of capitalists and landlords.
z Peaceful means are not enough: They believed
that the objective of achieving a people’s democratic
state could not be achieved through peaceful and
parliamentary means.
z Armed struggle was necessary: According to the
CPM, it was necessary to start an agrarian revolution
and armed struggle under the leadership of the
working class and its party.
z The CPI too wanted an anti-imperialist revolution
and anti-feudal revolution but by forming a national
democratic front. They wanted to achieve their
objectives through peaceful and parliamentary means.
Failures of CPI
z CPI failed to understand the complex Indian social
development and changing mood of the people.
For example, it took eight years for CPI to understand
that India had become free in 1947.
z Not influenced by bourgeois ideology: The party
failed to correctly appreciate the character of the
freedom struggle. It was not influenced by bourgeois
ideology rather it was a movement to make a united
and strong India which can become a vehicle for social
improvement.
z It failed to become an alternative to Congress and to
come up with its own agenda of national development
and social justice.
z Centralized structure: CPI’s centralized, bureaucratic
and secret party structure didn’t suit a democratic and
open society.
7.4.3 Bhartiya Jan Sangh
z It was formed in 1951 with Shyama Prasad
Mukherjee as its founder President. Its genesis is
traced to Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangha and Hindu
Mahasabha.
z How was Jan Sangh different from other parties in
terms of ideology and programs?
 One Culture and One Nation: It underscored
the idea of ‘One Country, One Culture and One
Nation’. It believed that the country would become
modern, progressive and strong on the basis of
Indian culture and traditions.
 Akhanda Bharat: It called for the reunion of India
and Pakistan in Akhanda Bharat.
 Hindi as a medium: It wanted to replace English
with Hindi as the official language of India.
54
 Opposed Muslim appeasement: It was opposed
to granting concessions to religious and cultural
minorities. It accused Congress of resorting to
Muslim appeasement.
 It advocated for developing nuclear weapons
especially after China conducted its nuclear tests
in 1964.
The Electoral Performance of Jan Sangh
z Poor performance: In the Lok Sabha elections of
1952, it won only 3 seats with 3.06% of national
votes.
 Similarly in the Lok Sabha elections of 1957, it won
only 4 seats.
z The high-water mark of Jan Sangh before it became
BJP was reached in 1967 when it won 35 seats in Lok
Sabha.
z Lost its political hold in West Bengal after the death
of Syama Prasad Mukherjee.
7.4.4 The Swatantra Party
z It was formed in August 1959 after the Nagpur
resolution of the Congress which called for land
ceilings, take over of the food grains trade by the state
and the adoption of cooperative farming. It was led
by old Congressmen like C Rajagopalachari, K M
Munshi, Minoo Masani etc.
z It opposed the active role of the state in economic
development.
z It wanted to radically restrict centralized planning and
the role of the public sector.
z It opposed any nationalization of private enterprises
and any extension of land reforms.
z In foreign affairs, it opposed non-alignment and close
relationships with the Soviet Union.
z It favoured close cooperation with the US and Western
Europe.
Reasons Behind the Failure of the Swatantra
Party
z No space in Indian politics: At that time, there was
no space in Indian politics for a conservative party,
for the radicalization of politics was still in progress.
z The right-wing class interests were still diverse and
fragmented.
z The Congress was moderate in dealing with and
conciliatory towards the property class.
z The rich and the middle peasants were still not
alienated from Congress as Cooperative farming was
put in cold storage and land ceilings posed little threat.
z Business class was also not very unhappy and
accepted that the government must play an active
role in politics.
Post Independence India
z Narrow social base: Social base of the party was
quite narrow consisting of some industrialists and
businessmen, princes, jagirdars and ex-landlords
turned capitalist farmers.
7.5 SECOND PHASE (1967-1977):
‘MARKET POLITY’ SYSTEM
z The second phase extended from 1967 to the defeat
of the Congress party at the general election of 1977.
Though the Congress party still retained power at the
centre, the 1967 general election saw the party losing
power in eight out of seventeen states.
z In his article, ‘From Monopoly to Competition in India’s
Politics’, Morris-Jones detected the emergence of
inter-party competition in Indian politics for the
first time in India. He characterized the new system
as a ‘market polity’.
7.6 THIRD PHASE (1977-1998):
MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM
z The third phase in the Indian party system is
discernible from the coming to power in 1977 of the
Janata Party at the centre to the formation in 1998
of another non-Congress BJP-led government at the
centre.
z In the first post-Emergency general election held
in 1977, the Janata Party came to power by winning
295 Lok Sabha seats (41 % vote share). The Congress
managed to get only 154 seats (34 % vote share).
 Thus, for the first time in India, a non-Congress
government ruled in Delhi. The Janata Party was
also able to form governments in a majority of the
states in the same year.
 In this national election the two leading parties,
the Congress and the Janata Party together polled
75 % of the popular votes.
 Some people have enthusiastically announced
that the new development has heralded the
arrival of a two-party system in India.
z It can be said that the first ‘coalition national
government’, at least in the spirit, in India was
the Janata government of 1977-1980. And an era
of a multi-party system has been set in India from
this year on.
z The growing decentralization of the political
system has manifested itself in the rise of coalition
governments. These coalitions have been of three
types -
End of One-party Dominance: Emergence of Multi-party System in India
1 z The first kind has been dominated by the
Bharatiya Janata Party, the successor to the
old Jana Sangh. For two weeks in 1996, and
then for six years between 1998 and 2004, the
BJP headed coalition governments.
2 z The second kind of coalition was initiated
by the socialist remnants of the Janata
experiment. These led to the National Front
government of 1989–91 and the United Front
government of 1996–98.
3 z The third type of coalition has been
dominated by the Congress Party. In 1991,
in the elections held in the aftermath of Rajiv
Gandhi’s assassination, the Congress won 244
seats. It was by some distance the largest
single party, but still fell nearly thirty seats
short of a majority. However, the support –
brought about by persuasion or other means
– of independents and the Jharkhand Mukti
Morcha allowed it to remain in power for a
full five-year term.
z The Janata government however lasted for only two
years and eight months (24 March 1977 - 14 January
1980). The Congress returned to power in 1980
and 1984.
z The National Front led by a former Congress leader
V. P. Singh, a minority 5-party coalition government
supported externally by the Left Front and the BJP
was installed at the centre in 1989 and this system
continued till 1998.
z The rise of coalition governments is a manifestation
of the widening and deepening of democracy in
India.
 Different regions and different groups have
acquired a greater stake in the system, with parties
that seek to represent them winning an increasing
number of seats – usually at the expense of the
Congress, which for the first two decades of
Independence had claimed, rather successfully, to
be a party that represented no section of India in
particular but all in general.
z Coalition politics has come at a cost – that of a
steady loss of coherence in public policy. Now, the
distribution of ministries is dictated more by the
compulsions of having to please alliance partners,
who demand portfolios seen either as prestigious or
profitable.
 In the execution of their duties, Cabinet ministers
are prone to put the interests of their party or their
state above those of India as a whole.
 These changes have radically altered the form
and functioning of Indian federalism. Now,
before a general election, the smaller parties, each
powerful in a single state, need to be cajoled and
placated before joining an all-India coalition.
55

7.7 FOURTH PHASE (1998 TO THE
PRESENT): LOOSE BI-POLAR
ALLIANCE SYSTEM
z The last phase in the evolution of the Indian party
system, starting from 1998 till the present day may
be characterized as a ‘loose bi-polar alliance system’.
z The system is still a multi-party system, and
it is still marked by the inability of any one
party to form a national government on its own
thereby necessitating the formation of coalition
governments.
z But the development and emergence of two distinct
alliances at the national level, one led by the BJP
called National Democratic Alliance and another led
by the Congress called United Progressive Alliance is
most unique.
 Peculiar, perhaps alone, to the Indian system.
The emergence of a bipolar alliance system is
more visible and more noteworthy than any other
characteristics of the party system in today’s India,
including the increasing multiplicity of parties as
well as fragmentation of the system itself.
z In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the NDA won 353
seats (45% vote share) and the BJP alone won 303
seats (37% vote share). The UPA won only 92 seats,
while the INC managed to win just 52 seats (19% vote
share). The rest of the 98 seats were won by other
parties. As in 2014, the BJP, though being able to form
a government on its own, decided to form a coalition
government in 2019 as well with Narendra Modi as
the Prime Minister.
v v
56
z The latest trend in the Indian party system, it
has become evidently clear, is the emergence of
a bipolar alliance system since 1998. One alliance,
the NDA, is led by the BJP and another, the UPA, by the
Congress. There is a subtle ideological divide between
the two alliances; the UPA may be termed a ‘left of
the centre’ formation while the NDA may be termed a
‘right of the center’ formation.
z It is called the ‘loose’ system as the system is still
at its formative stage and the process of bi-polar
consolidation at the national level is still on.
#OpinionMatters
A healthy democracy should have a strengthened
voice of opposition but in the first 2 decades of
independence, the strength of the opposition
was not significant. Do you think the absence of
strong opposition dismantled the growth of Indian
democracy in its early phase?
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (PRELIMS)
1. Consider the following events: (2018)
1. The first democratically elected communist party
government formed in a State in India.
2. India’s then largest bank, ‘Imperial Bank of India’,
was renamed ‘State Bank of India’.
3. Air India was nationalised and became the national
carrier.
4. Goa became a part of independent India.
Which of the following is the correct chronological
sequence of the above events?
(a) 4 – 1 – 2 – 3 (b) 3 – 2 – 1 – 4
(c) 4 – 2 – 1 – 3 (d) 3 - 1 - 2 - 4
v
Post Independence India
 Emergence of Indira Gandhi and
8 Creation of Bangladesh
z The fourth general election to the Lok Sabha and state
legislatures in February 1967 had a seismic influence
on Indian politics.
z The Congress party had outlived its mandate and had
lost its identity and drive as a social and institutional
revolutionary party.
z Because of corruption and the extravagant lifestyles of
many of its senior executives, there was widespread
discontent.
z Many regional and local Congress leaders were viewed
by the public as being obsessed with loaves and fishes
of power, political scheming, and factional infighting.
z At the same time, many were dissatisfied since there
was no alternative party capable of replacing Congress.
8.1 GENERAL ELECTIONS OF 1967 AND
ITS IMPACT ON INDIAN POLITICAL
OUTCOME OF ELECTIONS
z High voter turnout: There was a great political
awakening among the people, the turnout of eligible
voters in 1967 was 61.1%, the highest turnout
witnessed so far.
z Congress retained majority: Though Congress
managed to retain its majority in Lok Sabha, it lost
its majority in eight states, viz., Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,
Rajasthan, Punjab, West Bengal, Orissa, Madras and
Kerala.
z Left parties: In West Bengal and Kerala, left parties
gained while in the remaining states beneficiaries
were the feudal, right-wing and communal parties.
z Impact on Indian politics: Rise of rich and middle-
class peasants in Indian politics due to-
 Defection: One of the reasons behind Congress’s
debacle in the elections of 1967 was the defection
of the rich and the middle-class peasants from the
Congress camp.
 Land reforms: They feared that the government’s
policy of land reforms and food grain procurement
would threaten their hegemonic position in the
countryside.
 Continuation of hegemony: The hegemonic
position of this class over the rural social, political
and economic scene continues till today.
z Coalition governments:
 Multiplicity of parties: Congress’s monopoly in
the states was replaced by not a single party but a
multiplicity of parties. As a result of this coalition
governments were formed in all the states except
Tamil Nadu.
 Unstable government: All the coalition
governments proved to be unstable and suffered
from constant tensions.
 Changing loyalties of the MLAs: Many
governments were changed due to changing
loyalties of the MLAs.
 For example, between the 1967 general elections
and 1970, Bihar had seven governments while
Uttar Pradesh had four.
 Defection: Another distinguishing feature of the
coalition governments was the beginning of the
policy of defection.
 Many government changes in the northern
states were the result of defections.
 In Haryana defecting legislators began to be
called “Aya Ram, Gaya Ram” (incoming Ram
and outgoing Ram)
z Stability at the centre: One of the positives of this
period was that the Central government remained
stable in spite of the small majority enjoyed by the
ruling party.
8.2 BACK TO CONGRESS DOMINANCE
AND THE LEADERSHIP OF INDIRA
GANDHI (1969 -73)
z Instability in state governments: The general
elections of 1967 had seen the low of the Congress. The
following years saw instability in state governments.
This coupled with poor economic conditions forced
people to look for a stable government with decisive
leadership.
z 1969 general elections: Initially the right Vs the left
divide in the Congress and also the willingness of
the Syndicate in the Congress party to not let Indira
 Gandhi control the state of affairs led to the split in
the Congress.
 However, following the 1969 general elections
Indira Gandhi emerged as dominant leader of both
the party and the government.
Split in the Congress
z The Congress split into two organizations viz.
Congress (R) – R for Requisitionists led by Indira
Gandhi and Congress (O) – O for Organizations led
by Syndicates after Indira Gandhi was expelled from
the party for having violated party discipline.
z The Congress (O) occupied the left-of-centre position
in Indian politics and Congress (R) occupied the right-
of-centre position.
z Indira Gandhi led govt: The Congress (R) took
away 220 of the party’s Lok Sabha MPs, while 68
parted ways with Congress (O). Ultimately, Indira
Gandhi formed the government with the support of
other allies.
Reasons Behind Split in The Congress
z Dispute regarding the relation between its
ministerial and organizational wings: Syndicates
asserted that Congress working Committee should
formulate the policies and government should be
accountable to the party. However, Indira Gandhi was
opposed to this.
z Differences over the implementation of the
radical 10-point program: The ten-point program
consisted of social control of banks, nationalization
of general insurance, curbs on business monopolies
etc. The left and right faction was divided over their
implementation.
z Foreign policy: The left favoured closer relations
with the Soviet bloc, Yugoslavia, Egypt and other non-
aligned countries while the right favoured greater
cooperation with the West, particularly the US.
z Reliance on outside support: Both the right and the
left started relying on outside support of the opposition
parties ideologically closer to them. For example, the
left favoured cooperation with the communists and
Syndicates with Swatantra.
z Rift over the Presidential candidate: the high point
of the differences was marked over the Presidential
candidate. While the Congress dominated by the
Syndicates supported Sanjiva Reddy, Indira Gandhi
supported V.V. Giri.
8.3 CREATION OF BANGLADESH
z Since 1962, the pace of economic growth has
been declining, and planning is in crisis. Domestic
investment and savings rates were declining or staying
the same. In 1968, US aid was only half of what it had
been in 1964–1965.
58
z Black money, the black economy, and corruption had
all increased rapidly.
z As a result, there was widespread unrest in the
countryside and a rise in urban discontent among
the working class, students, and lower middle classes.
z As evidenced by the rise of the Naxalite movements in
India, there was also an increasing trend among the
discontented to turn to extra-constitutional and even
violent measures.
z Two related problems gained significance very
quickly after the 1967 elections.
1. First, how will the violence that accompanied the
escalating public protests be handled? Second,
how was the party going to turn around and regain
popular favour?
2. In addressing these issues, as well as the direction
in which the party should be taking its economic
and political policies in the future, the party quickly
split along roughly right-left lines.
z Most Congressmen first leaned to the left in
response to the crushing defeat suffered by their
party in the 1967 elections.
z As a result, in May 1967, the Congress Working
Committee passed the radical Ten-Point
Programme, which included:
1. Nationalisation of banks,
2. Nationalisation of life insurance,
3. Nationalization of import and export trade,
4. Ceilings on the urban property,
5. Ceilings on the income,
6. A stop to business monopolies,
7. Public distribution of food grains,
8. Swift implementation of land reforms,
9. Provision of house sites to the rural poor, and
10. The abolition of princely privileges.
Towards the 1971 General Elections
z The fact that Indira Gandhi’s party did not hold a
majority in parliament made her politically vulnerable
despite her enormous popularity and resounding
triumph against the Syndicate.
z The greatest political accomplishment of Indira
Gandhi was the introduction of an atmosphere
of optimism and hope, which replaced the despair,
annoyance, and cynicism that had been prevalent
since 1962.
 Indira Gandhi’s popularity increased as a
result of her radical, egalitarian platform and
campaign slogans.
 She also restocked the Congress party’s social
support base, particularly among the rural and
urban poor and, to a lesser extent, among the middle
Post Independence India
 classes. Not surprisingly, she further alienated
the wealthy peasants and the bourgeoisie.
Fig.8.1: Abolition of privy purse
z She specifically targeted the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes, minorities, women, landless workers, and
unemployed and disenfranchised young.
 She responded to the ‘Indira Hatao’ slogan
with the more powerful ‘Garibi Hatao’ (Remove
Poverty).
 She promised a strong, stable administration,
action against forces of violence and disorder, and
full freedom for the private sector to perform its
legitimate role in the mixed economy to the middle
classes and the wealthy.
z The results of the elections in February ended up
being a resounding personal victory for Indira
Gandhi and a shocking disappointment for the
opposition. 352 of the 518 Lok Sabha seats were won
by the Congress (R), which won a landslide.
 The party now possessed the necessary two-thirds
majority to change the constitution. Sadly, the
Grand Alliance and the Right were defeated.
z In 1971, erstwhile Prime Minister Indra Gandhi
passed the 26th Amendment Act and abolished
the privileges and privy purses of all princely
rulers. As per the amendment, Articles 291 and 362
were omitted from the Indian constitution and the
President of India no longer recognised any of the
princes or chiefs as the ruler.
z The Congress party regained control of Indian
politics with the elections of 1971.
 People have simultaneously voted for change and
stability by electing Congress. People also did not
want the unsettling drama of defections and swift
changes in party alignments to be replicated at the
Centre following the unsatisfactory experience of
coalition governments in the states during 1967.
 Additionally, the elections signified a deeper
politicisation of the populace. Voters had broken
through barriers related to religion, caste, and
geography.
z The Bangladesh crisis struck the day after Indira
Gandhi was sworn in as Prime Minister, delaying the
fulfilment of the 1971 mandate once more.
Emergence of Indira Gandhi and Creation of Bangladesh
8.3.1 Indo-Pak War of 1971-72
z East Pakistan experienced a significant political and
military crisis almost immediately following the 1971
general elections (now Bangladesh). Unavoidably,
India became involved in the conflict, which sparked
a brutal war between India and Pakistan.
Cause of war
z General Yahya Khan, the military ruler of Pakistan,
held free elections in December 1970. Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, the popular leader of Bengal’s
Awami Party, won more than 99% of the seats in
East Bengal and a decisive majority in the National
Assembly of Pakistan.
 The Awami Party sought to create the government,
but the army and Yahya Khan, who were supported
by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the most powerful politician
in West Pakistan, refused.
z On March 25, 1971, Yahya Khan abruptly ordered
a military crackdown on East Pakistan in response
to the latter’s decision to launch a civil disobedience
action to implement the constitutional provision.
 In West Pakistan, Mujibur Rahman was
detained and taken to an unidentified location.
z A reign of terror was started by the army of West
Pakistan, which killed innocent people and set
villages and crops on fire. To rob the populace of any
kind of leadership, tens of thousands of intellectuals
and Bengali members of the police and army were
systematically but indiscriminately killed.
z The Pakistani military was particularly ruthless
toward the surviving Hindus in East Pakistan, who
were on the verge of being exterminated.
 Along with them, many Muslims, Christians, and
Buddhists were compelled to leave their homes and
seek safety in West Bengal, Assam, and Meghalaya
in India. Ten million East Bengali refugees had fled
the country by November 1971.
The Course of War
z The East Pakistan police, paramilitary groups, and East
Bengal regiments all reacted by rising in insurrection.
 The Awami League leaders who made it
to Calcutta successfully established an exiled
government for Bangladesh, set up the Mukti
Bahini (Liberation Army), and began a ferocious
underground movement and guerrilla warfare.
z Indira Gandhi displayed great courage throughout the
crisis, but she also exercised great caution and cool,
calculated judgement.
 She didn’t want to support the narrative spread by
Pakistan that the entire agitation for autonomy in
East Pakistan and the ensuing upheaval was the
59
 product of an Indian conspiracy rather than a
popular insurrection.
 She also didn’t want to take any action that would
make India appear to have broken international
laws and conventions.
z Two more crucial factors were in mind for Indira
Gandhi when she adopted a policy of moderation.
 First, if war were to break out, it should do so
when India deemed it appropriate. Planning and
preparing carefully were required.
 Second, Indira Gandhi understood that in order to
help Bangladesh, the world needed to be educated
about the situation there.
z She also saw that the refugees were putting an
unsustainable load on India and compromising
its political and economic stability.
 In the event that military intervention is required,
she believed that this would make other nations
sympathetic to India or at the very least not
opposed to it.
z Indira Gandhi adopted a four-pronged strategy
over the following eight months. India not only
provided refuge to the exiled leadership of Bangladesh
but also financial support in the form of cash and
military hardware to the Mukti Bahini and military
training on Indian soil.
z In April 1971, the Indian armed forces started
to almost immediately begin preparing for
immediate military action, though in the strictest
of secret, in the event that a peaceful solution to the
refugee situation could not be found.
 Furthermore, the military operation had to be
swiftly completed before the major countries were
able to stop the fighting and impose a ceasefire.
 The media, the Western elite, the students,
and finally the West European governments all
responded favourably to India’s effort.
z However, the governments of China and the United
States developed a callous and even antagonistic
stance against India.
 Despite Indian protests, the US persisted in arming
Pakistan. Additionally, it attempted to downplay
Bangladesh’s independence issue in favour of one
that primarily involved India and Pakistan.
 Pakistan had almost become an ally of China;
thus, Beijing was firmly behind that country.
Pakistan assisted in bringing about a US-China
detente in July–August 1971.
z India hastily signed a 20-year Indo-Soviet Treaty of
Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on August 9 in
order to protect itself against a potential US-China
intervention should circumstances escalate into a
conflict.
60
 In the event that either country faced a military
threat, the treaty called for quick talks between
both parties and the taking of appropriate,
practical action.
z In an attempt to seriously harm the Indian Air Force,
internationalise the Bangladesh crisis, and secure
UN intervention, Pakistan’s air force launched an
unexpected attack on eight military airfields in
western India on December 4.
 But they would fall short of both goals. India
recognised Bangladesh right away and responded
militarily strongly.
z The Indian plan was to wage a short, rapid, and
decisive war in the east, forcing the Pakistani army
there to submit before the US, China, or the UN
could interfere while maintaining strong defensive
operations against Pakistani forces in the western
sector.
z On December 17, after the surrender at Dacca, the
Indian government unilaterally declared a cease-
fire on the western front.
 It would have been dangerous from a diplomatic
and military standpoint to continue the conflict.
 The UN, China, and the US were then more inclined
to aggressively intervene. Additionally, the Soviet
Union was opposed to more fighting. It would
have been incredibly expensive to wage war on
the Western front in terms of both materials and
human lives.
Fig.8.2: Surrender by Pakistan in 1971 war
z Mujibur Rahman, who became the leader of Bangladesh
on January 12, 1972, was quickly freed by Pakistan
when they agreed to the truce.
8.3.2 Shimla Declaration
z In June 1972, Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,
Pakistan’s newly elected prime minister, met at a
summit conference in Simla.
 After intense negotiations, the two signed a
document that became known as the Simla
Declaration.
Post Independence India
z Except for a few strategically important areas in
Kashmir, mostly in the Kargil region, which were
required to protect the important road link between
Srinagar and Leh in Ladakh, India agreed to restore
the Pakistani territory it had taken.
z In exchange, Pakistan promised to respect the
current Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir and not
to unilaterally alter it using force or the threat of using
force.
z Pakistan recognized Bangladesh in August 1973.
Gains for India from the Bangladesh War
z India as a pre-eminent power: India emerged as the
pre-eminent power in the South Asian region.
z Solution of refugee problem: The refugee problem
was solved to a large extent with around ten million
refugees promptly and safely sent back to their homes
in Bangladesh.
z Independence in foreign affairs: India’s
independence in foreign affairs was asserted through
this war. India emerged victorious even though major
powers like the US were against India.
z Blow to the two-nation theory: The emergence of
Bangladesh was a big blow to the two-nation theory.
z Gain of strategic locations: India got a strategic
location in the Kargil sector which was helpful in
safeguarding the road link between Srinagar and Leh.
z Simla agreement: Through the Simla agreement,
India and Pakistan agreed to resolve all differences
bilaterally without the interference of outside power.
Challenges for India after the war
z Refugee problem: India had to deal with the refugee
problem in the northeast.
v v
Emergence of Indira Gandhi and Creation of Bangladesh
z Diversification of resources: the war affected
developmental efforts.
z Economic crisis: India faced serious economic
problems like high inflation, a slump in industrial and
agricultural growth, unemployment etc.
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Critically examine the compulsions which prompted
India to play a decisive role in the emergence of
Bangladesh.(2013)
8.4 POKHRAN I
z The nuclear test was codenamed ‘Smiling Buddha’
and conducted on May 18, 1974.
z The name was chosen because the test was conducted
on Buddha Purnima that year.
z “The Buddha has finally smiled” was the message
conveyed by Raja Ramanna, the director of India’s
premier nuclear research institute Bhabha Atomic
Research Centre (BARC) to Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi.
z It was the first confirmed nuclear test by a nation
that was not a permanent member of the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC).
#OpinionMatters
A battle India won on the ground, but lost on the
table. Do you think this rightly explains the nature of
the Shimla agreement, concluded after the 1971 war
with Pakistan?
v
61
 JP Movement and Era of
9 Emergency
z The government made a number of actions to carry
out its left-of-centre agenda between 1971 and 1974.
General insurance was nationalised in August 1972,
and the coal industry followed five months later.
Ownership of urban land was restricted.
9.1 EARLY PROTEST
z A MRTP Commission was established in 1971 to carry
out the MRTP Act, which was approved in 1969 in
order to prevent the concentration of industrial
firms and wealth in a small number of hands.
z The central government launched a programme
to distribute affordable food grains to the
economically weaker sections of society as well as
a hastily put together plan to generate jobs in rural
areas.
z Additionally, it made it mandatory for nationalised
banks to establish branches in underserved areas
like small towns, rural clusters, and the less affluent
portions of cities, as well as to provide credit to
small businesses, farmers, road transporters, and
independent contractors.
z The government prohibited joint-stock businesses
from making political donations in an effort to
lessen the influence of businessmen in politics.
z When the Atomic Energy Commission exploded
an underground nuclear weapon at Pokhran in
the Rajasthani desert on May 18, 1974, India made
significant scientific and technological advancements.
 However, despite having the capability, the Indian
government declared that it would not produce
nuclear weapons. It stated that the Pokhran
explosion was an attempt to use atomic energy
for good and to make India independent of foreign
nuclear power.
z The odds had been stacked against Indira
Gandhi since 1973. The economy, the political
climate, Indira Gandhi’s leadership’s reputation,
and the Congress administration all began to
deteriorate. The J.P. movement of 1974 was one way
the disillusionment found expression. In 1975, the
Emergency came after it.
z A significant crisis was brought on by a confluence
of the recession, rising unemployment, escalating
inflation, and food shortages.
z In 1971, the cost of the Bangladesh war, combined
with the burden of feeding and housing over 10 million
refugees from Bangladesh, drained the grain
stocks and created a significant budget deficit.
 Additionally, the war had depleted foreign
exchange reserves.
z The lack of monsoon rains in 1972 and 1973
caused a severe drought in most of the country, a
huge shortage of foodgrains, and an increase in the
price of such commodities.
z The drought also reduced power production,
which, when combined with the decline in agricultural
output and, consequently, in consumer demand for
manufactured goods, caused an industrial downturn
and an increase in unemployment.
z The infamous oil shock, which saw the price of
crude oil quadruple globally in 1973, also saw a
sharp rise in the cost of fertilisers and petroleum-
based products.
 This depleted foreign reserves, widened
the budget deficit and widened the economic
downturn.
z Economic downturn, high unemployment, rising
prices, and a lack of available goods sparked
widespread industrial discontent and a wave of
strikes in various regions of the nation in 1972 and
1973, which culminated in an all-Indian railway strike
in May 1974.
z Due to corruption, Congress began to lose influence
politically and proved unable to handle political
crises at the state and local levels. As a result, three
significant social groups began to distance themselves
from Congress.
 Due to price increases and corruption, the middle
class turned against Congress.
 The danger of land reforms led the wealthy
peasantry to begin opposing Congress.
 The discussion of socialism, the nationalisation
of banks and coal mines, and anti-monopoly
legislation caused the capitalists to turn against
Congress.
9.1.1 Gujarat Unrest
z Gujarat had a significant upheaval in January 1974
when a student movement that was quickly joined
by the opposition parties erupted in the state as a
result of public outrage over the rise in the prices of
foodgrains, cooking oil, and basic commodities.
z The police responded by using excessive force, making
random arrests, and frequently using lathi charges
and gunfire.
Fig.9.1: Gujarat protest
z By February, the federal government was compelled
to impose President’s Rule in the state, suspend the
assembly, and request the resignation of the state
administration.
z The final act of the Gujarati drama was performed
in March 1975 when Indira Gandhi dissolved the
assembly and declared new elections for it in June in
response to ongoing protests and a fast unto death
by Morarji Desai.
9.1.2 Bihar Unrest
z In March 1974, students in Bihar began a similar
agitation as a result of the Gujarat uprising and its
success. Twenty-seven people died in one week as
a result of the students’ violent clashes with the
overzealous police, which began with the gherao of
the assembly on March 18.
z However, the Bihar movement was distinguished
by two novel aspects.
 Popularly known as JP, Jayprakash Narayan
emerged from political exile, assumed control of
the movement, and issued a demand for a “total
revolution” or “a war against the very system
which has pushed practically everybody to go
corrupt.”
z He asked the students and the populace to exert
pressure on the current legislators to resign,
paralyse the government, gherao the state assembly
and government offices, set up parallel people’s
governments throughout the state, and pay no taxes.
 He demanded the resignation of the Congress
government in Bihar and the dissolution of the
assembly. The second characteristic was Indira
Gandhi’s steadfast reluctance to give in to the
JP Movement and Era of Emergency
demand for the assembly’s dissolution for fear that
it would spread to other regions of the nation and
the central government.
z The second characteristic was Indira Gandhi’s
steadfast reluctance to give in to the demand for
the assembly’s dissolution for fear that it would
spread to other regions of the nation and the federal
government.
9.2 START OF JP MOVEMENT
z On June 12, 1975, Justice Sinha of the Allahabad High
Court issued a ruling on an election challenge filed
by Raj Narain that found Mrs Gandhi was guilty
of engaging in unethical campaign methods and
invalidating her election, giving Indian politics an
abrupt turn.
 Due to the conviction, she was also unable to
run for office or hold onto it for six years, which
prevented her from retaining her position as
Prime Minister.
z The ruling in Allahabad and the assembly results
in Gujarat rekindled the opposition movement.
z Although Parliamentary elections for the Lok Sabha are
due in eight months, JP and the alliance of opposition
parties were not willing to wait for the outcome of
Indira Gandhi’s appeal to the Supreme Court.
Fig.9.2: Public address by Jai prakash Narayan
 They decided to take advantage of the situation
and demanded Mrs Gandhi’s resignation while
alleging that she was “clinging to an office
corruptly obtained.”
 They also called for a nationwide campaign to
force the matter. On June 25, they said at a rally
in Delhi that a one-week nationwide campaign of
civil disobedience and mass mobilisation to push
Mrs Gandhi to quit would begin on June 29.
z JP once again urged the military, police, and
bureaucracy to defy any instructions they deemed
to be “illegal” and “unconstitutional” in his remarks
at the gathering, urging the populace to make it
impossible for the government to run.
z On June 26, Mrs Gandhi swiftly responded by
proclamation of an internal emergency.
63
9.2.1 Analysis of JP Movement
z The JP Movement’s fundamental justification was that
it was founded to protect democracy, which was in
danger due to Mrs Gandhi’s dictatorial personality
and political and administrative methods, and to put
a stop to corruption in Indian politics and society.
z In terms of its members, its deeds, and the
personality and ideas of its leader, the JP Movement
had several flaws.
 Jayaprakash Narayan earned his reputation for
integrity, a lack of ambition for office, fearlessness,
selflessness, and sacrifice, as well as a lifetime
dedication to the protection of civil liberties and
the creation of a just social order.
z But he was hazy in terms of ideology. He
started criticising parliamentary politics and
parliamentary democracy in the early 1950s.
 He made an effort to spread the idea of “party-
less democracy” to the public. He also promoted
“Total Revolution (Sampooran Kranti) ‘’ in
1974–1975.
 At no point was he able to define or explain
what a political system without political
parties would entail or how the people would be
represented or executed in it because both ideas
were hazy and ambiguous.
z As a result, although JP continued to be the
movement’s primary mobilizer, the RSS-Jan Sangh
gradually gained control.
 As a result, the political nature of the movement
underwent a significant transition; instead
of changing policies or state governments, the
movement’s primary objective became the ouster
of Indira Gandhi.
z Additionally, it had a potential for being anti-
democratic in terms of both its demands and the
strategies used or intended.
 Its goal was to undermine the Bihar government
first, then the government in the Center, rather
than to stop or amend any specific government
policy.
z Additionally, extra-constitutional
undemocratic were the agitational strategies the
JP Movement employed and promoted.
 In Bihar, as in Gujarat before it, the strategy was
to paralyse the government by gherao government
offices, the assembly, and the governor in order to
force the government to resign and the legislatures
to be dissolved, as well as to intimidate and coerce
specific elected legislators to resign from the
assemblies.
z JP’s call for rebellion within the military, police,
and public servants was even more serious. He
advised them not to follow orders that were “unjust
64
and beyond the call of duty” “illegal and unjust”
or “unconstitutional, illegal, or against their
conscience” several times throughout the movement.
Positives of the Movement
z Challenge the corruption prevailing in the
administration: One of the objectives of the
movement was to remove corruption prevailing in
the government.
z Conduit for the masses to express their grievances:
People of the country were faced with a no problems
like a rise in prices of essential commodities,
unemployment, shortage of food grains etc. Under
such circumstances, they needed a platform to express
their grievances.
z Ensure accountability in the government: By
protesting against corruption and inefficiencies
prevailing in the government.
z Strengthening democracy: The movement ensured
that the government doesn’t become indifferent to the
concerns of the masses.
9.3 ERA OF EMERGENCY (25 JUNE 1975
TO 18 JANUARY 1977)
z Additionally problematic was Mrs Gandhi’s
declaration of the Emergency. She would later assert
that she was left with no choice when facing an extra-
constitutional challenge.
z She justified the emergency: The government
claimed that the JP movement’s disruptive nature
threatened India’s stability, security, integrity, and
democracy.
z Prolonged agitations and protests were
detrimental to governance. The JP movement,
according to the government, was an intervention
and subversion from overseas intended to weaken
and destabilise India.
and
Fig.9.3: Proclamation of Emergency
Measures taken by the Government
z Censorship on the Press: The government imposed
strict censorship on the Press and stifled all protests
and opposition to the government.
Post Independence India
z Opposition leaders were arrested: Hundreds of
main opposition leaders were arrested under the
Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA). JP, Moraji
Desai, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and Chandra Shekhar
Azad were among those who were arrested.
z Several organizations were banned: Including
Jamaat-i-Islami, CP(ML), RSS, Anand Marg etc. A large
number of anti-social elements were also arrested like
smugglers, hoarders, goondas etc
z Parliament was made ineffective and some of the
speeches of the MPs who opposed the emergency
were not reported in the press.
z Blow on judicial review by Parliament: A series of
laws, constitutional amendments and decrees were
passed to reduce the powers of the judiciary to check
the functioning of the executive. For eg., through the
42nd Amendment act of the Constitution, the judicial
review power of the judiciary was taken away.
9.3.1 Response of the Public
z It was only a small section of the intelligentsia which
reacted with hostility towards the emergency. A large
majority of the people initially reacted with passivity
and acquiescence. It was only at the start of 1976 that
emergency started to become unpopular among the
masses.
Reasons behind Delayed Opposition from the
Public
z No recent memory of an authoritarian rule among
the public. A vast majority of the public was impressed
by the well-publicized emergency measures.
z Harsh towards anti-social elements: Apart from
the arrest of opposition leaders, harsh measures
were almost directed against anti-social elements or
against communal right-wing or far left.
z Prevention of anarchy: Public was relieved when
they witnessed the restoration of public order because
it meant that the country was saved from anarchy.
z Improvement in administration and economy:
There was a general improvement in the administration
as was seen in the government servants becoming
punctual and considerate to the public. Major
improvements were seen in the economy and the
price of essential commodities started to come down.
z Hopes were raised in the masses by the
announcement of a Twenty-Point program by the
government which had the objective of uplifting the
vast majority of poor people. For example, 1.1 million
acres of surplus land were distributed among the
landless.
 Indira Gandhi unveiled the 20-Point Programme
in July 1975, with its primary goals being an attack
on rural poverty, a plan for rain-fed agriculture, the
enforcement of land reforms, clean drinking water,
JP Movement and Era of Emergency
two-child rules, justice for SC/ST, environmental
protection, a responsive government, etc.
z Imposed through constitutional means: People
felt that emergency was an interim measure to
tackle anarchy prevailing in the country. Further, the
emergency was imposed through constitutional and
legal means which was legitimized by the courts.
z However, the acceptance among the public did not last
long and people started resenting it in mid-1976.
z There were several reasons behind this:
 Economic reasons: Economic growth achieved in
the first year did not last long. Prices started to
rise again; agricultural output started to decline.
 No real progress was made in the lives of
the poor and the marginalized. There was
still a dependence on the corrupt and inefficient
bureaucracy for the implementation of the twenty-
point program.
 Blocked grievances: Imposition of emergency
prevented any avenues of airing the grievances of
the public.
 The unchecked power of the police and the
bureaucracy led to abuse of power which affected
the poor the most.
z However, the emergence of an extra-constitutional
centre of authority connected to the rise to the
political influence of Mrs Gandhi’s younger son,
Sanjay Gandhi, who held no job in the government
or Congress, was a significant factor in the rising
unpopularity of the Emergency administration.
 By April 1976, Sanjay Gandhi had established
himself as a rival authority who freely interfered
with the operation of the executive and legislative
branches.
z Sanjay Gandhi presented his four points in July
1976, and over time they surpassed the official
twenty points in importance.
 The four recommendations were to not accept
dowry at the time of marriage, practise family
planning, keep family sizes under two, plant trees,
and encourage literacy.
 Forced sterilization: The emergence of Sanjay
Gandhi (younger son of Indira Gandhi) as the
parallel centre of power became one of the major
reasons behind the growing unpopularity of
emergency. Sanjay Gandhi had become infamous
for forced sterilization and clearing of slums in
the city.
z Denial of civil liberties began to be felt by the
common people as it began to impact their daily lives
in the form of harassment and corruption by petty
officials.
65
z Ignorance of governance: The government was also
in complete ignorance of what people were facing due
to censorship of the press.
z Delay in lifting the Emergency began to generate
the fear that the authoritarian structure of the rule
might be made permanent or continue for a long time.
On January 18, 1977, Mrs Gandhi abruptly declared
that the Lok Sabha elections would take place in March.
The Emergency came to an end on 21st March 1977. In
addition, she concurrently ended press censorship, freed
political prisoners, and lifted other constraints on political
activity like the need to hold public gatherings. Political
parties were free to conduct their own campaigns.
9.3.2 Political and Constitutional
Changes Done During Emergency
(1975 to 1977)
z ADM Jabalpur case: The Maintenance of Internal
Security Act (MISA), which was passed in 1971, led
to the detention of numerous opposition leaders,
including Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai, Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, and others.
 It resulted in the infamous ruling in the ADM
Jabalpur case, according to which Article 21, or
the right to life and personal liberty, might be
suspended during the declaration of an emergency.
z The ability of the judiciary to oversee how the
executive branch is operating has been diminished
by a number of regulations, statutes, and constitutional
changes.
 In July 1975, amendments to the MISA and the
Defence of India Act, 1962 were made at the
expense of individual liberty.
z During the Emergency, the 38th to 42nd
amendments were adopted.
 The 38th Amendment of 1975 prohibited
judicial scrutiny of declarations of emergencies,
presidential or governor-issued ordinances, and
laws that violated fundamental rights.
 The 39th Amendment of 1975 stated that
elections for Prime Minister, President, and
Vice President could not be contested in court
in light of the Allahabad High Court’s decision in
the Indira Gandhi case. The change was added to
the Ninth Schedule, out of the reach of the courts.
 No criminal proceedings “whatsoever” could
be brought against a President, Prime Minister,
or Governor for actions committed before or
during their periods in office, according to the 41st
Amendment of 1976.
z The 42nd Amendment, passed in 1976, allowed
Parliament unrestricted authority to amend the
Constitution. It overturned the Supreme Court’s
decision in the Kesavananda Bharati case (1973),
66
which held that the government could not alter the
Constitution’s basic structure, and it added socialist,
secular, integrity to the Preamble while also
outlining the fundamental duties of the people.
 Additionally, during a crisis, elections might be
delayed by one year. As a result, the country’s
legislature’s term was increased from five to six
years.
 This amendment, which has also been referred to
as a “mini-Constitution” or the “Constitution
of Indira,” changed the Constitution in the most
significant way in its history.
Whatever the nature of the JP Movement or the
Emergency government, Mrs Gandhi’s resolve to hold
really democratic elections, as well as her defeat and
the Opposition’s subsequent victory, were tremendous
accomplishments for Indian democracy. It has been said
that the years 1975–1977 were the years of the “test of
democracy”; without a doubt, the Indian people passed
the test with distinction, if not a perfect score.
9.4 JANATA DAL GOVERNMENT
z The JP Movement and the Emergency did just not
destroyed India’s democratic system; they actually
made it stronger. Since 1977, there has been no
discussion on the necessity of a dictatorship for
economic growth and the eradication of corruption.
Result of Election
z The leaders of the opposition declared the
creation of the new Janata Party as soon as they
were released from prison in January 1977, joining
the Congress (O), the Jan Sangh, the Bharatiya Lok Dal
(BLD), and the Socialist Party.
z The Emergency and its excesses, including forced
sterilisations and the curtailment of civil liberties,
became the focal point of the opposition front’s
election campaign.
 Additionally, voters viewed the elections as a test
of the Emergency. With 330 out of 542 seats,
the Janata Party and its allies won thanks to the
popular uprising in their favour.
z With only 154 seats, Congress lagged far behind,
with allies like AIADMK winning 21 seats and the CPI
receiving 7.
 Only 2 out of 234 seats in seven northern states
were won by Congress, which was essentially
defeated in North India.
 However, the results of the election were mixed in
Western India. Surprisingly, Congress performed
better in the South, where the Emergency had been
less severe and the Twenty-Point Programme’s
pro-poor measures had been better implemented.
Post Independence India
  As a result, Congress won 92 seats instead of 70
in 1971. In the four southern states, Janata only
got 6 seats.
Performance of Janata Dal Government
z The contest for the position of prime minister between
Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, and Jagjivan Ram was so
close to becoming a catastrophe.
 Senior politicians Jayaprakash Narayan and
J.B. Kripalani were consulted on the issue, and
they decided in favour of 81-year-old Desai,
who took office as prime minister on March 23.
Fig.9.4: Leader of Janta Dal after 1977 election
z The contentious executive orders made during
the Emergency were repealed as the Desai
administration’s initial move after formally declaring
the state of emergency, ending media censorship, and
taking office.
z It gave the press, political organisations, and people
their entire civil liberties back. It also amended the
42nd Amendment, which was passed during the
Emergency, by deleting those of its clauses that had
corrupted the Constitution, by the 44th Constitutional
Amendment (1977).
z Given its failure to perform in terms of administration,
the implementation of developmental objectives, and
the fulfilment of social justice, the political support for
the Janata regime, however, soon started to diminish
and disenchantment with it began to set in.
z By the end of 1977, the administration had lost
its electoral momentum, and the shaky coalition
that constituted the Janata Party was beginning to
fall apart.
 Despite this, the government stayed in power until
July 1979. The lack of faith in its ability to govern
had already started to give way to rage by that
point for a variety of reasons.
v v
JP Movement and Era of Emergency
z First, the Janata Party was unable to address the
fast-escalating social tensions in rural regions, one
manifestation of which was the increased severity of
atrocities committed against the rural poor and the
Scheduled Castes.
 Landowners attempted to forcibly regain the plots
that had been handed to them in numerous states,
while lenders started to recoup loans that had
been forgiven during the Emergency.
 As a result, caste conflict and violent attacks against
Scheduled Castes were widespread in North India.
One early incident was the murder and torching of
Harijans in Belchi, Bihar, in July 1977.
 The Nehruvian goal of rapid economic expansion
based on extensive industry, contemporary
agriculture, and cutting-edge science and
technology was next publicly rejected by the
Janata regime.
 However, it was unable to offer a substitute plan
or model for political and economic growth to
address the issues associated with economic
underdevelopment.
z It’s interesting that the Janata Party did not
make any attempt to implement its earlier, bold
demands for land reform and the payment of
increased wages to farm labourers.
z The one economically beneficial action that the
Janata government did take was the effort to give
employment to the unemployed in rural areas through
the “Food for Work” programme, which was used to
improve village infrastructure, such as roads, school
buildings, etc.
In the end, the Janata Party broke apart, and the Morarji
Desai-led administration lost its majority in less than
28 months. President Reddy then asked Charan Singh to
establish a new government and designated him as the
leader of a minority administration. However, after barely
three weeks in office, Charan Singh resigned due to losing
the support of the house. President Reddy dissolved the
Parliament and called for new elections in January 1980
because no other political party was able to form a
majority administration.
#OpinionMaters
What were the lessons of Emergency for Indian
democracy? What would have been the course of
Indian politics if an emergency was not imposed?
v
67
 Revival of Congress and Punjab
10 Crisis
z In the state assembly elections held in February
1978, Congress (I) trounced both Janata and the
competing Congress in the states of Andhra Pradesh
and Karnataka, restoring Indira Gandhi’s political
fortunes. This Renaissance was caused by two
things.
1. The Janata government’s attempt to exact revenge
on Indira Gandhi and punish her for the events of
the Emergency was one of them.
2. Several commissions of inquiry—the most well-
known of which was the Shah Commission—
were established to look into and identify the
excesses, abuses, and crimes that Indira Gandhi
and the officials during the Emergency perpetrated.
(a) Special tribunals were established in 1979
to hold her accountable for any crimes
committed during the Emergency.
z The general public, on the other hand, began to see
Indira Gandhi’s persecution as revenge, vendetta, and
an attempt to discredit her. They felt she had already
been punished sufficiently by being voted out of office.
z Dissatisfied with Janata’s non-governance, lack of
vision, and never-ending squabbles, the people turned
to Congress and Indira Gandhi, believing her Congress
to be the true Congress.
Fig.10.1: Formation Punjab
z People handed Congress (I) a tremendous
mandate that crossed across caste, religion, and
geography, giving it 353 out of 529 seats, or a two-
thirds majority, in the 1980 elections.
z Following the elections, the Janata Party divided once
more, with the original Jan Sangh leaders departing to
form the Bharatiya Janata Party.
Meanwhile, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the
separatist movement began to militarise, and the Sikh
religious speaker Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the leader
of the Sikh religious group Damdami Taksal, became
increasingly involved in Punjab politics.
10.1 PUNJAB CRISIS (1960S TO 1980S)
z In 1947, British India’s Punjab Province was divided
along religious lines into West Punjab (now Pakistan)
and East Punjab. Due to the ensuing religious violence
and panic that followed independence in 1947, the
majority of Sikhs and Punjabi Hindus who found
themselves in Pakistan moved to India.
z There was a desire for the linguistic reorganization of
the state of Punjab in the 1950s, which the government
finally consented to after protests in 1966.
z Haryana was created as a distinct state for Hindi-
speaking people from Punjab, and Himachal
Pradesh was designated as a Union Territory.
However, this did not meet the aspirations of Sikhs
who sought more autonomy outside of the linguistic
state.
z During the 1980s, Punjab was besieged by a separatist
movement that was turned into a terror campaign
and has been correctly described by some as a low-
intensity war and a dangerous dilemma for the Indian
nation.
z The problem arose from the rise of communalism
in Punjab during the twentieth century, particularly
since 1947, which burst into extremism, separatism,
and terrorism after 1980.
z Prior to 1947, communalism in Punjab was a trinity
of Muslim, Hindu, and Sikh communalists, with the
latter two frequently joining forces against the former.
After Muslim communalism vanished from Punjab in
August 1947, Hindu and Sikh communists were pitted
against each other.
The Emergence of Communalism in Punjab:
Post 1947
z Linguistic issue: The Hindu communalists wanted
Hindi to be recognised as a state language, while
the Sikh communalists wanted Punjabi in Gurmukhi
script to be recognised as a state language.
 The government attempted to solve the situation
by separating Punjab into two language zones:
Punjabi and Hindi.
 Hindu communalists opposed making Punjabi,
along with Hindi, a compulsory subject in all
schools and making Punjabi the sole official
language for district administration in the Punjabi
linguistic zone.
z Punjabi Suba Movement: We have already discussed
the creation of Punjab in 1966, in the previous chapter.
Politics of Akali Dal and Rise in Communalism
in Punjab
z With the formation of the Punjabi Suba, the Akali Dal
had accepted and implemented all of the concrete
significant demands that it had expressed and agitated
for over the years; no real, meaningful demands
remained that could energise its members for long
and therefore be sustained for long.
z As a result, it was faced with the dilemma of
deciding where to go politically.
z Another issue was the acquisition of power
through democratic and electoral means. Even
in the newly formed Punjabi Suba, the Akali Dal
was unable to achieve a majority in 1967 and
subsequent elections.
Revival of Congress and Punjab Crisis
 For one thing, population arithmetic did not
favour it, as Sikhs made up less than 60% of
Punjab’s population. Second, the Scheduled Caste
Sikhs, who made up 25 to 30 per cent of the Sikh
community, faced a fundamental class conflict
with the Akali Dal’s core social base, the rich and
middle class peasants.
z The Akalis started to increase the sectarian content
of their politics after losing the 1980 elections and
to broaden their base of support among Sikhs, with
the so-called moderate leaders maintaining pace with
the extremists.
z The main Akali Dal, led by Sant Longowal, presented
a list of 45 religious, political, economic, and social
demands and grievances to the prime minister in
1981, along with a virulent campaign.
 These demands included the sharing of river
waters in Punjab between Punjab, Haryana, and
Rajasthan as well as the transfer of Chandigarh to
Punjab.
z Implementation of the 1973-adopted Anandpur
Sahib Resolution (ASR) quickly rose to the top of
the list of demands.
 The resolution, which underwent several iterations,
was overtly separatist and communal in each one.
 The more sincere believers began to believe
that violence offered the only cure when Akali
agitations, which did not and could not succeed
fully, and the intensified, unrequited sense of
deprivation were preached for over thirty years.
 If organised mass violence was not possible and
the militant mass movement had failed, then
terrorist violence was the only solution.
10.1.1 Terrorism in Punjab
z Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who emerged
in the late 1970s as a staunch supporter of Sikh
orthodoxy, was the instigator of terrorism.
 In this campaign, he had the implicit support of the
Punjab Congress, commanded by Giani Zail Singh,
who wanted to use him to undermine the Akalis.
He would, however, soon become a Frankenstein
and turn against his former masters.
z The terrorist campaign launched by Bhindranwale
and the All-India Sikh Students Federation, led
by Amrik Singh, began on April 24, 1980, with the
assassination of the Nirankari sect’s leader.
 Following this, several Nirankaris, dissident Akalis,
and Congress workers were assassinated.
 Lala Jagat Narain, a newspaper editor and
adversary of Bhindranwale, was assassinated in
September 1981.
 To protect himself, Bhindranwale relocated in July
1982 to the Guru Nanak Niwas refuge, a building
69
 within the Golden Temple complex from whence
he coordinated the terrorism operation in Punjab.
He has since emerged as a key force in Punjab
politics.
Fig.10.2: Bhindranwale and his supporters
z From September 1983, he began targeting Hindus
on an increasing scale, and indiscriminate slaughter
of Hindus began; this could be done with relative
impunity because the Punjab administration and
police were in disarray, and the Government of India
was reluctant to take action against terrorism.
z Bhindranwale also advocated for separation
from and violent conflict against the Indian state,
emphasising Sikh independence and sovereignty
and the most extremist elements began to advocate
secession from India and the establishment of
‘Khalistan’.
z Fearing arrest, Bhindranwale moved into the safe
haven of the Akal Takht within the Golden Temple
in December 1983 and established his headquarters
and armoury there, as well as a sanctuary for his
terrorist followers, many of whom were criminals
and smugglers.
Support of Pakistan to Khalistanis
z Pakistan’s rising engagement in Punjab matters was
a worrisome characteristic of the situation. Pakistan
began assisting terrorist organisations with training,
ammunition, ideological indoctrination, safe havens,
and military assistance as part of its low-intensity
warfare strategy against India.
z Certain extreme Sikh groups in other countries were
also encouraging secessionists and providing them
with money and weapons.
10.1.2 Action of indira Gandhi: Operation
Bluestar (1984)
z According to government estimates, Bhindranwale’s
militants killed 165 Hindus and Nirankaris in the
twenty-two months following the founding of the
Alkali Dharma Yudh Morcha till June 1984.
z The government dispatched a team led by Narasimha
Rao to try to persuade Bhindranwale to back down,
but he was steadfast in his demands.
70
Fig.10.3: Chaos in Punjab in 1984
z Indira Gandhi attempted to persuade the Akalis to
join her in gently arresting Bhindranwale. However,
due to local politics and the fear of public backlash,
Akalis refused to comply, and the talks were rendered
ineffective.
 Bhindranwale declared in his final interview that
Sikhs cannot live in India or with India.
z With declared intentions and reports of an armament
gathering at Golden Temple, action from the
government was required. On the recommendation of
the Army Chief, Indira Gandhi agreed to the launch of
Operation Blue Star.
 Operation Bluestar was an Indian military
operation carried out between 1 to 8 June 1984
led by Major General Kuldeep Singh Brar.
z The troops surrounded the Golden Temple on June
3rd. On June 5, it entered the temple. There, it was
discovered that the terrorists were significantly more
numerous and far better armed than official sources
had expected.
 Instead of lasting an hour or two as a medical
procedure, the military operation escalated into
a full-scale conflict, requiring the army to deploy
tanks in the end.
z Worse, over a thousand devotees and temple
employees were trapped inside the temple, and many
of them were killed in the crossfire.
 Furthermore, the temple complex’s buildings were
seriously damaged, with the Akal Takht being
razed to the ground.
10.1.3 Impact of Operation Bluestar
z Sikhs all around the country were angered and
outraged by Operation Blue Star. Most of them saw
it as a sacrilege and an insult to the community,
rather than a necessary but unpleasant effort to deal
with Bhindranwale and the terrorists. Despite its
numerous bad consequences, Operation Blue Star
had some positive aspects.
z It established that the Indian state was strong
enough to deal with secession and terrorism. It
ended the charismatic Bhindranwale and his gang;
and
Post Independence India
z It established the minimum of law and order that
allowed secular parties such as the Congress, CPI,
and CPM to move among the angry people and
counter communal politics by explaining to them
that the real responsibility for the Punjab situation
lay with Bhindranwale, the terrorists, and the Akali
communalists.
10.2 AFTER OPERATION BLUESTAR
z Terrorists pledged vengeance on Indira Gandhi and
her family after Operation Blue Star for desecrating
the Golden Temple. Indira Gandhi was killed on
October 31, 1984, by two Sikh officers of her security
team.
z Anti-Sikh riots: The death of the popular prime
minister amid a climate of heightened communication
in North India during 1981-84 triggered a wave of
horror, terror, fury, and communal outrage throughout
the country, particularly among the poor.
 This rage manifested itself in an ugly and
communal manner in Delhi and other parts of
North India, where anti-Sikh riots erupted as
soon as the assassination was revealed and the
widely discredited claim spread that many Sikhs
were cheering the tragedy.
z Rajiv Gandhi took over as Prime Minister from
Indira Gandhi on November 1, 1984. Following the
general elections in December 1984, he moved
immediately to address the Punjab issue.
 The prominent arrested officials, including
Akali Dal president H.S. Longowal was released
in January 1985.
 Rajiv Gandhi announced an independent
judicial inquiry into the November riots a
month later. Despite Operation Blue Star and the
November riots, the political tide was moving in
Punjab’s favour. The terrorists were in trouble, and
the Akalis had lost a lot of credibility.
z Finally, Rajiv Gandhi and Longowal signed the
Punjab Accord in August 1985. The government
agreed to the key Akali demands and pledged to study
others.
 It was specifically agreed that Chandigarh would
be transferred to Punjab,
 a commission would determine which Hindi-
speaking districts would be transferred from
Punjab to Haryana, and
 an independent tribunal would adjudicate the
river water dispute.
v v
Revival of Congress and Punjab Crisis
z In September 1985, elections to the state assembly
and the national parliament were scheduled.
 Terrorists assassinated Longowal on August
20, the day after he announced that the Akalis will
participate in the elections. The elections, on the
other hand, were held on time.
 For the first time in their history, the Akalis won
an absolute majority in the state assembly.
z The Akali government, led by Surjit Singh Barnala,
was, however, riven with factionalism from the start
and, as a result, immobilised. His government did
not follow the Punjab Accord.
 Its most significant administrative step was the
release of a huge number of people accused of
terrorist offences, the majority of whom returned
to the terrorist ranks, providing terrorism with a
significant boost.
z The Golden Temple was once again occupied in
January 1986 by militants from the All-India Sikh
Students Federation and Damdami Taksal.
 On January 26, 1986, the meeting passed
a resolution (gur matta) in favour of the
establishment of Khalistan. In December 1986,
Sikh militants assaulted a bus near Khuda in the
Hoshiarpur region of Punjab, killing 24 Hindus and
injuring 7 others.
z Between 1987 and 1991, Punjab was administered
from Delhi by an indeterminate President’s rule.
The Sikh terrorists also targeted other Sikhs who had
opposing views, resulting in a further loss of public
support, and the militants were eventually brought
under law enforcement agencies’ control by 1993.
z Operation Black Thunder: The name was given to
two operations in India in the late 1980s to flush out
the last Sikh activists from the Golden Temple.
 The National Security Guards’ ‘Black Cat’
commandos were used in this mission. The late
1980s and early 1990s saw a tremendous increase
in extreme State militancy in Punjab.
z Peace had returned to Punjab by the mid-1990s when
the combination of the Akali Dal and the BJP won a
huge victory in the state’s first normal elections since
the militancy era in 1997.
#OpinionMaters
Do you think the crisis in Punjab is mainly due to
a power vacuum filled by non-State actors swiftly,
which caused instability, various power centres,
confrontations, and the loss of life? Can you co-relate
this situation to other parts of the country?
v
71
 Era of Rajiv Gandhi: Crisis of
11 Assam
z Rajiv Gandhi, a fourteen-year pilot with Indian
Airlines, had avoided politics until the loss of his
younger brother, Sanjay, in an air mishap in June 1980.
Indira encouraged him to assist her after Sanjay’s
death, and in June 1981 he formally entered politics
by being elected to the Lok Sabha from Amethi, the
Uttar Pradesh constituency vacated by Sanjay’s death.
z He was put in charge of organising the Asian Games in
New Delhi in 1982, and he accomplished an amazing
job by all accounts.
z In February 1983, he was appointed general secretary
of the Congress, with the mission of revitalising the
Congress at the grassroots, the need of which was
highlighted by provincial election losses.
z Rajiv Gandhi was elected Prime Minister of India on
October 31, 1985.
 Indira had started walking from her house to her
office that morning in order to keep a television
interview with Peter Ustinov.
 Instead, she was killed by two Sikh guards who
shot at her in retaliation for her ordering the
invasion of the Golden Temple to flush out Sikh
militants in 1984.
11.1 EARLY YEARS OF RAJIV GANDHI
z Within two weeks of becoming Prime Minister, the
Bhopal gas leak catastrophe occurred, in which
around 2,000 people, largely impoverished slum
dwellers, died and many thousands more became ill
as a result of deadly emissions from Union Carbide, a
global corporation.
z His most well-known effort was the establishment of
six “technology missions,” which for many Indians
exemplified the young prime minister’s new, modern,
and technological approach.
z The plan was to apply science and technology to
six areas of underdevelopment where a scientific
approach to problem-solving would be beneficial.
z These goal-oriented projects were dubbed
“technology missions,” and in most cases, the
century’s advent was specified as the target date,
with the notion being that India must enter the new
millennium as a modern nation.
1. The drinking water mission was the most
important of them, with the goal of providing
drinking water to all Indian communities, only
one-fifth of which had potable water supplies.
(a) T  he plan was to find, extract, and clean water
supplies using satellites and the disciplines of
geology, civil engineering, and biochemistry.
2. The literacy mission sought to address the
major problem of mass illiteracy, which
impacted about 60% of the population nearly forty
years after independence.
(a) T  his was to be accomplished through utilising
and expanding the television network in rural
areas, as well as through the use of video and
audio cassettes and other techniques.
3. The third mission was targeted at the
immunization of pregnant women and children.
4. The fourth mission was to boost the “White
Revolution,” or milk production, by enhancing
the milk yield and health of cows and buffaloes,
which was a resounding success.
5. India purchased a vast amount of edible oils, which
increased its foreign exchange deficit significantly,
and the fifth mission was tasked with increasing
edible oil output.
6. The sixth mission’s goal was to have a telephone
in every village in the country before the end of
the century.
z Rajiv also gave a huge push to India’s
computerization initiative, which was already in the
works under Mrs Gandhi.
 Import duties on components were cut to allow
domestic producers to increase output, foreign
manufacturers were permitted to enter the
domestic market to ensure quality and competitive
pricing, and computer use in workplaces and
schools was encouraged.
z Rajiv and his government took the initiative to
deepen and strengthen panchayat institutions by
sparking debate and introducing legislation to make
panchayat elections essential by providing them with
constitutional backing.
z The Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, or Employment Plan,
was another programme aimed at the rural poor,
with the goal of providing employment to at least one
member of every rural poor family for 50-100 days
per year.
 The plan was launched to commemorate the birth
centenary of Jawaharlal Nehru (born in 1889),
with the central government promising to cover
80% of the costs.
z The new education policy, too, emphasized rural
areas and the underprivileged, with the literacy drive,
Operation Blackboard (which attempted to provide
basic utilities to schools), and online education as
important pillars.
z The National Perspective Plan for Women was
drafted in 1988, and one of its key ideas was to
reserve 30% of elected seats in all panchayat bodies
for women, which was incorporated into Panchayati
Raj legislation.
 It also suggested that half of the grassroots
functionaries be women. The strategy also
addressed concerns concerning women’s health
and education. In 1986, legislation was also
passed to enhance the penalties for dowry-related
offences.
z Environmental protection was a project close to
Rajiv’s heart, as it had been to his mother’s, and
he spearheaded a tremendous effort to clean the
Ganga, the holiest of Indian rivers, which had become
hideously polluted in many areas.
 He established a new Ministry of Environment
and made environmental clearance for large
projects necessary.
z The Anti-Defection Act (52nd Constitutional
Amendment Act), created after consultations with
opposition parties and passed in 1985, was one of
them.
 This was intended to put a stop to the horse trading
and shifting party affiliations that had become a
scourge of Indian politics.
11.2 BHOPAL GAS TRAGEDY 1984
z In 1970 Union Carbide India Limited (UCIL), a
subsidiary of Union Carbide and Carbon Corporation
(an American multinational), established a pesticide
plant in Bhopal.
Era of Rajiv Gandhi: Crisis of Assam
Fig.11.1: Union Carbide incident 1984
z The plant produced a pesticide Sevin (Carbaryl) using
methyl isocyanate (MIC). A number of minor leaks had
been reported since 1976 but the management had
ignored them.
z On the night of 2-3 December, 1984 about 45 tons
of the dangerous gas methyl isocyanate (MIC) stored
in three tanks, escaped from the plant in Bhopal and
drifted over the densely populated neighbourhoods
around the plant, killing thousands of people
immediately and creating a panic as tens of thousands
of others attempted to flee Bhopal.
z During that time, Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime Minister
and Arjun Singh was the Chief Minister of MP.
z The chemical tragedy was the worst industrial disaster
witnessed in the history of India and perhaps the
worst in the world at that point of time.
11.3 FOREIGN POLICY OF RAJIV GANDHI
z Rajiv pursued a foreign policy with the zeal of
an activist, visiting countries large and small and
participating in a wide range of international fora.
Even as he followed in his grandfather’s and mother’s
footsteps, he put his own unique imprint on foreign
policy.
z Thus, he accomplished by vigorously fighting for
nuclear disarmament, the battle against apartheid
in South Africa, and Namibian independence.
 Indira founded the Six-Nation Five-Continent
Initiative, which brought together the leaders
of Argentina, Greece, Mexico, Sweden, Tanzania,
and India to put international pressure on the
superpowers to reduce and abolish nuclear
weapons.
z Relations with the superpowers improved during
Rajiv’s tenure, but not much. Rajiv did not favour
the US, contrary to the assumption based on the
young prime minister’s predilection for open-market
policies and a technocratic slant.
 His visit to the United States in 1985 was a success,
and he got along well with Reagan, even convincing
73
 him to let India have the supercomputer it had
been wanting for meteorological data processing.
z In terms of the USSR, when Gorbachev visited India in
November 1986, the Prime Minister signed the Delhi
Declaration, which endorsed Gandhi’s nonviolent
ideology as the guiding principle in international
relations.
z Rajiv’s visit to China in 1988, the first by an Indian
prime minister since Nehru’s first visit in 1954, was
notable for its rarity.
z Rajiv Gandhi dispatched India’s Navy to Seychelles
in 1986 at the request of the President of
Seychelles to fight an attempted coup. India’s
assistance prevented the coup, and the mission was
called Operation Flowers Are Blooming (1986).
z Rajiv Gandhi gave the Non-Aligned Movement
(NAM) fresh life by giving it a goal: nuclear
disarmament.
z He also sought to sell the idea of a G-15, a smaller
version of the G77 that was more similar to the G-7.
 He positioned India prominently on the global
stage, making her presence felt in a variety of fora
on a range of topics. During his five-year reign,
he travelled abroad once a month on average,
prompting snide remarks from his opponents
about his “occasional travels to India.”
z During Rajiv’s tenure, relations with his immediate
neighbours were strained.
 Bangladesh was becoming increasingly Islamic,
although water problems persisted.
 Nepal caused problems when it levied substantial
taxes on Indian goods while giving duty breaks
to Chinese goods, received massive amounts of
assault rifles and anti-aircraft guns from China
in 1988, and required Indian residents to obtain
work permits in order to work in Nepal.
 Maldives faced a coup attempt and requested
Indian assistance, Operation Cactus, and the
attempt was thwarted.
 Things were much the same in Pakistan, despite
optimism raised by Benazir Bhutto’s election as
Prime Minister and Rajiv’s visit.
11.3.1 SRI-LANKAN Crisis and Response
of India
z Issue of Tamils: The major focal point in the India-Sri-
Lanka relationship has been the issue of Sri-Lankan
Tamils.
z Immigration of Sri Lankan Tamils in India: The
problem began when thousands of Tamils from Sri
Lanka fled to Tamil Nadu in India in 1983.
74
z Repression by Sri Lankan government: This was in
response to the heavy repression by the Sri Lankan
government on Jaffna, the base of the Liberation
Tigers of the Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
z LTTE: The organization of LTTE was fighting for Tamil
autonomy and later independence from Sri Lanka.
z People in favour of Tamilian issue: Public opinion in
India, especially in Tamil Nadu was strongly in favour
of India doing something to help the Sri Lankan Tamils.
z Rajiv Gandhi Jayewardene accord: Rajiv Gandhi and
President Jayewardene signed an accord by which Sri-
Lanka’s northern and eastern regions where Tamils
were in majority would be merged into a single
province and sufficient autonomy would be provided.
 The accord also said that the LTTE would be
dissolved and the Indian army could be called by
the Sri Lankan govt. to implement the accord.
z LTTE fights India: However, LTTE was not taken
into confidence and the Indian army got involved in
a messy fight with Tamil guerrillas.
z Withdrawal of troops by India: The Indian
government had to finally withdraw their troops in
1989 with the change in government in Sri Lanka.
Fig. 11.2: Rajiv Gandhi after his last speech
The Aftermath
z Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi: In 1991, an LTTE
suicide bomber killed Rajiv Gandhi at a public meeting
near Chennai.
z End of popular support to Tamil issue: This ended
the popular support Tamil militants had enjoyed in
Tamil Nadu.
z Withdrawal of India: India had to scale down its
active involvement in Sri Lanka.
z Defeat of LTTE: Ultimately, LTTE was crushed in the
fourth round of war in 2009.
Why did the Rajiv-Jayewardene Accord not
Succeed?
z Too ambitious: It was too ambitious in its scope
trying to address all three contentious issues between
India and Sri Lanka i.e., strategic interests, people of
Post Independence India
 Indian origin in Sri Lanka and Tamil minority rights
in Sri Lanka.
z Lack of political support: Its success depended on
sustained political support from both countries. So,
the accord got sidelined, when a leader unhappy with
the accord came to power.
Present Status
z Recently, the India-Sri-Lanka relationship revolves
around the influence of China in Sri-Lanka, the
fishermen issue and the UNHRC resolution against
Sri-Lanka.
11.4 ASSAM CRISIS AND ITS RESOLUTION
z Except for Manipur and Tripura, the entire
North Eastern area included the State of Assam
at the time of independence. When non-Assamese
believed that the Assam government was imposing
the Assamese language on them, they demanded
political autonomy.
z Throughout the state, there were dissent and
protest riots. Leaders of the major tribal communities
desired independence from Assam.
 They established the Eastern India Tribal Union,
which later evolved into the All-party Hill Leaders
Conference in 1960.
 They urged that Assam be divided into tribal states.
In 1979, the United Liberation Front of Assam
(ULFA) was created with the goal of establishing
an independent state of Assam through armed
conflict. Finally, instead of a single tribal state,
Assam was divided into many states.
z The Assamese had a strong and persistent grievance
that Assam’s severe underdevelopment was due
to the central government’s unfair treatment of
it, which had not only neglected its development
but also discriminated against it in the allocation of
central funds and the location of industrial and other
economic enterprises.
 The dearth of job possibilities, the important
position of ‘outsiders’ in Assam’s industry and
trade, and the fear of being culturally dominated
all contributed to a sense of deprivation among
middle-class Assamese.
 In the 1950s, they launched a campaign asking
that Assamese speakers be given preference
in recruitment to state government positions
and that Assamese be made the sole official
language and medium of instruction in schools
and institutions.
z The movement to change the official language
resulted in a gradual escalation of enmity between
Era of Rajiv Gandhi: Crisis of Assam
Bengali and Assamese people. It culminated in
catastrophic language riots in July 1960.
z Assam’s demographic composition has shifted
throughout the years as a result of migration
from other parts of India, particularly East Bengal-
Bangladesh.
 However, the fundamental grievance that would
grow into a massive anti-foreigner movement in
1979 was the large-scale illegal migration from
Bangladesh and, to a lesser extent, Nepal.
z Though illegal migration had been raised as a
political issue several times since 1950, it became
a major issue in 1979 when it became clear that a
large number of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh
had registered to vote in the state.
 Fearing that they would gain a dominant role in
Assam politics in the upcoming election at the end
of 1979, the All-Assam Students Union (AASU) and
the Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (Assam People’s
Struggle Council), a coalition of regional political,
literary, and cultural organisations, launched a
massive anti-illegal migration movement.
 This campaign received support from nearly all
Assamese speakers, Hindu and Muslim, as well as
many Bengalis.
z From 1979 to 1985, the state experienced political
insecurity, the collapse of state governments, the
imposition of President’s Rule, sustained, often
violent agitation, frequent general strikes, civil
disobedience campaigns that paralysed all normal
life for extended periods, and unprecedented ethnic
violence.
z There were repeated rounds of negotiations
between the movement’s leaders and the central
government for several years, but no agreement
could be reached.
z The 1983 violence had a traumatic effect on
both sides, prompting them to resume serious
negotiations.
 Finally, on August 15, 1985, the Rajiv Gandhi
government was able to strike an agreement
(Assam accord) with the leaders of the
movement.
 Foreigners who entered Assam between 1951 and
1961 were to be granted full citizenship, including
the right to vote;
 Those who entered after 1971 were to be deported;
those who entered between 1961 and 1971 were
to be denied voting rights for ten years but would
be granted all other citizenship rights.
75
  A parallel package for Assam’s economic
development, including a second oil refinery, a
paper mill, and a technical institute, was also
developed.
 The central government also promised to offer
‘legislative and administrative safeguards to
maintain the Assamese people’s cultural, social,
and linguistic identity and history.’
National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Assam
z The names of all Indian citizens are listed on the
National Register of Citizens. An NRC has only been
prepared once before, in 1951.
z The 1951 NRC is being revised for Assam, which has
long had a foreign problem, in order to screen out
illegal immigrants and discourage further influx.
z Assam initiated the NRC update process in response
to a Supreme Court judgement in 2013, in accordance
with the Citizenship Act of 1955 and the rules outlined
in the Assam Accord of 1985.
z On August 31, 2019, the government published the
final citizenship list of Assam inhabitants in order
v v
76
to identify lawful residents and weed out illegal
immigration.
z After 68 years, the citizens’ list was updated, bringing
an end to four years of effort and a four-decade-long
demand for the detection of illegal immigrants.
z The National Register of Citizens (NRC) is critical
to India’s development.
 It establishes a clear line between who qualifies to
be an Indian citizen and other nationalities who
have been residing illegally in India.
 In numerous cases, the NRC’s participation has
proven to be quite beneficial.
 In the state of Assam, where a big number of
illegal immigrants from Bangladesh are believed
to reside, their presence will have to be forfeited
with the help of the NRC.
#OpinionMaters
Should India help refugees coming from other
countries on the pretext of prosecution in their
homeland? Do you think it may lead to resource
constraints and ethnic conflicts in India?
v
Post Independence India
 12 Politics after Rajiv Gandhi
z Even though Rajiv Gandhi had won the previous
election by a landslide, the 1989 election saw
him fighting controversies that had damaged his
administration.
z Bofors scandal: In 1986, India negotiated a contract
with Swedish arms firm AB Bofors to supply the
Army with Howitzer guns, but it was later revealed
that Bofors paid kickbacks to prominent Indian
politicians and key defence officials to clinch the
agreement.
 Despite record economic growth of roughly 5.5 per
cent per year, the largest anti-poverty spending ever,
an almost faultless handling of the 1987 drought,
and considerable foreign policy achievements, the
‘hawa’ or wind blew in the opposite direction.
 V.P. Singh’s unwavering campaign against
corruption, which he had pursued since his
expulsion from Congress in 1987, had struck a
sensitive chord.
z Corruption at the lowest levels of the bureaucracy was
a daily concern for all citizens, rich and poor, and it
was commonly believed that high-level corruption
fostered conditions for lower-level corruption to
flourish.
12.1 THE NATIONAL FRONT
GOVERNMENT, 1989–1990
z Even while Congress retained its 197 seats and 39.5
percent vote share, the election results were a setback
for the party. Rajiv made it obvious that the Congress
party was not interested in forming a government.
The stage was prepared for the second non-Congress
government in post-independence India to take office,
with the left parties and the BJP soon proclaiming that
they would back a National Front government from
the outside.
z The National Front had won 146 seats, with the
BJP receiving 86 and the left parties receiving 52.
z On December 2, 1989, V.P. Singh took the oath of
office as Prime Minister, accompanied solely by Devi
Lal, the Deputy Prime Minister.
z V.P. Singh’s 11-month ministry also fought for
the betterment of Indians on a variety of fronts,
including social policy, reservation for backward
classes, and so on.
 As a result, V.P. Singh chose to follow the
recommendations of the Mandal Commission
report from the 1980s, causing a massive upheaval
in the country and resulting in caste politicisation.
 Young people self-immolated, and V.P. Singh
was characterised as a destroyer of societal
harmony.
z The V.P. Singh government’s allies began to express
their displeasure with the BJP’s Rath Yatra, which
caused a significant law and order issue in many
states.
 V.P. Singh decided to put an end to the commotion,
and L.K.Advani was arrested in Bihar on allegations
of disrupting the peace and inciting communal
strife.
z However, Advani was released shortly after his
detention in 1990, after the BJP withdrew its
political support from the V.P. Singh government
and the Central government fell due to a lack of
majority in the Lok Sabha.
z V P Singh had to resign after losing his vote
of confidence in the Lok Sabha due to a lack of
political support.
z The Congress(I), led by Rajiv Gandhi, backed
Chandra Shekar’s (V.P. Singh’s adversary within the
Janata Dal) party from the outside.
z As a result, Chandra Shekhar was sworn in as
Prime Minister on November 10, 1990, with the
direct support of 64 MPs and the Congress’s outside
support of 197 MPs.
 When Chandra Shekar came to office, he inherited a
slew of problems from the previous administration.
The volatile Indian economy was facing a steady
decline in foreign exchange reserves.
z To compensate for the forex loss, the Chandra
Shekhar government had to promise the country’s
gold reserves, which further harmed the country’s
reputation around the world and sparked a surge of
anti-leadership sentiment among the populace.
z The growing opposition to the Chandra Shekar
government caused political upheaval in the country.
z Rajiv Gandhi withdrew his party’s support for
the Chandra Shekar government during the 1991
Budget session, claiming that two police constables
were spying on him.
z Following the killing of their major party leader, Rajiv
Gandhi, the Congress(I) party received widespread
support in future elections.
z The Congress (I) party recommended the name of
Narasimha Rao, a senior party member who became
India’s next Prime Minister.
12.1.1 P.V. Narasimha Rao Government
z The Narasimha government introduced the
significant ‘73rd Constitutional Amendment Act
of 1992’ to enhance rural local government in India.
 It provided panchayats (rural local administrations)
in India constitutional legitimacy by introducing a
new Part IX and a new Schedule 11 to the Indian
Constitution.
 Similarly, the 74th Amendment Act of 1992
was enacted for urban municipal governance.
It added a new Part IX-A and a new Schedule 12 to
the Constitution to provide municipalities (urban
local administrations) with formal recognition.
z Narasimha Rao is most known for his economic
policies that transformed India’s economic regime
from a quasi-socialist order to a liberalised free-
market system.
 He accomplished this transition at a time when
India was experiencing an economic balance of
payment crisis that was draining the country’s
FOREX reserves.
 The immediate cause of the issue was the early
1990s Gulf wars, which increased world crude oil
prices as well as India’s import expenses.
 Dr Manmohan Singh, a non-political economist, was
selected as his finance minister. They collaborated
to create the 1991 Economic Policy, often
known as the 1991 LPG Reforms (Liberalization,
Privatisation and Globalization Reforms).
z It was also recognised that India needs banking
sector reforms in order to meet the changing
needs of the financial industry.
78
 As a result, other committees were formed for the
same objective, the most notable of which was
the Banking Reform Committee chaired by
M. Narasimham (1991)’. It was entrusted with
analysing India’s banking sector and recommending
appropriate legislation and regulations to improve
its competitiveness and effectiveness.
12.1.2 Foreign Policy of Narasimha Rao
z Look East strategy: Launched in 1991, this policy aims
to strengthen India’s economic, cultural, and strategic
ties, as well as security integration in Southeast Asia.
 It was founded on the three Cs Philosophy of
Culture, Connectivity, and Commerce in order
to improve connections with ASEAN nations.
 It also played a purpose in resisting China’s growing
supremacy in and around the Indian subcontinent.
This policy, established by Narasimha Rao, marked

a strategic shift in India’s international involvement
because it was the first time a developing country
like India diverged from its Western leanings in
international affairs.
z In 1992, Narasimha Rao vigorously launched
a systematic campaign to bring international
attention to Pakistan-sponsored terrorism against
India.
z By visiting China in 1993, he also contributed to
the strengthening of India-China relations. His
government likewise kept a safe distance from the
Dalai Lama in order to avoid exacerbating China’s
suspicions and anxieties.
z Under the Narasimha regime, India established
diplomatic relations with Israel and allowed Israel to
open an embassy in New Delhi. The Indian economy’s
liberalisation improved ties with superpowers such as
the United States.
z Cultivate Iran policy- It was undertaken by India in
the 1990s in order to improve diplomatic relations
between India and Iran. Previously, Iran supported
Pakistan, and India-Iran relations were strained due
to India’s links to Iraq.
z Apart from the Western world, increased diplomatic
ties have aided India in changing its image as a
responsible nation that treats other nations equally,
regardless of their geographical or economic size.
The Lok Sabha election of 1996 resulted in a shift (albeit
for a brief period) in political rule. Narasimha Rao’s
party lost, and he was replaced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s
Government at the centre (which lasted only 13 days).
Post Independence India
12.2 UNITED FRONT GOVERNMENT
z The Bharatiya Janata Party, led by Atal Bihari
Vajpayee, emerged as the single largest party in
the 1996 general elections and was summoned by
the President to form the central government.
z He was sworn in as Prime Minister, but the Vajpayee
government failed to attract fresh allies, and the BJP
government only lasted 13 days.
 Following that, 13 opposition parties banded
together under Janata Dal’s leadership to form
a ‘United Front government,’ with H.D. Deve
Gowda as their Prime Ministerial nominee.
 From 1996 to 1998, the United Front alliance
formed two governments in India, led by H.D. Deve
Gowda and I.K. Gujral.
z Both characters’ brief tenures had a profound
impact on India’s future economic and foreign
policies. They not only transformed India’s financial
policies by increasing its tax-to-GDP ratio, but they
also reshaped India’s image as a global soft power
by reforming its foreign policy. In 1998, the Gujral
government was replaced by the Vajpayee
government.
12.2.1 Gujral Doctrine
z The Gujral Doctrine is a set of five principles to guide
the conduct of foreign relations with India’s immediate
neighbours as spelt out by I.K. Gujral, first as India’s
foreign minister and later as the prime minister.
z Among other factors, these five principles arise from
the belief that India’s stature and strength cannot
be divorced from the quality of its relations with its
neighbours.
z It, thus, recognises the supreme importance of friendly,
cordial relations with neighbours.
z These principles are:
 With neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan,
Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India does not ask
for reciprocity, but gives and accommodates what
it can in good faith and trust;
 No South Asian country should allow its territory
to be used against the interest of another country
in the region;
 No country should interfere in the internal affairs
of another;
 All South Asian countries must respect each other’s
territorial integrity and sovereignty; and, finally,
 They should settle all their disputes through
peaceful bilateral negotiations.
Politics after Rajiv Gandhi
z The Gujral Doctrine is considered to have made a
substantial change in the manner in which India’s
bilateral relations were conducted with its immediate
neighbours, especially the smaller ones. The latter too
welcomed the doctrine and had a positive attitude
towards the principles it spelt out.
12.3 ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE
GOVERNMENT
z Atal Bihari Vajpayee was India’s tenth Prime Minister
and the first non-Congress Prime Minister to serve
a full term. At the BJP’s plenary in Mumbai in 1995,
Advani declared Vajpayee the party’s PM candidate,
recognising that the latter had stronger political
acceptability to form a coalition.
z Following that, he served as Prime Minister for three
non-consecutive periods between 1996 and 2004:
first for 13 days, then for 13 months between 1998
and 1999, and finally from 1999 to 2004. When the
I.K. Gujral government fell, the BJP formed its second
government in 1998 under Vajpayee.
12.3.1 Pokhran Nuclear Test (1998)
z Pokhran Nuclear Test, 1998: Operation Shakti - The
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) served as the
foundation for global nuclear control after WWII, and
it divided the globe into the P-5 and others. India,
despite being fully committed to peaceful applications
of atomic energy, was dissatisfied with this biassed
world.
Fig. 12.1: Prime minister visiting site of Pokhran
z After the tests were completed, India suffered
widespread worldwide condemnation. The
US criticised the tests and expressed “deep
disappointment,” imposing penalties on India.
z Britain expressed “dismay,” while Germany
described it as a “slap in the face” to the countries
that accepted the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty (CTBT). Kofi Annan, the then-UN Secretary-
General, released a statement expressing his “deep
regret.”
79
12.3.2 Kargil War of 1999
z Conflict broke out when Pakistani forces invaded and
occupied strategic locations on the Indian side of the
LoC.
z India launched a counter-offensive in which Pakistani
forces were pushed back to the original site of the LoC.
z Implications of the war
 It was the first war after both countries had tested
nuclear weapons.
 Recognising the potential for escalation in the
war, President Bill Clinton of the US demanded
the Pakistani side rein in their troops.
Present Status
z Proxy wars by Pakistan: The twenty-first century
witnessed several proxy wars being carried out by
Pakistan. The recent was the Pulawama terrorist
attack in which 40 CRPF personnel died. Thus, India
and Pakistan continue to ride the rough patch.
z Intent to resolve the issue: In the latest developments,
in February 2021, India and Pakistan issued a joint
v v
80
statement for the first time in years, announcing that
they would observe the 2003 ceasefire along the Line
of Control (LoC).
z The countries have agreed to a strict observance of
all agreements, and understandings and cease firing
along the Line of Control (LoC) and all other sectors
with effect from midnight of February 24-25, 2021.
z The Kargil War in 1999 effectively ended the
Vajpayee administration. However, with the victory
in the Kargil war, the NDA reclaimed power in 1999.
As a result, Vajpayee’s third term began in 1999, and
he became the first Prime Minister to lead a 23-party
coalition for a full five years until 2004.
#OpinionMaters
What were the causes of the emergence of coalition
politics in the 1990s? How the emergence of the
“Mandal issue” aided in the establishment of the
coalition government in national politics.
v
Post Independence India
 13 Land Reforms and Cooperatives
z Commercialization of agriculture in colonial India
facilitated the extraction of surplus from the
peasantry (through land revenue demand in cash)
and the transfer of this surplus from India to Britain
by bringing agricultural products to the export market
which is otherwise called “Drain of Wealth”.
13.1 COLONIAL IMPACT
z The colonial condition produced ideal conditions
for rack-renting and tenancy. The collapse of
traditional handicrafts and artisanal industry, along
with the lack of rapid growth in modern industry,
resulted in massive population pressure on agriculture
and an unfavourable land-man ratio of around 0.92
acres per capita at independence.
z Furthermore, the growing differentiation of
the peasants and the resulting concentration in
landownership was fast increasing the number of
landless people hungry for land due to the lack of
nearly any alternative job.
z At the time of independence, land ownership was so
concentrated that more than 60% of rural households
either had no land or were semi-proletarian, owning
small portions of less than an acre or uneconomic and
marginal holdings of a hectare or less.
z It is no surprise that rent in cash or kind was
often greater than 50% of the crop, and in certain
locations, such as Punjab and Tanjore in Tamil Nadu,
it went up to 80% to 85% of the crop.
 Furthermore, the landlord paid mostly for land
revenue, leaving the tenant to shoulder the whole
expense of production.
z In addition to the rent demand, landlords used a
variety of illegal exactions in cash, kind, or labour
(begar), putting a heavy load on the peasant.
z The colonial states and dominant elements of rural
society’s high expectations of the cultivator resulted
in the peasantry’s extreme indebtedness.
z At the time of independence Ownership of land
was highly concentrated, Land was not organized
and thus a number of small fragments existed.
Cultivators often had to supplement their farm income
by working as hired labourers like their poorer
landless counterparts.
13.2 PHASES OF LAND REFORM
z After independence, there were generally two phases
to the land reform process.
z The first phase, sometimes known as the
institutional reform phase, began shortly after
independence and lasted until the early 1960s,
focusing on the following characteristics:
 Abolition of intermediaries—zamindars, jagirdars,
etc.;
 Tenancy reforms;
 Ceilings on size of landholdings;
 Cooperativization and community development
programmes.
z The second phase beginning around the mid- or
late 1960s saw the gradual ushering in of the
so-called Green Revolution and has been seen as
the phase of technological reforms.
 The two phases are not to be divided into rigid
watertight compartments. In fact, they were
complementary to each other and there was a
fair degree of overlap in the programmes followed
during these phases.
Note: We have discussed the green revolution and its
related aspects in detail in the next chapter
13.2.1 Zamindari Abolition
z The main aim of the abolition of intermediaries was
to bring the cultivator into a direct relationship
with the government.
z By 1949, zamindari abolition bills were introduced
in a number of provinces with the report of the
UP-Zamindari Abolition Committee acting as the
initial model for many others.
z However, contrary to the expectations of the
constitution’s framers, zamindars in several parts of
the country questioned the legitimacy of the provision
allowing zamindari abolition.
z The government responded by getting the
constitutional amendments passed (first, fourth
and seventeenth) and strengthening the hands of
the State legislatures by making the question of
 violation of any fundamental right or insufficiency of
compensation not permissible in the courts.
z The abolition of zamindari was quite successful and
about two crore erstwhile tenants became landowners.
z Issues with zamindari abolition: The lack of
appropriate land records posed a significant
challenge in implementing the zamindari abolition
legislation, which had been passed in most provinces
by 1956.
z However, there were some significant flaws in the
way some of the Zamindari abolition clauses were
executed in various sections of the country.
 In Uttar Pradesh, for example, zamindars were
allowed to keep territories deemed to be under
their “personal cultivation.”
 In effect, however, this meant that even zamindars
who were absentee landowners could now keep
enormous areas of the property. Furthermore, in
many locations, zamindars resorted to large-scale
eviction of tenants, primarily the less secure small
tenants, in order to declare as large a proportion of
their lands as possible under ‘personal cultivation.’
z Even after the laws were passed, landlords used the
judicial system to postpone the implementation.
 In Bihar, where landlords were the most vocal, they
attempted to obstruct the law’s implementation
even after losing their case in the Supreme Court
twice.
13.2.2 Tenancy Reforms
z Under the Zamindari and Ryotwari systems, tenancy
cultivation had been quite common in India.
z There were broadly three categories of tenants:
1. Occupancy tenants-They enjoyed permanent and
heritable rights on the land. They had the security
of tenure and could claim compensation from the
landlords for any improvement on the land.
2. Tenants at will: They did not have the security
of tenure, were made to pay exorbitant rent to
the landlords and could be evicted from the land
whenever the landlord so desired.
3. The Sub tenants were appointed by the
occupancy tenants.
z The tenancy reforms were introduced in the 1950s
and 60’s and the main objectives of the reforms were:
 To guarantee the security of tenure to tenants who
had cultivated a piece of land continuously for a
fixed number of years, say six years – met only
with limited success.
 To seek the reduction of rents paid by tenants to a
fair level which was generally considered to range
between one-fourth to one-sixth of the value of the
gross produce of the leased land.
82
z Only the upper stratum of tenantry which
had secured occupancy rights and was often
indistinguishable from a landowner, was able to
enforce the payment of legal rates of rent.
z The tenant should gain the right to ownership of the
lands he cultivated subject to certain restrictions –
achieved only partially.
z Even after tenants received legal protection from
eviction, large-scale evictions occurred.
 For example, the Planning Commission’s Panel on
Land Reforms noted in 1956 that between 1948
and 1951, the number of protected tenants in the
state of Bombay fell from 1.7 million to 1.3 million,
a decrease of more than 23%; between 1951 and
1955, the number fell by about 57% in the state
of Hyderabad.
Evaluation of Tenancy Reforms:
z Tenancy legislations in many situations resulted
in tenancy being forced underground, that is,
continuing in a disguised form.
z The tenants were renamed ‘farm servants,’ but
their status remained unchanged.
 Tenants were frequently converted to
sharecroppers in the early years of land reform
since, surprise, the latter were not treated as
tenants and so were not protected by existing
tenancy regulations in some areas such as Uttar
Pradesh.
 Only cash renters were considered tenants, not
those who paid fixed produce rents or a percentage
of the total yield as rent, i.e., sharecroppers.
z Tenancy reforms were particularly successful in the
states of West Bengal and Kerala.
z In West Bengal, Operation Barga 1977 was
launched for tenancy reforms.
z Tenancy laws by and large failed to provide security
of tenure to tenants.
z Reduction of rent to a fair level was almost impossible
to achieve as often market determined rents were
always higher than those mentioned in legislation.
Limitations of Tenancy Reform
z The first goal of tenancy regulation in India,
ensuring the security of tenure to all renters, have
had minimal success. While a significant proportion
of tenants did obtain security, a vast number remained
unsecured.
z All states passed legislation governing the rent that
agricultural renters might pay. In practice, however,
market rents in practically every section of the country
tended to be around 50% of the gross produce.
Post Independence India
  Furthermore, the renter frequently ended up
covering the full or substantial cost of the
production inputs.
z The acquisition of ownership rights by renters, the
third goal of tenancy legislation in India, was also only
partially fulfilled. The application of
 Landowners’ right to resumption, legal and illegal
evictions, ‘voluntary’ surrenders, shift to oral and/
or disguised tenancy, and other factors degraded
the potential of successfully attaining this goal.
13.2.3 Ceilings on Size of landholdings
z Ceilings were proposed to make land distribution
more equitable. However, it met with many difficulties,
such as:
 High Ceiling limits: In many states, ceilings fixed
were very high.
 Further, in most areas, ceilings were placed on
individuals and not on families.
 Exemption clause: Benami transactions were
also made to escape the ceiling. Further, many
exemption clauses were added, which made the
ceiling imposition with many loopholes.
z It could be implemented with some success only in
Jammu and Kashmir.
z To make the ceiling legislation more effective, the
government also brought the 34 Constitutional
Amendment Act to the Constitution and included the
revised ceiling laws in the Ninth Schedule.
z With this renewed effort in the 1970s, some success
was achieved in the redistribution of the surplus land.
z However, still only 2% of the cultivable area could
be redistributed.
z There was a political and economic crisis in the mid-
1960s, such as inflation, devaluation, the Indo-Pak
war, and so on, and a significant strand of agrarian
radicalism formed in broad portions of the country.
z In this context, the 1970s witnessed the rise of the
‘land grab’ movement by landless people in many
sections of the country, led by the Communist and
Socialist parties.
z As a result, the National Development Council’s ‘Land
Reform Implementation Committee’ worked tirelessly
to put pressure on Chief Ministers to close gaps in land
reform legislation and properly implement it.
z Following the 1972 guidelines, most states enacted
new ceiling legislation, decreasing the ceiling
restrictions within the guidelines range.
 Resistance to the ceiling rules and attempts
to circumvent them continued in a number of
ways. One popular approach was to seek court
intervention on a variety of grounds.
Land Reforms and Cooperatives
 To combat this threat, the government enacted
the 34th Constitutional Amendment, which
incorporated the majority of the amended ceiling
laws in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, where
they could not be challenged on constitutional
grounds.
z Furthermore, the Land Reforms Division of the
Ministry of Rural Development launched two officially
supported projects to address the issues inherent in
manual processes of land record maintenance and
updating.
z Land Records Computerization (LRC): It began
in 1988-89 as a pilot initiative with 100% financial
assistance in eight districts of Telangana, Assam,
Jharkhand, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Odisha, and Rajasthan.
 The Ministry of Rural Development expanded it to
259 more districts under the Ninth Five-Year Plan.
In 2007, the system was adopted in 582 districts
throughout the country.
z Improving Revenue Administration and Updating
Land Records (SRA and ULR): Started in 1987, the
scheme was initially approved for the states of Bihar
and Orissa before being expanded to other states and
union territories.
Weaknesses in Land Ceiling Legislation
z Because of the lengthy wait, as well as the nature of
the legislation, the ceilings had limited influence,
releasing little surplus land for redistribution. Most
states’ ceiling legislation, on the whole, has significant
flaws.
 First, in a country where more than 70% of
landholdings were less than 5 acres, the states’
ceilings on existing holdings were extremely high.
 It ranged from 27 to 312 acres in Andhra Pradesh,
50 acres in Assam, and 15 to 37.5 acres in Kerala.
z Furthermore, in most states, the restrictions were
first placed on the individual rather than family
holdings, allowing landowners to break up their
holdings “notionally” in the names of relatives solely
to circumvent the ceiling.
z Following the Second Plan’s suggestions that
specific categories of land be exempted from
restrictions, most states allowed a considerable
number of exemptions to the ceiling limits.
 These included tea, coffee, and rubber plantations,
orchards, specialty farms involved in cattle
breeding, dairying, wool raising, and so on,
sugarcane fields controlled by sugar mills, and
successfully managed farms where substantial
investments had been made.
z However, the exemptions were frequently taken to
absurd lengths, with Tamil Nadu reportedly allowing
twenty-six different types of exemptions.
83
  In any case, criteria like ‘efficiently managed farm’
were sufficiently ambiguous for a large number
of landholders to avoid the ceilings by simply
declaring themselves ‘efficient.’
Critical Analysis Of First Phase Of Land Reforms
z Land reforms did not yield the same dramatic
outcomes as they did in other regions of the world,
such as China, where communes were established.
z Increased investment in Agriculture: They did,
however, lead to a significant degree of self-cultivation
and, as a result, increased investment in agriculture
to improve output.
z It also succeeded in eradicating feudal characteristics
from Indian agriculture.
z There were undoubtedly additional grounds for the
reforms’ failure.
 Increasing Population: As the population grew,
tiny benefits in the form of redistribution and
ceilings became useless.
 Lacking Industrialization: The surplus workforce
was likewise not absorbed by industrialization.
13.3 BHOODAN MOVEMENT
z Bhoodan advocated for voluntary land redistribution.
This movement was started in 1951 by Acharya
Vinoba Bhave, a Gandhian social worker.
 He founded the federation of constructive workers
‘Sarvodya Samaj.’
z He and his supporters embarked on a foot march
(padayatra) to persuade major landowners to donate
at least 1/6th of their property for redistribution to
the landless.
 The goal was 50 million acres, or 1/6th of the
300 million acres of land available.
z The campaign began in the village of Pochapalli in the
Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh.
z During its early years, the campaign was quite
successful, collecting almost 4 million acres of
land as a donation by March 1956.
 Following this, the initiative lost steam, and very
little new land was donated.
 Furthermore, a large portion of the given land was
either unsuited for cultivation or was the subject
of dispute.
 Perhaps this was one of the reasons why, by the end
of 1957, only roughly 654,000 acres of Bhoodan
land had been dispersed to 200,000 families out
of the nearly 4.5 million acres available. Around
872,000 acres of land had been distributed by
early 1961.
z The movement, however, lost steam after a while.
Furthermore, the majority of the donated land was
either contested or unsuited for farming.
84
z In 1955, Bhoodan Movement had taken a new form
into the Gramdaan Movement.
Fig. 13.1: Vinoba Bhave during Bhoodan movement
13.3.1 Gramdaan Movement
z It was inspired by Gandhi’s belief that all village
land belongs to Gopal or God, and that all land
in a Gramdan village belongs to all residents
collectively.
z The movement began in Orissa, where it was
most successful. This movement, it is claimed, arose
primarily in areas where class distinction had not yet
been established.
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Critically discuss the objectives of the Bhoodan and
Gramdan movements initiated by Acharya Vinoba
Bhave and their success. (2013)
13.4 COOPERATIVIZATION AND
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMS
z Though it had been suggested by J C Kumarappa’s
Agrarian Reforms Committee, the first 5-year plan
set the groundwork for India’s cooperative movement.
z According to the committee, “the State should be
able to compel the application of differing degrees
of cooperation for different forms of farming.”
 Thus, while the family farmer must use the
multipurpose cooperative society for marketing,
credit, and other purposes, the below-basic holder
must cultivate his farm in collaboration with such
other holders.
z The first five-year plan took a more measured
approach, recommending that small and medium-
sized farms, in particular, be encouraged and aided
to become cooperative farming groups.
z The government prioritised service cooperatives, and
cooperative farming was only practised on a voluntary
basis in mature conditions.
z Critical analysis: For a variety of reasons, the
movement was unable to flourish.
 Proxy farmers: To get around land ceiling rules,
wealthy farmers used proxy members.
Post Independence India
  Misappropriation of funds: These were used by
the wealthy to obtain enormous financial support
from the government in the form of subsidies,
agricultural seeds, fertilisers, and other items.
 Politicization: Credit societies and other service
cooperatives were generally effective, but they
were limited by the fact that they, too, slipped into
the hands of the rural elite and were politicised.
 Lacking Motivation: Instead of being truly
motivated, the pilot cooperative farms were
operated like any other government-sponsored
initiative.
13.4.1 Cooperatives
z The cooperative sector was supposed to cover a range
of important areas in the First Plan (1951-56) such
as agriculture, small-scale manufacturing, housing,
and so on.
z The prevention of economic power accumulation, wider
dispersal of ownership of productive capital, active
participation of citizens in development programmes,
and elimination of poverty and unemployment
are all important objectives of cooperative sector
development.
z When the Cooperative Credit Societies Act was passed
in India for the first time in 1904, the cooperative
concept became a reality.
 In 1912, the Cooperative Societies Act was
passed, allowing non-credit societies and
cooperative federations to be registered.
z In 1949, the Congress Agrarian Reforms Committee,
commonly known as the Kumarappa Committee,
suggested that states be given the authority to impose
different levels of cooperation for various types of
farming.
z The First 5-year Plan took a cautious approach
when advocating that small and medium-sized farms
be encouraged and aided in forming cooperative
agricultural societies.
z The Second Plan sounded upbeat, emphasising the
importance of taking important efforts to establish
the groundwork for the development of cooperative
farming.
 With the goal of bringing a significant amount of
agricultural land under cooperative farming over
a ten-year period.
z In the Nagpur Session of 1959, the Congress party
enacted the Nagpur Resolution, which envisioned
an agrarian pattern based on joint cooperative farming
in the future, and it stipulated that such a pattern be
realised within three years.
z The Third Plan demonstrated a shift in attitude
toward cooperative farming, advocating a modest goal
of establishing 10 pilot projects in each region.
Land Reforms and Cooperatives
z As a result, through the community development
movement, cooperative farming was gradually made
dependent on general agricultural efforts as well as
developments in credit, marketing, distribution, and
processing.
13.4.2 Story of Amul
z Amul began the dairy cooperative movement in India
and formed an apex cooperative organization, Gujarat
Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation Ltd (GCMMF),
which today is jointly owned by some 2.2 million milk
producers in Gujarat, India.
Fig. 13.2: Dr. Verghese Kurien inspecting factor of AMUL
z Dr. Verghese Kurien, founder chairman of the Gujarat
cooperative milk marketing federation, is the man
behind the success of AMUL.
z It is based in Anand town of Gujarat and has been
a sterling example of a co-operative organization’s
success in the long term.
z The Amul Pattern has established itself as a uniquely
appropriate model for rural development.
z Amul has spurred the White Revolution of India or
Operation Flood, which has made India one of the
largest milk producers in the world.
Impact of Success of Amul
z Women’s Empowerment: Women’s empowerment
was aided by Operation Flood. With the support of
NGOs like SEWA, Operation Flood was able to build
about 6,000 women’s dairy cooperative groups.
z Spillover Impact: Other cooperatives were affected
by Operation Flood as well. Cooperatives for fruit and
vegetable growers, oilseed cultivators, small-scale salt
producers, and tree growers, all of which were started
by the NDDB, were doing exceptionally well.
Analysis of Cooperative Movement in India
z Overall service cooperatives fared better than
farming cooperatives. Nonetheless, there were many
shortcomings in service cooperatives.
z The caste-based hierarchical system was
strengthened by service cooperatives.
 Cooperative leaders are generally selected from
the trading and money-lending communities.
85
z Exclusion of Landless: The National Commission
on Agriculture discovered in 1971, the landless were
virtually excluded from obtaining credit through
credit cooperatives.
z Loans failure: Failure to repay loans was a key
problem for credit cooperatives, resulting in a high
percentage of overdue.
z Contrary to popular belief, the wealthy and landowners
were more likely to default than the poor and small
farmers.
The combined effect of zamindari abolition, tenancy
legislation, and ceiling legislation in the direction of
accomplishing one of the key goals of land reform, namely
the establishment of progressive cultivators making
investments and improving output, was significant. As
early as 1968, economist Daniel Thorner observed that
despite all the evasions, leakages, loopholes, and so on,
“many millions of cultivators who had previously been
weak tenants or tenants-at-will were empowered to
become superb tenants or virtual owners.”
13.5 PRESENT STATUS OF LAND
REFORMS IN INDIA
z Committee on state agrarian relations and the
unfinished task in land reforms: The group, which
was formed in 2008, found that inferior quality
land was relinquished or taken over, which became
more of a liability. It proposed that the land ceiling
limits in several categories be reviewed urgently and
implemented retroactively.
z It advocated vehemently for the full implementation
of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional
Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act
of 2006.
z It also emphasised the representation of women,
particularly SC/ST women, in bodies established to
supervise land reforms.
v v
86
13.5.1 Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation
and Resettlement Act, 2013
z Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Act, 2013: It went into effect on January 1. 01. 2014
by repealing the British Land Acquisition Act of 1894.
z The act intends to give farmers appropriate and fair
compensation through a unified national law while
also ensuring that no land is seized forcibly.
z It requires that the acquisition procedure be carried
out in conjunction with the local self-government and
gram sabhas in order to cause as little disruption
as possible to the landowners and other impacted
households.
z It establishes a ‘Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation, and
Resettlement Authority’ to expedite the resolution of
disputes.
z The Act emphasises the importance of conducting a
Social Impact Assessment (SIA) prior to the start of
any project.
z The interests of SC/ST property owners are protected
through the provision of special rehabilitation
packages for them.
z The Act’s requirements on compensation,
rehabilitation, and resettlement (R&R) do not apply to
Special Economic Zones, etc. The measure also made
compensations excessively exorbitant, preventing
investments in numerous enterprises and affecting
infrastructure projects.
#OpinionMaters
The perception of the effects of liberalisation and
opening the economy is what has sparked a fresh
interest in land problems. Do you think a fresh
viewpoint should be applied to the topics of tenancy,
the land ceiling, and land management?
v
Post Independence India
 14 Green Revolution
z On the agrarian front, the comprehensive land
reform measures initiated soon after independence,
the setting up of a massive network for agricultural
extension and community development work at the
village level, the large infrastructural investment in
irrigation, power, agricultural research, and so on, had
created the conditions for considerable agricultural
growth in this period.
z In popular parlance, the Green Revolution is
associated with India’s transformation from a
chronically food-short country with a begging-
bowl image to one that was self-sufficient and, over
time, even surplus in food.
z The notion that Indian agriculture was neglected
throughout the ‘Nehru years,’ that is, from
independence until his death in 1964, or that the
emphasis was solely on institutional reforms rather
than the technological foundation for agriculture, is
gradually being rejected.
 True, in the early years of the first two Plans,
expectations of output increases based on
institutional reforms, particularly when
accompanied by cooperative farming, were
relatively high and proved to be incorrect.
z Despite a creditable 3% annual expansion in
agricultural output between 1949 and 1965, India
had been experiencing food shortages since the
mid-1950s and the country was in the grip of a crisis
by the mid-1960s. In the early 1960s, agricultural
growth began to slow.
z At the same time, there were two conflicts with
China (1962) and Pakistan (1965), as well as
two consecutive drought years in 1965-66,
which resulted in a 17% decrease in agricultural
productivity and a 20% decrease in food output.
z Food prices skyrocketed, climbing at a pace of
roughly 20% per year between 1965 and 1968.
z In 1966, India was compelled to buy more than 10
million tonnes of food grains. In this time of crisis,
with famine spreading across the country, particularly
in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, the US has threatened
to back out of food export agreements with India.
 Given this mid-1960s environment, economic self-
reliance, particularly food self-sufficiency, became
the top priority objective of Indian economic
policy, as well as foreign policy.
14.1 START OF GREEN REVOLUTION
z Critical inputs such as high-yield variety (HYV)
seeds (the suitability of the high-yielding Mexican
dwarf wheat to Indian conditions proved to be an
extremely timely scientific breakthrough), chemical
fertilisers and pesticides, agricultural machineries
such as tractors, pump-sets, etc., soil-testing
facilities, agricultural education programmes, and
institutional credit were concentrated on areas with
assured irrigation and other natural and institutional
advantages.
z Agriculture investment increased considerably.
Between 1968 and 1973, the amount of institutional
funding available to agriculture more than doubled.
 The Agricultural Prices Commission was
established in 1965, and efforts were made to
ensure that farmers had a market with stable
remunerative prices.
 Public investment, institutional finance,
remunerative prices, and the availability of new
technology at affordable prices increased the
profitability of farmer-private investment, causing
overall gross capital formation in agriculture
to accelerate.
 This was reflected in the pace of increase in gross
irrigated area, which increased from around
1 million hectares per year prior to the Green
Revolution to about 2.5 million hectares per year
throughout the 1970s.
z Within a short time, the consequences of this new
strategy became visible.
 Foodgrain production increased by 35%
during 1967-1968 and 1970-1971. Again, from
1964-65 and 1971-72, aggregate food output
climbed from 89 to 112 million tonnes, a 10%
increase per capita.
 Food availability grew from 73.5 million tonnes to
99.5 million tonnes during the same period, while
net food imports decreased from 10.3 million
tonnes in 1966 to 3.6 million tonnes in 1970.
z By the 1980s, India was not only self-sufficient in food,
with buffer reserves of more than 30 million tonnes,
but it was also exporting food to repay previous debts
or as loans to food-deficit countries.
 This comfortable scenario enabled India to deal
with the severe and widespread droughts in
1987 and 1988 without the large-scale external
assistance required in the mid-1960s.
14.2 PHASES OF GREEN REVOLUTION
z Phase I (1966 - 72): Throughout 1966, India requested
the shipment of 18,000 tonnes of HYV wheat seeds,
which were distributed in Punjab, Haryana, and
western Uttar Pradesh’s highly irrigated areas.
Fig. 14.1: Extent of Green revolution
during its first phase
z Phase II (1973 - 80): The spread of the green
revolution to new areas in eastern UP, Andhra Pradesh,
coastal Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu was aided by the
extension of HYV technology from wheat to rice,
which was aided by the growth of tube wells (both
private and public).
z Phase III (1981 - 90): The green revolution spread
to West Bengal’s eastern region, Bihar, Assam, and
Odisha, which were formerly low-growth areas.
z By the end of the third phase, the coefficient of variation
of output growth levels and yield (per hectare) levels
between states had decreased significantly compared
to previous decades.
 This period thus witnessed not only a significant
overall (all-India) acceleration of agricultural
output growth, reaching an unprecedented growth
rate of 3.4 per cent per year, but also a much more
diversified growth pattern, significantly reducing
regional inequality by increasing the spread of
rural prosperity.
88
14.3 ACHIEVEMENTS OF GREEN
REVOLUTION
z The Green Revolution raised food grain production
from 74 MT in 1966-67 to 105 MT in 1971-72, and
India became self-sufficient in that year, with grain
imports falling to practically nil.
z Reduced Import of Food Grains: India became self-
sufficient in food grains and had enough stock in the
central pool that it was even able to export food grains
at times.
z Benefits to the Farmers: Farmers were able to
increase their income after the Green Revolution was
implemented.
 Farmers re-invested their extra revenue in order
to boost agricultural output.
z Benefit to small farmers: Far from forcing the
small farmer into the ranks of the landless, the Green
Revolution helped him to survive.
 With the use of new technologies, improved seeds,
and other agricultural inputs, the small farmer
became more viable and did not need to sell out
to a distressed large farmer.
 Tenants and sharecroppers, who lacked tenure
security, were likely the sole losers. Rents and
land values grew dramatically in places where
the Green Revolution extended, putting strain
on these segments.
z Industrial Growth: The Revolution ushered in large-
scale farm mechanisation, resulting in increased
demand for tractors, harvesters, threshers, combines,
diesel engines, electric motors, pumping sets, and
other devices.
z Rural Employment: Due to multiple cropping and
fertiliser use, there was a significant increase in the
demand for labour.
z It must be acknowledged that, in addition to
maintaining agricultural growth rates, the critical
impact of the Green Revolution was the rapid
expansion in the marketable surplus of food
grains.
 It was the marketable surpluses as a result
of the Green Revolution that enabled the
government to acquire food internally and build
up massive food stocks.
 The food requirements generated by a rapid
industrial development strategy, the rapidly
rising urban and general population, and the
periodic food-deficit zones may now be satisfied
internally.
z By constructing linked facilities such as factories and
hydroelectric power plants, the Green Revolution
provided a large number of jobs, not only for
agricultural labourers but also for industrial workers.
Post Independence India
  Mechanization in agriculture fostered urban
manufacturing employment because practically
all agricultural apparatus and equipment were
produced locally over time.
z Poverty alleviation schemes: The surplus stockpiles
of food grain made available as a result of the agricultural
revolution enabled large-scale employment-
generating poverty alleviation programmes to be
launched, particularly in agriculturally backward
areas.
14.4 ISSUES WITH THE GREEN
REVOLUTION
z Produced water-intensive crops: Cereals, for
example, accounted for nearly half of the dietary
water footprint.
 Punjab is a major wheat and rice-growing region,
and as a result, it is one of India’s most water-
scarce areas.
z Heavy use of chemicals: Pesticides and synthetic
nitrogen fertilisers were widely used during the Green
Revolution to boost irrigation projects and crop types.
z Soil Degradation: The soil’s nutrients were depleted
as a result of repeated crop cycles in order to ensure
higher crop yield.
 Farmers boosted fertilizer use to match the
demands of new types of seeds.
 Because of the use of these alkaline compounds,
the pH of the soil has risen.
z Regional Disparity: Green Revolution has resulted in
increasing gaps in economic development within and
between regions.
z The green revolution spread only in irrigated and
high-potential rainfed areas. The villages or regions
without access to sufficient water were left out, which
widened the regional disparities between adopters
and non-adopters.
 Punjab, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh in
the north, and Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu
in the south, are the most benefited regions from
the green revolution.
v v
Green Revolution
 It has largely avoided Assam, Bihar, West
Bengal, and Orissa, as well as dry and semi-arid
portions of Western and Southern India.
z It has hardly touched the Eastern region, including
Assam, Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa and arid and
semi-arid areas of Western and Southern India.
z Health Hazards: Phosphamidon, Methomyl, Phorate,
Triazophos, and Monocrotophos, among other
chemical fertilisers and pesticides, have been linked
to a range of serious ailments, including cancer, renal
failure, stillbirth, and birth deformities.
z Disguised employment: The rate of increase in
agricultural employment that accompanied growth
slowed in the later stages of the Green Revolution,
implying that the employment elasticity of output
growth declined.
14.5 NEED OF EVERGREEN REVOLUTION
z The Green Revolution’s benefits came at the expense
of negative environmental consequences in areas
where intensive farming was practised.
 When population pressure is high, however, there
is little choice but to produce more food.
z As a result, Dr M S Swaminathan, India’s Father of the
Green Revolution, emphasised the necessity for the
Evergreen Revolution.
z Productivity is expected to rise as a result of the
Evergreen Revolution but in ecologically friendly,
economically viable, and socially sustainable ways.
#OpinionMaters
A section applauds the introduction of the green
revolution as it reduced rural poverty in India. But
why despite the success of the green revolution health
outcomes have not been improved in India?
PREVIOUS YEAR QUESTION (MAINS)
1. Why did the Green Revolution in India virtually
bypass the eastern region despite fertile soil and
good availability of water? (2014)
v
89
 Indian Economy Since
15 Independence
z Independence brought dreams of not just individuals,
but also economic, social and political freedom. India’s
independence was in itself a turning point in its
economic history. The country was hopelessly poor
as a result of the steady deindustrialization by Britain.
z Aside from acute poverty, illiteracy, and destroyed
agriculture and industry, colonialism’s structural
distortions in the Indian economy and society made
the future shift to self-sustaining prosperity much
more difficult.
 Less than a sixth of Indians were literate. The
abject poverty and sharp social differences had
cast doubts on India’s survival as one nation.
z This legacy of colonial structuring was what
independent India had to erase in order to establish
conditions for fast industrial development.
 The undertaking of achieving a modern industrial
transition two centuries after the first industrial
revolution and nearly a century after several other
countries had industrialised was enormous.
 Cambridge historian Angus Maddison’s work
shows that India’s share of world income shrank
from 22.6% in 1700—almost equal to Europe’s
share of 23.3%—to 3.8% in 1952.
15.1 CAPITALIST VERSUS SOCIALIST
ECONOMY
z The Indian leadership faced significant challenges in
ensuring the well-being and economic development,
and in order to achieve these goals, they used one of
two economic development models:
1. The liberal–capitalist model used in the United
States and Europe, and
2. The socialist model was used in the Soviet Union.
z The political leadership believed that since
planning was not possible in a market economy,
the state and public sector would inevitably play a
leading role in economic progress.
z Under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s
greatest champion of planned economic development,
the National Planning Committee (NPC) was
established in 1938, and over the next decade drew up
a comprehensive development plan, with its various
subcommittees producing twenty-nine volumes of
recommendations.
z The Industrial Policy Resolution of 1948 proposed
a mixed economy.
z Earlier, the Bombay Plan, proposed by eight
influential industrialists including J.R.D Tata and G.D.
Birla envisaged a substantial public sector with
state interventions and regulations in order to
protect indigenous industries.
z Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s development
model envisaged a dominant role of the state as an
all-pervasive entrepreneur and financier of private
businesses.
z In 1955, at the Avadi session in Tamilnadu, the
Congress party passed a resolution to implement
the Socialist economic model in India.
15.2 PLANNING COMMISSION AND 1ST
FIVE-YEAR PLAN
z India set up the Planning Commission in 1950
to oversee the entire range of planning, including
resource allocation, implementation and appraisal of
five-year plans.
 The five-year plans were centralized economic
and social growth programmes modelled after
those prevalent in the USSR.
z India’s first five-year plan, launched in 1951,
focused on agriculture and irrigation to boost farm
output as India was losing precious foreign reserves
on food-grain imports.
z It was based on the Harrod-Domar model that
sought to boost economic growth through higher
savings and investments.
15.3 STRATEGY FOR INDUSTRIALIZATION
AND NEHRUVIAN CONSENSUS
z Industrial Policy 1948: It defined the broad contours
of the policy delineating the role of the State in
industrial development both as an entrepreneur and
authority
 It made clear that India is going to have a Mixed
Economic Model.
z The Industrial Policy of 1948 emphasised the role of cottage and small-scale Industries in economic
development.
z It classified industries into four broad areas:
1 Strategic Industries z It included three industries in which the Central Government had a
(Public Sector): monopoly. These included Arms and ammunition, atomic energy and
Rail transport.
2 Basic/Key Industries z Six industries viz. coal, iron & steel, aircraft manufacturing, ship-building,
(Public-cum-Private Sector): manufacture of telephone, telegraph & wireless apparatus, and mineral
oil were designated as “Key Industries” or “Basic Industries”. These
industries were to be set up by the Central Government. However, the
existing private-sector enterprises were allowed to continue.
3 Important Industries z It included 18 industries including heavy chemicals, sugar, cotton textile &
(Controlled Private Sector): woollen industry, cement, paper, salt, machine tools, fertiliser, rubber, air
and sea transport, motor, tractor, electricity etc. These industries continue
to remain under the private sector however, the central government, in
consultation with the state government, had general control over them.
4 Other Industries z All other industries which were not included in the above-mentioned
(Private and Cooperative three categories were left open for the private sector.
Sector):

15.3.1 2nd and 3rd five-year Plan
z The famed Nehru-Mahalanobis (Professor P.C.
Mahalanobis played a significant role in designing the
Second Plan) development strategy was implemented
with the Second Plan (1956-61) and was continued
in the Third Plan (1961–66).
z The second five-year plan (1956-61) with a focus
on industries laid the foundation for economic
modernization to better serve India’s long-term
growth imperatives.
 The Mahalanobis plan was, in a way, an invocation
of the spirit of Swadeshi or self-reliance.
 The rapid development of heavy and capital goods
industries in India, primarily in the public sector,
was a key component of this plan.
 The second plan set a target to produce 6 million
tonnes of steel.
z Import substitution in this area was seen as
a necessity not only because it was thought to
be critical for self-reliance and reducing external
dependence, but also because it was assumed that
Indian exports could not grow fast enough to allow
for the import of the necessary capital goods and
machinery — an export pessimism that has since been
criticised, though it was widely accepted at the time.
z The move in favour of heavy industry was to be
accompanied by the promotion of labour-intensive
small and cottage enterprises for consumer goods
manufacture.
 This, as well as labour-absorbing and capital-
creating community enterprises in agriculture
pushed through community development
programmes and agricultural cooperatives, were
seen as urgent remedies to the rising problem
of unemployment, without requiring the state to
make major investments.
z Emergence of Licence Raj: The second five-year
Plan and the Industrial Policy Resolution 1956 (long
considered the economic constitution of India) paved
the way for the development of the public sector and
ushered in the Licence Raj.
z Profounding Socialism: The resolution set out as
a national objective the establishment of a socialist
pattern of society.
15.3.2 3rd Five-year Plan, Focus on
Steel and Power Industries: New
Temples of India
z Nehru identified power and steel as the key bases
for planning. He described the 680ft Bhakra multi-
purpose project as the new temple of a resurgent
India.
z The politics of big dams aside, the huge Bhakra-Nangal
dams are among several hydel projects India built to
light up homes, run factories, and irrigate crops.
15.3.3 Industrial Policy 1956
z Government revised its first Industrial Policy (i.e.
The policy of 1948) through the Industrial Policy
of 1956.
z It was regarded as the “Economic Constitution of
India” or “The Bible of State Capitalism”.

Indian Economy Since Independence 91

z IPR, 1956 classified industries into three categories:
Consisting of 17 industries was the
exclusive responsibility of the State. Out
of these 17 industries, four industries,
namely arms and ammunition, atomic
Schedule A
energy, railways and air transport had
Central Government monopolies; new
units in the remaining industries were
developed by the State Governments.
Consisting of 12 industries, was
open to both the private and public
Schedule B
sectors; however, such industries were
progressively State Owned.
All the other industries not included
in these two Schedules constituted the
third category which was left open to
Schedule C
the private sector. However, the State
reserved the right to undertake any
type of industrial production.
z The IPR 1956, stressed the importance of cottage
and small-scale industries for expanding employment
opportunities and for wider decentralization of
economic power and activity.
15.4 ACHIEVEMENTS OF INDIAN
ECONOMY DURING NEHRU ERA
z Significant progress was accomplished on various
fronts during the initial phase of the development
effort, which spanned the first three Five-Year Plans,
i.e., by the mid-1960s.
z In comparison to the colonial period, the general
economy functioned admirably.
 Between 1951 and 1964-65, India’s national
income or Gross National Product (GNP) rose at
an annual pace of roughly 4% (excluding the final
year of the Third Plan, 1965-66, which saw an
exceptional drought and a war).
z Performance of 1 five-year plan: The plan was a
success, with the economy growing at an annualized
3.6%, beating the target of 2.1%.
 The entire educational system was left untouched
and unreformed and could not reach the masses.
z The rise in savings and investment rates was a
significant achievement during this time period.
 Based on very inadequate data, the initial outline
of the Fourth Plan indicated that domestic savings
and total investment in the Indian economy were
both 5.5 per cent of national revenue in 1950-
51, growing to 10.5% and 14% in 1965-66,
respectively.
92
z On the agrarian front, significant land reform
measures were implemented shortly after
independence.
 Over the first three Plans (excluding 1965-66),
Indian agriculture increased at a rate of more
than 3% per year, a rate 7.5 times greater than
that reached during the last half-century or so of
the colonial period.
z Industry developed faster than agriculture during
the first three Plans, with a compounded annual
growth rate of 7.1% between 1951 and 1965.
Rapid import substitution, initially of consumer
z
products and, later, of capital and intermediate
goods, was the foundation of industrial growth.
 Import substitution in this area was seen as an
imperative not only because it was thought to be
critical for self-reliance and reduction of external
dependence, also because it was assumed that
Indian exports could not grow fast enough to
enable the import of the necessary capital goods
and machinery.
z Apart from industry and agriculture, the early
planners prioritised infrastructure development,
including education and health, which had hitherto
been neglected. The average real Plan expenditure on
transportation and communication for the first three
Plans was approximately Rs 13 billion, accounting
for approximately 26 per cent of the overall Plan
expenditure in each Plan.
z Performance of 2nd five-year plan: The quest to
quickly industrialize had caused a large reallocation
of funds away from the farm sector. Agriculture outlay
was nearly halved to 14% in the second Plan.
 The Mahalanobis model was exclusively a
supply-side model. There was no recognition of a
possible demand constraint to capital accumulation
and little scope for slackening demand growth to
subvert the growth process.
z Later food shortages worsened, and inflation
spiked. Imports of food grains depleted precious
foreign exchange reserves.
15.5 INDIAN ECONOMY FROM 1965 - 1991
z The war with China exposed India’s economic
weakness. Chronic food shortages and price rises
convinced Lal Bahadur Shastri that India needed
to move away from centralized planning and price
controls.
z Thus, he renewed his focus on agriculture, accepted
a larger role for private enterprise and foreign
investment, and trimmed the erstwhile Planning
Commission’s role.
Post Independence India
15.5.1 Phase-1: The Onset of Economic
Troubles
z The quest to quickly industrialize had caused a large
reallocation of funds away from the farm sector.
Agriculture outlay was nearly halved to 14% in the
second Plan.
z Failure of Monsoon and inflation: Two consecutive
monsoon failures in 1965 and 1966 added to the
pressure on agriculture, which was already stagnating,
and resulted in a drop in agricultural output.
 Based on India’s stand on Vietnam the USA refused
to renew the PL-480 (wheat loan) agreement on
a long-term basis
z War Burden: The two conflicts in 1962 (China) and
1965 (Pakistan) resulted in a large surge in defence
spending.
 Resulting in a cumulative fiscal deficit of 7.3 per
cent of GDP for the governments in 1966-67.
z Insufficient Reserve: The already precarious balance
of payments situation deteriorated further, with
foreign exchange reserves (excluding gold) averaging
around $340 million between 1964-65 and 1966-67,
enough to cover fewer than two months of imports.
 The reliance on foreign aid, which had been
increasing over the first three Plans, has now
expanded dramatically due to food shortages and
a bad balance of payments.
z As a result, after 1967, a succession of radical
economic policies was implemented, all of which
would have a long-term impact on India’s development
efforts. Some of these include:
z Nationalization of Financial Institutions: The 14
major private commercial banks were nationalized
on 20 July 1969.
 Insurance was nationalized in 1972.
 Nationalization of the power sector: The coal
industry was nationalized in 1973.
Fig. 15.1: Bank Nationalization
z The main aim of the move was to accelerate bank
lending to agriculture at a time when big businesses
cornered large chunks of the credit flow.
Indian Economy Since Independence
z Promotion of a competitive environment in
Business: Monopoly and Restrictive Trade Practices
Act (MRTP), severely restricting the activities of large
business houses, was passed in 1969.
 Any business group with combined assets
above Rs. 20 crores were declared a monopoly
and effectively debarred from expanding its
business after 1969.
 A series of measures increasing government
control and intervention was introduced.
z The Foreign Exchange and Regulation Act (FERA)
was passed in 1973 putting numerous restrictions
on foreign investment and the functioning of foreign
companies in India, making India one of the most
difficult destinations for foreign capital in the world.
z Acquisition of Sick Firms: The government also
decided to take over and run sick companies, such
as a number of textile mills, rather than allow such
loss-making companies to close down.
z Suspension of five-year Plans: India suspended five-
year plans briefly, drawing up annual plans between
1966 and 1969 instead. This was done as the country
was not in a position to commit resources over a
longer period.
Industrial Policy 1977
z The main thrust of this policy was the effective
promotion of cottage and small industries widely
dispersed in rural areas and small towns.
z In this policy the small sector was classified into three
groups—cottage and household sector, tiny sector and
small-scale industries.
z The 1977 Industrial Policy restricted the scope of large
business houses so that no unit of the same business
group acquired a dominant and monopolistic position
in the market.
Analysis of Phase -1
z Boosting Financial Inclusion: Bank nationalization
helped boost farm credit and lending to other priority
sectors.
z Financial savings jumped as banks were made to
open branches in rural areas. Without competition,
however, the lenders became complacent.
 Politically-influenced lending decisions led to
crony capitalism.
z Countering BoP challenge: On 6 June 1966, Indira
Gandhi took the drastic step of devaluing the Indian
rupee by a sharp 57%. The rupee fell to 7.50 per US
dollar from 4.76.
z This was done to counter India’s significant balance
of payments crisis.
z The devaluation aimed to boost exports amid limited
access to foreign exchange.
93
  The way adopted to address the BoP challenge
and reduce the fiscal deficit was a severe tightening
of the belt, requiring dramatic cuts in government
spending rather than tax hikes.
z Instead, it accelerated inflation and drew wide
criticism.
15.5.2 Phase 2: Reforms And Higher
Growth - 1980-1991
Reforms By Indira Gandhi:
z She initiated big-ticket economic reforms in order to
secure an International Monetary Fund loan.
z The sixth five-year plan (1980-85), in essence, pledged
to undertake a string of measures aimed at boosting
the economy’s competitiveness.
z Delicensing: This meant the removal of price controls,
initiation of fiscal reforms, a revamp of the public
sector, reductions in import duties, and de-licensing
of the domestic industry, or in other words ending
the licence Raj.
Industrial Policy 1980
z Industrial Policy of 1980 sought to promote the
concept of economic federation, to raise the efficiency
of the public sector and to reverse the trend of
industrial production of the past three years and
reaffirmed its faith in the Monopolies and Restrictive
Trade Practices (MRTP) Act and the Foreign Exchange
Regulation Act (FERA).
Era Of Rajiv Gandhi
z The Rajiv Gandhi government (1984 - 89) introduced
certain reforms in the second half of the 1980s like
Relaxation in the grant of licenses, reduction in import
restrictions, Introduction of export incentives, Raised
the MRTP asset limit fivefold to Rs. 100 crores.
z The 1985-86 budget lowered direct taxes for companies
and raised exemption limits for income tax.
z Government relaxed capital markets in 1982-83 to get
more foreign money, particularly from non-resident
Indians.
It helped India achieve a higher growth rate of over
z
5.5 percent of GDP in the 1980s, breaking the previous
three- decade record of 3.5 per cent growth, dubbed
the “Hindu rate of Growth” by Prof. Raj Krishna.
Analysis of Phase-2
z No Fundamental shift in Economy: Rather than a
total transition away from the regime of controls, these
modifications were more akin to loosening controls
and operating them more flexibly than a fundamental
shift away from it.
z Structural Bottleneck not countered: While
the Indian economy appeared to be doing well in
94
the 1980s, long-term structural weaknesses were
developing in the system.
 As a result of widespread industrial control, the
licence raj, the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade
Practices Act (MRTP) 1969, nationalisation of
banks and other industries, self-sufficiency, and
an inward-looking trade policy.
z High Imports: Imports were nearly twice as high as
exports in the second half of the 1980s, resulting in
a massive trade deficit (export earnings were only 55
per cent of imports).
z All of this prompted India to use more and more short-
term borrowings by the late 1980s.
z Weak Macroeconomic indicators: All these led India
towards negative macroeconomic fundamentals.
 Fiscal deficit of 8.4%, current account deficit of
3.1%,
 High inflation of 17%, and huge foreign debt,
among other things, in 1990-91
z All these put a lot of strain on the Balance of Payments
(BoP).
15.6 REFORMATIVE ERA: 1991 ONWARDS
z The 1991 economic crisis, essentially a balance
of payments problem, is generally seen as the
overriding factor that led to the dismantling of the
licence/quota raj.
z Three factors made the economic situation precarious
from January to July 1991:
1. High short-term debt: About $6 billion in short-
term debt was rolled over every 24 hours via
overnight borrowings on foreign capital markets.
2. Hot currency withdrawal: NRI deposits totalling
more than $10 billion began to be hastily
withdrawn.
3. Depleting foreign reserve: By June 1991,
the country’s foreign exchange reserves had
plummeted to just $1 billion, barely enough to
cover imports for a month, let alone debt service
obligations.
15.6.1 Response of RBI
z On 1 July 1991, the Reserve Bank of India lowered
the value of the currency by 9%, and then by 11%
just two days later. This was when the economy was
facing its worst crisis.
z However, Devaluation is no longer a real option
for governments and policymakers as exchange rates
are determined by markets. A currency value is now
calibrated by the central bank.
z To avoid this perilous economic position, India
contacted the World Bank and the IMF for a $7 billion
loan to help handle the crisis.
Post Independence India
z In exchange, these organisations demanded that
India open up its economy by lifting limitations in
several sectors, reducing the role of the government
in numerous areas, and abolishing trade barriers.
z India had no choice but to accept these terms, and the
New Economic Policy was unveiled as a result.
z The policy’s main goal was to lower the barriers to
private enterprises entering the market and make the
economy more competitive.
z In the backdrop of this alarming situation, economic
reforms were introduced.
z These reforms are divided into two categories:
1. Short term: The stabilization measures.
2. Long term: The structural reform measures.
The government implemented a number of initiatives
that fit into three categories: liberalisation, privatisation,
and globalisation, as well as the “LPG Policy.” The first
two are policy strategies, while the third is a result of
those initiatives.
15.6.2 Liberalisation
z Almost all industrial licensing was removed, with the
exception of alcohol, cigarettes, dangerous chemicals,
high-end electronics, aircraft medications, and
pharmaceuticals.
z Defence equipment, atomic energy generation, and
railway transport are the only industries now allocated
for the public sector.
z The market has been permitted to determine
prices in many businesses.
z Financial market reforms: These changes resulted
in the development of private sector banks, as well
as the entry of foreign banks subject to specific
restrictions on FII, such as merchant bankers, mutual
funds, and pension funds, from investing in Indian
financial markets.
z Tax Reforms: Individual income taxes have been
steadily decreasing since 1991. The rate of company
tax has been decreased, and procedures for paying
income tax have been simplified.
z Foreign exchange reforms: The rupee was initially
depreciated against international currencies. This
resulted in a rise in foreign exchange inflows.
 Markets now normally decide exchange rates
based on foreign exchange demand and supply.
z Trade and Investment Policy Reforms: It was
encouraged to improve the efficiency of local
enterprises and to encourage the adoption of
contemporary technologies in order to boost
industrial production competitiveness and attract
foreign investment and technology into the economy.
z Except for hazardous and ecologically sensitive
industries, import licensing was discontinued.
Indian Economy Since Independence
15.6.3 Privatisation
z It means the transfer of government services or
assets to the private sector. State-owned assets may
be sold to private owners, or statutory restrictions on
competition between privately and publicly owned
enterprises may be lifted.
z Reducing burden: Various government-owned firms
have had their ownership and management decreased
or sold off.
z Disinvestment: The government began disinvestment
by selling off PSU equity. The goal of this action was to
increase financial discipline and make modernization
easier.
z Autonomy to PSUs: The government has also
attempted to boost PSU efficiency by allowing them
to make managerial choices on their own.
15.6.4 Globalisation
z Globalization essentially means the integration of
the national economy with the world economy. It
implies a free flow of information, ideas, technology,
goods and services, capital and even people across
different countries and societies.
 It increases connectivity between different
markets in the form of trade, investments and
cultural exchanges.
z Globalization is the result of liberalisation and
privatisation initiatives. Greater interconnection
and integration are associated with globalisation.
z It entails the establishment of networks and activities
that cut beyond economic, social, and geographic
borders.
z Due to globalization is multi-dimensions, have been
formed various outlooks about the impact of it on
culture, and coexistence with different cultures isn’t
possible.
15.7 INDIAN ECONOMY IN THE NEW
MILLENNIUM: 30 YEARS OF LPG
REFORMS
Positive Impacts
z GDP improved: The growth rate of India’s GDP which
had fallen to 0.8 per cent in the crisis year of 1991–92
recovered quickly to 5.3 per cent by 1992–93 and rose
further to 6.2 percent in 1993– 94.
 The GDP growth averaged 7% in the 25 years from
1992 to 2017, compared with an average of 5% in
the preceding ten years and 4% in the preceding
20 years.
95
 Fig. 15.2: Growth of Indian economy between 1870 to 2010
z Reduction in Deficit: The central government’s
fiscal deficit, which had reached 8.3 percent of GDP
in 1990–91, was reduced and averaged roughly 6 per
cent between 1992-97.
z Boom in the external sector: The external sector also
showed considerable improvement. Exports, which
registered a decline of 1.5 per cent in dollar terms
during 1991-92, recovered quickly and maintained an
average growth rate of nearly 20 per cent between
1993-96.
z Poverty situation and Rural distress: The
improvement in the poverty situation was helped by
the fact that the government increased the overall
Social Services and Rural Development expenditure
from 1993–94.
 As growth accelerated, poverty declined.
Between 2004-05 and 2011-12, the last year for
which official data on poverty are available, about
140 million people were pulled above the poverty
line.
z Reduced inflation: The annual rate of inflation,
which touched a high of 17 per cent in August 1991,
was brought down to below 5 per cent in 1996.
z High Standard of Living: With the outbreak of
Globalisation, the Indian economy and the standard
of living of an individual has increased. This change
is notified by the purchasing behaviour of a person,
especially those who are associated with foreign
companies.
z Social Infrastructure: Both male and female life
expectancy have increased significantly. The infant
and maternal mortality rates have also decreased and
India has succeeded in eradicating crippling diseases
such as polio and smallpox.
 According to the latest census data the crude death
rate at all Indian levels has declined significantly
from 9.8 to 6.3 from 1991 to 2017.
96
 The child mortality rate has depicted a perceptible
decline from 26.5 in 1991 to 8.9 in 2017.
z One Less noticeable aspect of economic reforms
is the changes in the social composition of the
entrepreneurial class. The surge in economic growth
led to an expansion in the size and influence of the
Indian middle class.
 The emergence of this stratum has changed
India’s class structure from one characterized
by a sharp contrast between a small elite and a
large improvised mass to one with a substantial
intermediate class.
Negative Impacts Of LPG Reforms
z This is not to say that there were no shortcomings.
Some of the reforms begun in 1991, especially in the
financial sector, have yet to be completed. We have
not done as much as we should have in the health and
education sectors; environmental concerns have not
been adequately built into our development strategy.
z Commanding heights: The private sector was not
allowed to invest in a number of sectors thought to be
critical for development. The so-called “commanding
heights” were reserved for the public sector despite
its lacklustre performance.
z Rising inequalities in income and wealth: The rise
in economic inequality has been consistent and has
been seen in measures of consumption expenditure
as well as incomes.
 Wages of highly skilled employees have shown a
secular upward trend, a large majority of workers,
particularly in the unorganized sector, haven’t seen
wages rise commensurately in real terms.
z Along with a trend towards casualization and
contractualization, there has been a worsening
in employment quality and a lack of social security
even for those employed in the organized sector.
Post Independence India
z Marginalised classes become more vulnerable:
Economic inequality has certainly been a hindrance
for the majority of the poor to benefit from the fruits
of economic reforms.
z The failure of the government to deal with
structural inequality has also created a class of
marginalized and vulnerable people.
z Health and education have also led to further
marginalization of disadvantaged groups from the
mainstream.
z Social Unrest: The net result of the accentuation of
the trend of rising inequality has been social unrest
across social categories and across states.
z Rise of crony capitalism: the reforms have failed to
create a level playing field with crony capitalism, not
just obvious in the case of natural resources such as
petroleum, coal, iron and spectrum, but also among
industries which have seen the opening up of markets
and deregulation.
z Jobless Growth: the non-farm sector, which has been
the engine of growth, has failed to absorb either
those displaced by the agricultural sector or the new
entrants to the labour force.
 The agricultural sector continues to remain the
largest employer with the absolute number of
workers declining only recently.
z The lack of employment opportunities for a large
majority is now reflected in social unrest such as the
clamour for reservation by certain groups such as the
Patidars, Marathas and the Jats.
z The decades prior to 1991 may have been years
of slow growth, but it is equally true that state-
led growth did create capacities which enabled the
economic reforms to reap the benefits of liberalization.
Taxation Reforms
z To remove bottlenecks, the Goods and Services
Tax (GST) was implemented. India is now one of the
few countries to have an indirect tax law that unifies
various central and state tax laws.
z The new system has removed tax barriers across
states and created a single common market, ensuring
a free flow of goods without trucks being halted at
borders for payment of interstate levies.
v v
Indian Economy Since Independence
z GST is expected to bring together state economies and
improve the overall economic growth of the nation.
z In the last four years, our tax base has almost doubled
from 66.25 lacks to 1.28 crore.
15.8 COVID-19 CRISIS AND ATMA-
NIRBHAR BHARAT
z The economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic
in India has been largely disruptive. India’s growth
in the fourth quarter of the fiscal year 2020 went
down to 3.1% according to the Ministry of Statistics.
z According to the World Economic Outlook Report
2021, India’s economy would increase by 12.5
percent in 2021 and 6.9 percent in 2022.
z However, the pandemic has resulted in widespread
unemployment in the informal economy, and poverty
has begun to rise after decades of reduction.
z The migrant labour dilemma has exposed the growth
model’s flaws. the ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan (or
Self-reliant India Mission)’
z The Prime Minister in his address to the nation on
12.05.2020 announced an economic stimulus package
for Rs 20-lakh-crore (estimated at 10% of the GDP),
towards building an Atma Nirbhar Bharat, or a self-
reliant, resilient India.
z The Package is to cater to various sections including
the cottage industry, MSMEs, labourers, middle class,
and industries, among others.
Conclusion
z The fundamental issues of inequality, lack of social
progress and inability of the economy to generate jobs
require a strategic response if the process of reforms
and growth has to continue. It is time for the next
generation of reforms that deal with the structural
bottlenecks to growth rather than more of the same.
#OpinionMaters
Despite having such a large young population, do you
think the Indian economy is yet to achieve its real
potential?
v
97
 Social Movements in Independent
16 India
z There have been several times in post-independent
history when people have come together in large
numbers to protest against injustice or support a
cause, and created history.
16.1 WOMEN MOVEMENTS
z The term “women’s movement” refers to a concerted
endeavour to advance women’s equality and
emancipation, and it implies sensitivity to significant
concerns impacting women’s lives. It includes all
aspects of women’s uprising and assertion, including
their battles with males and their more overtly “anti-
patriarchal” battles with them.
z Like other social movements, the women’s movement
works to alter or reform the social order as it now
exists.
z In India, there is a difference between pre-
independence and post-independence women’s
movements.
 Men led the pre-independence movements, which
were mostly about social improvements.
 In contrast, the post-independence movement
advocated gender equality, questioned gender-
based labour divisions, and highlighted the
patriarchal structure’s oppressive nature.
z Women’s movements in India can be divided into
the following periods or waves:
1. Social reform movements before 1857
2. The freedom movement
3. Movements from 1947 till 1975
4. Movements emerging during and after the hyper-
globalisation phase
Social Reform Movements Before 1857 to
Freedom Struggle
z The social reform movement inside the Hindu fold
frequently emphasises the Indian roots of modern
women’s organisations.
z The British government passed legislation against the
sati system, allowing widow remarriage, outlawing
child marriage, etc. thanks to the influence of the
reformers.
z Additionally, efforts were made to educate girls. This
period made a significant contribution to the Indian
women’s movement.
z A significant turning point in the history of the
women’s movement was the freedom movement.
Due to the intimate ties between feminism and
nationalism, it aided women in their fight for
“freedom.”
z Women’s involvement in the independence fight was
a result of Gandhi’s attempts to mobilise women
and his philosophy of including women in public
life without interfering with their social status as
housewives.
z According to Aparna Basu, women were allowed
equal participation possibilities in the Indian
liberation fight and acknowledged as political allies.
 This cleared the path for women’s future
participation in a larger range of social, political,
and economic life.
z On the other hand, Rajani Alexander claims that
women’s involvement in the independence struggle
took a variety of forms and wasn’t necessarily in the
form of planned and coordinated political rallies.
 However, the inclusion of women as full
participants in the struggle for liberation helped
to advance both the position of women and the
women’s movement.
16.1.1 Break of Women Movement from
Pre-Independence to
Post-Independence
z Acceptance of gender equality: The very essential
feature of equality of men and women in all sectors
of life was included in the formulation of the Indian
Constitution.
 Acceptance of gender equality in the constitution
was the fulfilment of hope of women’s entitlement
to an independent identity for the women... with
clear recollections of pre-independence society
and the freedom struggle.
z Article 15(3) states that “Nothing in this article shall
prevent the State from making any special provision
for women and children”.
z Women’s participation in administration: Women’s
chances were created through the establishment of a
variety of administrative entities. A handful of women
have been sworn in as members of the government.
z According to Veena Majumdar, “The Constitution’s
radical departure from inherited social values
represented to women of that generation its greatest
intrinsic quality”.
z There was a break in the activity of feminists and
women’s movements in India for the next two
decades, the 1950s and 1960s.
z Women, on the other hand, began to realise that the
constitutional guarantee of equality did not, in and of
itself, fix equality issues, particularly in a country as
diverse as India.
z Various women’s movements voiced concerns about
property rights, the gender-insensitive character
of development, and dowry, rape, and divorce laws,
among other issues.
16.1.2 Early Phase of Women movements:
1947-1970S
z After independence, India began to look inward
to resolve social issues and create a systematic
development plan for women.
z Post-independence feminists began to redefine the
extent to which women were allowed to engage in
the workforce.
 Prior to independence, most feminists accepted
the sexual divide within the labour force.
z Women participated in student movements,
peasant movements, tribal movements, and other
movements. These movements address societal or
class concerns rather than just women’s issues.
z When Gail Omvedt refers to them as “pre-
movements” for women, she accurately captures
their significance.
z The following factors can be used to evaluate their
contribution to the cause of women in India:
 They demonstrated the influence that women may
have on society.
 They gave women the chance to express their own
demands.
 They frequently contributed to the growth of
women’s movements in general.
z According to Illina Sen, women in these movements
do not seek to articulate their demands in an
autonomous or independent manner.
 Their expression of demands and concerns
simultaneously puts pressure on their movements
to recognise the importance of women in their
mass base.
Social Movements in Independent India
z Legislative adjustments: The overall views towards
women’s issues were concerned with essential
legislative adjustments immediately after two decades
of independence.
 Many measures were passed to make namesake
equality a reality, including the Special Marriage
Act of 1954, the Hindu Marriage Act of 1956, the
Inter-State Succession Act of 1956, and the Dowry
Prohibition Act of 1961.
16.1.3 Price Rise and Women Movement
z The period from the late 1960s has been marked
by an economic crisis and stagnation, rising prices,
increasing landlessness and generalised discontent
both in the rural and urban areas.
z The left parties took interest in the economic crisis
and started organising movements.
z Though women’s issues were not taken up,
women were mobilised in large numbers and they
participated in the general struggle of the rural poor,
tribals and industrial working class.
z This saw its culmination in the anti-price movement
of 1973 as a united front organisation of women.
16.1.4 Women’s Movements in the
1970-1980s
z Women’s movements lost vitality after independence
in the 1950s and 1960s, and there was a gradual
decline of concern for women’s issues.
z The late 1970s and early 1980s saw a resurgence of
women’s movements, as well as the formation of new
groups and organisations.
z Anti-rape movement: Following a case of rape in
custody, civil rights organisations started the anti-
rape campaign in 1977.
 The Mathura rape case in 1978 was a turning
point in the history of women’s emancipation.
With the occurrence, protests, dharnas, large-scale
public petitions, etc. were launched.
 Rape was regarded as a form of oppression used
by the wealthy and strong against the weak,
handicapped, and destitute.
 According to Desai and Patel, when women’s
organisations criticised the government and
society, it was an indication that institutions and
laws had erected gender hierarchies.
z The anti-dowry movement started in about
1977 when the Mahila Dakshata Samiti held a rally.
Particularly against murder and aiding in suicide, they
protested against the brutality meted out to women
as part of dowries.
 Women organisations used protests and other
forms of protest to influence the general public’s
99
 and policymakers’ lack of concern for issues
related to women’s kerosene mortality.
 The women’s organizations came up with a
number of tactics to raise public awareness of the
issues related to dowry.
z Women’s movements in the 1970s broke out from
the narrow focus of legislation and education as the
primary objectives and began to address issues that
affected women holistically.
z Retrenchment of women in industries, particularly
textiles, absence of maternity benefits for women
employees, salary discrimination, poor training, and
workplace discrimination were among the complaints
raised.
z About 70 women’s organizations came together
and formed the Mahagai Pratikar Samyutka
Samiti- The Anti-Price Rise Women’s United Front-to
fight rising prices, and also to bring prices down.
z SEWA was founded in 1972 by Gandhian and civil
rights leader Ela Bhatt as a branch of the Textile
Labour Association (TLA).
 It works towards “strengthening women’s
leadership, their confidence, their bargaining
power within and outside their homes and their
representation on policy-making and decision-
making fora.
 These organisations are known as “independent
women’s organisations” because they are not
associated with any political parties or trade
unions.
 They abandoned the previous generation’s
“welfare” approach in favour of a “protest
polities” strategy that entailed mobilising women
around specific causes.
16.1.5 Anti-arrack Movement
z In the early 1990s, women in rural Andhra Pradesh
took it upon themselves to fight against liquor
dependency among their men and the subsequent
verbal, physical and emotional abuse that followed.
 They had just one simple demand: “no drinking
or selling liquor”. Led by a woman called
Sandhya, the movement began as a dharna at the
collectorate followed by the demand to stop the
sale of liquor in the village.
 The women’s struggle ultimately led to a statewide
ban on liquor in 1995.
z Remarking on the uniqueness of the movement,
political scientist Kancha Ilaiah wrote that “the
methods that they use are neither Gandhian nor
Marxian but uniquely their own.”
z Between 1977 and 1979, new women’s groups
emerged in cities like Delhi, Bangalore, Hyderabad,
Bombay, Ahmedabad, Patna, and Madras.
100
 They organised protest actions against dowry
murders, beauty contests, the sexist portrayal of
women in media, pornographic films and literature
imported from abroad, the introduction of virginity
tests by the U.K. immigration authorities, custodial
rape and the pitiable condition of women in prison.
z Organizations like Mahila Dakshata Samiti, National
Federation of Women, All India Democratic Women’s
Association, and Nari Raksha Samiti played an
important role in initiating and conducting the
campaigns against dowry.
16.1.6 Issues taken up by the New
Women’s Groups
z While providing support to women facing problems
concerning marriage, divorce, maintenance, alimony,
property rights, custody of child/children and
guardianship rights, the activists realised that the
existing personal laws and most of the customary laws
were discriminating against women.
 These antiquated laws were enacted in the
colonial period to serve the interests of the British
bureaucrats.
z Sharia Law subjugated Muslim women by imposing
purdah, allowing polygamy and unilateral divorce
by men to his wife/wives and depriving divorced
Muslim women of maintenance rights.
 The underlying philosophy of all these personal
laws was that: women are not equal to men.
z They are governed by patriarchal ideology.
Irrespective of their religious backgrounds, these
personal laws perpetuate patrilineage, patrilocality,
and the double standard of sexual morality for men
and women and perceive women as dependent on
men.
z As the issue of personal laws is intertwined with
religious identities, the secular women’s movement
had to face tremendous hostility from the elites of
the different communities, mass organisations, and
the patriarchal secular lobby.
16.1.7 Impact of Women Movement:
Legislative Reforms
z From the very beginning of the women’s movement
legal reforms have been the top priority. Women’s
organizations campaigned for reforms in the rape law
(1980) and the Dowry Prohibition Act.
 India was the first to enact the Family Courts Act
(1984).
z Protection of Women from Domestic Violence (DV)
Act (2005) was enacted due to pressure exercised by
the women’s movement to safeguard the interests of
survivors of domestic violence.
Post Independence India
  The marked features of the Act are recognition
of the right to residence, provision for the
appointment of Protection officers and the
recognition of service providers.
z Satya Rani Chadha mobilised rallies, seminars and
protest marches—a campaign that led eventually
to stricter laws, the setting up of special cells in
police stations to monitor crimes against women
and countless convictions in Anti dowry law and
Domestic violence-related cases.
1980s-1990s: Towards Equality
z In 1980, the Five-Year Plan decided to focus on the
health, employment and education of women, marking
the beginning of the third wave of Indian feminism.
z This wave of feminism became broader as the
intersectionality of caste, class and culture was
recognised by the state.
 The movement entered the private sphere to
claim equal rights pertaining to marriage, divorce,
succession, justice for dowry and sexual violence,
and economic opportunities.
z The Status of the Women’s Committee appointed by
the Government of India released a voluminous report
in 1974. This report is called ‘Towards Equality.
z During the 1970s and 1980s, the women’s movement
highlighted the marginalisation of women from the
economy.
z The efforts of women activists were directed at agitation
and propaganda for women’s rights, street-fighting
against escalating violence against assertive women
and team building to counter sexual harassment at
the workplace.
z Its horizontal and vertical networking has
created a congenial atmosphere to execute the
development agenda with the help of effective use
of information technology, communication channels,
modern managerial practices, and efficient law and
order machinery.
16.1.8 Reproductive Rights of Women
When it comes to the reproductive rights of women, most
of the efforts of the women’s groups in India have been
directed against excesses committed in the name of family
planning programmes.
z Rural areas are still backwards: Still in the interior
parts of India, poor women have been the main
targets of abusive sterilization operations and unsafe
injectable and oral contraceptives.
z Issues of rural girls: Recent research on adolescent
girls and abortion have highlighted the problem of
teenage pregnancies, the trafficking of young girls for
the sex trade and the complicity of the criminal justice
system.
Social Movements in Independent India
z Banning sex determination: The campaign against
sex determination resulted in the central legislation
banning amniocentesis, Chiron-villain-biopsy and
sex pre-selection techniques for femicide. But
much is needed to be done to make the legislation
effective in real life.
 It was in the early 1980s that women’s studies
centres, functioning autonomously or within the
university system, started accepting empirical
and experiential evidence from the women’s
movement.
16.1.9 Women’s Movement and the
Development Agenda
z During the 1970s and 1980s, the women’s movement
highlighted the marginalisation of women from the
economy.
z The efforts of women activists were directed at agitation
and propaganda for women’s rights, street-fighting
against escalating violence against assertive women
and team building to counter sexual harassment at
the workplace.
z Agenda of empowerment: In the 1990s, the women’s
movement demanded its legitimate place within the
mainstream with its own agenda of empowerment of
women in a partnership with men.
z Difficulties faced: The most difficult areas have been
providing educational opportunities for the poverty
groups, Dalit and tribal women, low-cost housing,
environmental and occupational safety and human
rights concerns.
 The state, political parties and beneficiaries
of women’s groups have a duty to ensure a
democratic and multicultural atmosphere within
which the women activists can take judicious and
gender-just decisions.
 Gender Budgeting as a tool is used by elected
women representatives to promote gender
equality.
z The movement also took up the rights of Dalit
and marginalised women. The developmental
programmes and women’s groups largely directed
their effort to raising the economic and social status
of women. Principally, women’s groups sought the
empowerment of women to integrate them into
the mainstream.
16.1.10 Women Movement in Digital Era
z With the effects of economic liberalisation and the
advent of modern technology, by the 2000s, women
in India witnessed a cultural shift that stressed rights
such as women’s freedom, choice and independence.
Although the term ‘fourth-wave feminism’ originated
101
 in the West, it emerged in India almost synchronously
due to the widespread use of social media.
Fig. 16.1: Youth in protest
z The digital revolution has paved the way for a new
iteration of feminism. The digital space can bolster
feminist activist movements by encouraging inclusion
and improving accessibility in organising collective
action.
z It also helps weave local stories with global narratives
to highlight common structural inequalities. At the
same time, however, the digital space can also become
a breeding ground for sexism and misogyny.
 The ‘Everyday Sexism Project’, an online initiative
launched in 2012 by British feminist writer
Laura Bates, is one of many online movements
that marked the beginning of the fourth wave of
feminism.
 It has encouraged tens of thousands of women
around the world to write about the sexual
harassment, workplace discrimination and
instances of body shaming they encounter in their
everyday lives.
z In 2014, two US-based feminists created the
#FeministsAreUgly hashtag on Twitter to satirise
the notion that feminists are unattractive, and to allow
women of colour to speak about cultural privilege and
the dominant norms of beauty.
 The discourse around sexual harassment has also
gained momentum around the world and has
the potential to expose the latent toxic culture
of sexualised power. The ‘#MeToo’ Movement
against sexual harassment, led by American
activist Tarana Burke, gained worldwide popularity
through Twitter in 2017.
z Although the fourth wave of feminism is still in its
nascent stage in India, women are using digital tools
to demand accountability from their governments,
corporations and leaders.
 In India, digital feminist movements largely rely
on social media platforms.
 In 2017, the #LahuKaLagaan hashtag took over
on Twitter to campaign against the 12 per cent tax
on sanitary napkins, with the “period tax” being
scrapped in 2018 as a result of the movement.
102
 In 2012, in the aftermath of the death of a 23-year-
old rape victim in Delhi, widespread protests broke
out under the ‘Nirbhaya movement’.
 The protests spread to social media as well.
Hashtags like #Delhibraveheart were used by
millions in support of justice for the victim.
 Cyberfeminism goes beyond previous feminist
waves that conceived women as a homogenous
group, whose interests could be represented by a
singular agenda. To avoid replicating the damaging
universalism of old-style feminism, it is essential
that cyberfeminism becomes more diverse,
decentralised and democratic.
 Over the years, women’s organisations have
fought for causes that are not just important
to women but also to society as a whole. Other
social groups also struggle with the issues that
women do. The history of women’s mobilizations
demonstrated that their planned coordinated
activities (such as those against arack, price
increases, Chipko, etc.) invariably had broader
societal effects.
 Taking part in such mobilizations undoubtedly
provides the local women with a sense of social
identity.
16.2 STUDENT’S MOVEMENTS
z Youth movements have played a key role in social
transformation. As Chock (2012) quite rightly pointed
out, “Young people are key actors in powerful social
movements that transform the course of human history”.
z Youth is the stage of life between childhood and
adulthood. Students in the present context refer
to those who are studying in schools, colleges and
universities.
z According to T. K. Oommen (1990), Indian youth
have the following features:
 It is an age group between 15-30 years.
 Youth is full of psychic energy;
 Youth is neither progressive nor conservative
in nature. The uniqueness of youth lies in their
potential for a new start; their willingness to
penetrate into a new world of experience;
 Youth are ‘unattached to’ and ‘unsettled’ in society;
they have not yet developed any vested interest in
the maintenance of the status quo.
z The roots of the student movement in India could
be traced back to nearly 200 years ago with the
formation of the Academic Association in undivided
Bengal’s Hindu College under the guidance of Henry
Louis Vivian Derozio, a teacher there and a reformer,
in 1828.
Post Independence India
z The first students’ strike in undivided India took
place in 1920 in King Edward Medical College, Lahore,
against academic discrimination between Indian and
English pupils.
z After Independence, almost all major political parties
started their student wings and several independent
student groups catering to socially and economically
deprived sections also came up. Post-independent
India has seen several student movements that have
been etched into the memory of the nation.
16.2.1 Sociological Factors for instigating
Student movements
z The major sociological factors leading to youth
and student movements are as follows:
 Quest for freedom: Students and youth have
time and again stood for their quest for freedom.
For instance, during the National Liberation
Movements in India.
 During the Emergency in India (1975-77),
students of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi
University etc., played a major role in keeping
the spirit of defiance alive in their quest for
freedom
 State policy: any policy which adversely affects
the students or youth is bound to lead to student
and youth agitations.
 For example, the reservation policy pursued by
the Government of India has time and again led
to student and youth movements in 1990, 2006
and 2015.
 Unemployment: Unemployment often leads
to student or youth unrest. As Rudolph Gyan
D’Mello pointed out: “The unemployed, whatever
their economic condition, are focal points of tension
in society. When unemployment is fuelled by the
educated, the situation can become potentially
inflammable”
 Deprivation and injustice: Social deprivation
and injustice also provoke youths to launch social
movements.
 Two tribal youths, Rajkhiram Thakur and
Oakhiram Thakur, set up tribal hostels so that
tribal students would not have problems with
their schooling.
 Education system: The education system
naturally affects the students the most. In most
countries, the education system is authoritarian
and bureaucratic. Due to structural conditions
prevailing in our education system, the teachers
often deliberately distance themselves from
students and become like a banker doling out
knowledge
Social Movements in Independent India
 Generation gap: virtually every student and
youth movement in terms of the generation gap.
They range from the youthful bohemianism of the
hippies in the sixties to much more sophisticated
ideology-based movements like the New Left or
Civil Rights Movements in the sixties of the last
century.
 Social background: The social background of
students or youths greatly affects their chances of
becoming an activist.
 Alienation: Alienation may be regarded as a major
factor leading to youth movements. Reasons for
such alienation could also be the fact that the
current system of education to a large extent fails
to generate employment.
 Use of quick information systems like the
Internet: The 21st century has seen extensive use
of social media in organizing protest movements.
Using digital tools, members of the wired
generation emboldened each other to challenge
the status quo.
Early Independence: Protests on Linguistic
Lines - 1950s-1970s
z Early instances of student agitations in the post-
colonial context can be traced to movements such
as the demand for linguistic states in the 1950s (in
Odisha, and even leading to the creation of Andhra
Pradesh and later Telangana) and the Madras anti-
Hindi agitation of 1965.
Anti-Hindi Movement in Tamil Nadu, 1965
z After Nehru’s death in 1964, the Congress government
in the state introduced a three-language formula in
the state assembly, leading to students taking to the
streets.
z Students across the state launched a stir against the
Official Languages Act of 1963, which made Hindi an
official language along with English.
 There were self-immolations by several students,
and about 70 people died in the ensuing violence.
z The agitation ended when then PM Lal Bahadur
Shastri assured that Nehru’s promise would be kept.
16.2.2 1970S-1990S Emergency and
Aftermath
z Nav Nirman Andolan (Reconstruction Movement),
1974: On December 20, 1973, students of an
engineering college in Ahmedabad launched an
agitation against 20% fee hike in hostel food.
 A similar strike on January 3, 1974, at Gujarat
University saw clashes between the police and
students. The protesters demanded the resignation
of then chief minister Chimanbhai Patel.
103
  A statewide strike was organised on January 25,
which ended with another round of clash between
the police and protesters.
 A curfew was imposed in 44 towns and the army
was called in to restore peace in Ahmedabad.
 The Indira Gandhi government at the Centre asked
Patel to resign. The agitation led to the dissolution
of the state government.
z An entire generation of India’s political leaders emerged
from the Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) movement against
the Emergency.
z The very genesis of the JP movement lay in student
agitations in Gujarat known as the ‘Navnirman
Andolan’ (Reconstruction Movement) in 1974.
z The movement began due to a hike in hostel food
fees in Gujarat colleges and universities. Moved by
JP’s call for ‘Sampoorna Kranti’ (Total Revolution),
a number of students – including the current home
minister and prime minister – cut their political teeth
during the movement.
z The student-backed JP movement was successful in
relegating Indira Gandhi to the margins of Indian
democracy and installing the first non-Congress
government at the centre.
z The post-Emergency period of the 1980s saw a
militant turn in student politics and activism with the
Assam agitation and the Punjab problem.
z Many students in Assam were mobilised on the
question of protecting indigenous Assamese identity.
z It was an agitation to protect the identity of Assamese
people in wake of an influx of people from Bangladesh
following 1971’s War of Liberation.
z The Assam agitation is considered a landmark
student agitation in Indian history.
 Some of the participants like former All Assam
Students Union (AASU) president Prafulla Kumar
Mahanta made the overnight transition from
university hostels to the state assembly.
 The Assam Accord – signed on August 15, 1985,
between the AASU and the Central government
– marked the end of the agitation. The National
Register of Citizens in the state is an outcome of
this movement and the subsequent accord.
z The Sikh militancy also mobilised several young
men who took up arms against the Indian state,
demanding a separate Sikh state or Khalistan.
z As historian Shruti Kapila points out in the context
of youth militancy, “A postcolonial Punjabi politics
of seditious militancy effectively brought the Indian
State to its knees…”
z The post-Emergency period of the 1980s saw a
militant turn in student politics and activism with
the Assam agitation and the Punjab problem.
104
16.2.3 Mandal Era
z In the light of the implementation of the
recommendations of the Socially and Educationally
Backward Classes Commission (SEBC), or Mandal
Commission, by the V.P. Singh government, a series
of anti-Mandal protests largely led by upper-caste
students hit the Hindi heartland.
z The figure of Rajiv Goswami, a young upper-caste
student, immolating himself became emblematic of
the Mandal protests.
z The Ram Mandir movement and neoliberal market
reforms along with the Mandal agitation shaped the
politics of the Hindi heartland for the next quarter of
the century.
Fig. 16.2: Protest against the implementation of
Mandal report
Current Phase: Post-Liberalisation Student
Movements And Agitations
z Protest against Reservation: In 2006, widespread
protests took place in educational institutes opposing
the decision of the Congress-led United Progressive
Alliance government to implement reservations for
OBCs in both central and private higher education
institutes.
 Students and doctors belonging to upper castes
called the move discriminatory. There were
counter-protests in favour of the decision by OBC
student groups.
z The last phase of student movements or agitations
chronologically falls within what Khaliq Parkar of
JNU calls ‘post-liberalisation student movements and
agitations.’
z These include the spate of protests against the CAA
and NRC but can be traced to the JNU agitation of
February 2016 and the agitation against Rohith
Vemula’s suicide at the University of Hyderabad.
z Telangana Movement: Another major student
agitation that led to the creation of a new state was
the Telangana movement.
 Though spearheaded by K. Chandrashekhar Rao
and the Telangana Rashtriya Samiti (TRS), it was
largely a student-driven agitation witnessing jail-
bharo (fill the jails) campaigns, particularly from
Osmania University and University of Hyderabad.
Post Independence India
z In the post-colonial context students have largely
been mobilised on the basis of local grievances and
campus politics as opposed to the colonial context
where the objective was national liberation or
Independence
16.2.4 Youth Protests Over Sexual
Violence and Corruption
z Two youth movements in the recent past have
highlighted the role of the youth: 1) youths joined
Anna Hazare’s crusade against corruption, and 2) the
Nirbhaya protests.
z Both these movements involved: large-scale
participation of middle-class youths and extensive use
of social media by the activists.
 Social media played an important role in Anna
Hazare’s crusade against corruption.
z Sitapati (2011) observed: “The foot soldiers of the
Anna Hazare movement were educated and urban.
The methods used – Twitter updates, SMS campaigns,
candlelight vigils and media management - also
suggest that Hazare was able to fire the idealism of
21st-century India’s burgeoning middle class.
z Dasgupta (2013) observed that 2012 witnessed
the awakening of Indian youth in the post-
liberalization era and gave a clear message to the
political establishment - that the distance between
them and the young generation is increasing, and 2)
the political establishment will face the anger of the
youth.
16.4 AGRARIAN MOVEMENT
z Since independence, there have been numerous
agrarian struggles, ranging from the legendary
Telangana peasant movement and the PEPSU
tenants’ movement, which continued from the
pre-independence years to the Naxalite or Maoist
movement in the late 1960s and the ‘new’ farmers’
movements of the 1980s.
z In many ways, the trajectory of these movements
reflects the process of agrarian and social
development since independence.
z There is a shift from immediate post-independence
difficulties left by colonialism and feudalism to
challenges coming from the Green Revolution and
other agrarian change processes, including ambitions
generated by fights for and policies of land reform.
z Land ownership and distribution have long been
at the heart of peasant movements for agricultural
reform in India.
z Tenants, sharecroppers, small farmers not regularly
employed, hired labour, and landless labourers are
all considered peasants. Several peasant groups arose
Social Movements in Independent India
throughout the British period over economic issues,
although they had minimal success.
Issues taken by the Agrarian Movement
z Agrarian movements include the movements of
agrarian classes which are related to agriculture in
terms of working on the land or in terms of both
working on land and its ownership.
z In other words, these are the movements of the
agricultural labourers, poor and small peasants/
tenants and farmers/kulaks/rich peasants/rural rich.
z The issues taken up in the agrarian movements
are generally economic. But in several cases, the
economic and social issues overlap.
 Such cases include where the agrarian class is
both an economic and social group; for example,
in the case of Dalits and women the economic
and social (self-respect, dignity and gender-based
discrimination) are also involved.
Premises of Agrarian movement: Class-based
differentiation
z Agrarian society is not a homogeneous unit. It is divided
on an economic and social basis. The mobilisation
of an agrarian group depends on the specific issues
related to it.
z The collaboration between different groups or conflict
among them also depends on the convergence of the
group interests.
z The classes which belong to the low castes are usually
identified as those belonging to the agricultural
labourer/poor and small peasants and those belonging
to the high castes and middle castes are identified as
belonging to the upper classes — rich peasants and
landlords.
Genesis of Farmers’ Movements
z Since farmer’s movements are the post-green
Revolution movements and largely occurred in the
green revolution belt, they found the terms of trade
against the agricultural sector.
 The rising cost of input in agriculture could not be
met with the returns of the produce.
z Besides, the inability of the system to provide
electricity along with the increasing indebtedness to
the public institution mainly to meet the input and
infrastructural requirements gave birth to a new set
of problems for the farmers.
z Though placed in a superior position to the large
proportion of the rural poor, this section found itself
neglected by the state. Populist promises by the
politicians and the hold of this section on the rural
vote bank contributed to the feeling of being cheated
by the political class.
105
z Under these circumstances the farmers responded
positively to alternative mode mobilisation, which
was marked by the mobilisation on the “apolitical” or
“nonpolitical” plank, which projected the rural sectors
as a homogeneous unit, which was exploited by the
urban vested interests.
z The leadership which was not a professional type found
it easy to provide leadership to these movements.
The example of the BKU movement in UP can be an
appropriate example in this context.
16.4.1 Early Phase: Land Reforms to
Naxalbari
z There are the policy measures introduced by the state
during the 1950s, both at the national and provincial
levels to bring about the agrarian transformation
— through land reforms, community development
programmes and agricultural Extension schemes; the
green revolution in select areas of the country during
the 1960s.
z These developments have resulted in the emergence
of new sets of issues, rise of new agrarian classes
and the decline of erstwhile classes, new types of
organisations and patterns of political mobilisation.
z The agricultural labourers and poor/small peasants
have been mobilised into collective actions throughout
the post-Independence era in different states of India
by different kinds of organisations.
Telangana Peasant Struggle
z The peasant insurrection of 1946-51 in the Telangana
region of the erstwhile Hyderabad state was a pivotal
moment in Indian history because of its impact on the
future of the communist movement in India and its
highlighting of the condition of the Indian peasantry.
z It brought the struggles of the peasantry to the
forefront and serves as a reminder of the sacrifices
made by the people of this region in fighting against
the autocratic rule of the Nizam of Hyderabad and the
feudal regime that concentrated power and land in the
hands of a few.
Patiala Muzara Movement
z The Muzara movement started in the 1930s in Punjab
villages which were under Patiala Riyasat. The entire
province was called PEPSU soon after Independence
before finally being named Punjab in the mid-50s.
z Muzara was the word used for landless farmers who
worked on someone’s land. This movement was
started to take ownership rights of the land after
tilling it for years together.
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16.4.2 Naxalbari Movement in West
Bengal
z Since the 1950s, the Naxalbari area of Darjeeling district
in north Bengal has been organising sharecroppers
and tea estate labour, primarily from the Santhal,
Oraon, and Rajbansi tribal populations. Under the
‘adhiar’ system, sharecroppers worked with jotedars
or landlords, who gave ploughs, bullocks, and seeds in
exchange for a share of the crop. Disputes over shares,
followed by evictions, were widespread and growing.
Charu Mazumdar was a significant leader in this
z
area, and it had been obvious for some time, at
least since 1965, that his beliefs about agrarian
revolution and military struggle, which appeared
to be based on Mao Zedong’s ideals, differed from
the official CPM viewpoint.
 He not only did not believe that land reform could
be accomplished by legal means but maintained
that doing so merely numbed the peasants’
revolutionary instincts.
 Land had to be seized and defended violently
in order to be politically relevant.
z To put their ideals into action, he and his comrades,
Kanu Sanyal and tribal leader Jangal Santhal,
arranged a peasants’ convention in the Darjeeling
district under the auspices of the CPM’s Siliguri
subdivision.
 They called for the removal of landlords’ land
monopolies, land distribution through peasant
committees, and armed resistance to landlords.
 The main issue of the movement was to secure
rights for the marginalized sections of the
agricultural community.
 During the movement, several peasant
committees were set up and land was
redistributed. Several landlords were put on
trial and executed. Village defence squads
were established with agricultural labourers
as its leaders. Later the revolution was quickly
liquidated.
z According to reports, 15,000 to 20,000 peasants
became full-time activists, and peasants’ committees
formed in communities became the nuclei of armed
guards who occupied land, burned land records,
declared debts erased, executed unpopular landlords,
and established a parallel administration.
z The Naxalbari movement is one of the most
widespread movements of the present times. Now,
it no longer confines its issues to land reforms, but
also to larger issues of corruption, exploitation, and
maladministration.
Post Independence India
16.4.3 PHASE- II: 1970S-1990S: - ‘New’
Farmers’ Movements
z The road and rail roko agitation in Nasik, Maharashtra,
led by Sharad Joshi’s Shetkari Sangathana,
catapulted farmers’ movements onto the national
political stage in 1980. On November 10, almost
200,000 farmers blocked road and train traffic on
the Bombay-Calcutta and Bombay-Delhi routes,
demanding greater prices for onions and sugarcane.
z The social discontent in Indian society since the 1970s
was manifold.
z The green revolution precipitated the development
of the rich capitalist farmer movement. The focus
of the developmental state shifted from equity to
productivity guided by technology.
 The selective approach in implementing
intensive agricultural development
programmes marked the rise of class
differentiation among Indian farmers.
 Politically, the green revolution leads to the
rise of the dominant castes and the bullock
capitalist. Gail Omvedt highlighted the caste
factor in the ownership of land which made
the green revolution a resultant factor for class
fragmentation intersection with caste.
z Some scholars described them as ‘New Farmers’
Movements’ as part of the New Social Movements
of the 1980s, as they had distinct characteristics:
 The peasantry was no longer characterized by
pre-political backwardness or social insularity;
nor was it simple and passive;
 It stressed the primacy of remunerative prices
and was non-political, and class antagonism was
replaced by class collaboration.
z The basic premise of the movements is that the
government artificially keeps agricultural prices
low in order to provide cheap food and raw
materials to urban areas.
 This resulting price disparity results in
farmers paying high prices for industrial goods
needed as inputs into agriculture and receiving
low returns for their produce. Farmers are thus
exploited by urban interests and victims of
internal colonialism.
z These movements had their own organisations
and leadership.
z The BKU demanded higher government floor prices
for sugarcane and wheat, abolition of restrictions on
the inter-state movement of farm produce, guaranteed
supply of electricity at reasonable rates, waiving of
repayments due on loans to farmers and the provision
of a government pension for farmers.
Social Movements in Independent India
z Activities conducted by the BKU to pressurise the
state for accepting its demands included rallies,
demonstrations, sit-ins, and jail bharo (courting
imprisonment) agitations. These protests involved
tens of thousands of farmers – sometimes over a lakh.
z It was a very disciplined agitation of the farmers and
all those days they received regular food supply from
the nearby villages.
z The organisation used traditional caste panchayats
of these communities in bringing them together over
economic issues.
z Until the early nineties, the BKU distanced itself from
all political parties. It operated as a pressure group in
politics with its strength of sheer numbers.
z The organisation, along with the other farmers’
organisations across the States, did manage to get
some of their economic demands accepted.
z The farmers’ movement became one of the most
successful social movements of the eighties in this
respect. The success of the movement was an outcome
of political bargaining powers that its members
possessed.
16.4.4 Third Phase of Agrarian Revolt
Globalization and Farmers’ Movements:
1990s to 2019
z The state’s inability to prioritise agricultural
development is regarded as a primary factor for the
growing agrarian crisis in post-1991 India. During
the 1990s, many significant developments in the
Indian economy impacted the agricultural sector, and
farmers’ movements changed.
z Unlike the earlier movements, those of the farmers
in the era of globalisation have reacted to the issues
related to globalisation.
z The attempt of the Western countries, especially to
interfere in the agrarian economy of the country,
especially through the Dunkel Draft and GATT evoked
different reactions from the farmer’s movement.
z They opposed the attempt of the government to
change the patent laws, and demanded abrogation of
the subsidies given by the European governments to
their farmers.
z With the changing economic environment, farmers’
movements display different features. An important
reason is the increasing class fragmentation within
the farming community. Big farmers’ movements have
become smaller and are mainly in states/regions
where capitalist agriculture has spread.
 This is because agriculture is a state subject, and
with the end of centralized planning, many state
governments have been active in adopting new
market-oriented policies.
107
z While Sharad Joshi, the Shetkari Sangathan leader
from Maharashtra supported globalisation, two
supported leaders Prof. Nanjudaswami of Karnataka
Rajya Rytha Sangha and Mahendra Singh Tikait of
BKU in UP opposed it.
 They also opposed the Multinational Companies
which used Indian natural resources like water to
manufacture soft drinks.
z In fact, intellectuals like Vandana Shiva argue that
modern technology popularised in the green revolution
has harmed the fertility of land rather than helping it.
16.4.5 Current Farm Protest
z The farmers protesting against the three farm laws,
demanding a repeal of three farm laws —
1. Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion
and Facilitation) Act, 2020;
2. Farmer’s Empowerment and Protection)
Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services
Act 2020;
3. Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020.
z They also demanded a legal guarantee on Minimum
Support Prices (MSP) for their crops.
z To break the impasse, the government has so far held
eleven rounds of talks with the farmers.
z Farmer leaders, however, said they would settle for
nothing less than a complete repeal of the laws and
a legal guarantee for the procurement of crops at
government-fixed MSP.
16.5 CASTE MOVEMENTS
z The caste system in India evolved some 2,500 years
ago. It affects not only Hindus but also Sikhs, Christians,
and Muslims. Gandhiji integrated the subject of
untouchability into the national movement beginning
in 1920, and major campaigns and fights such as the
Vaikom (1924- 25) and Guruvayur satyagrahas (1931-
32) were launched.
z Independent India made a reservation policy
for Untouchables as part of its constitution. The
constitution guaranteed political rights to all
citizens, regardless of religion, caste, gender, language,
or colour, and this included SCs.
z However, it clearly stated in Article 17 that
“untouchability” is abolished and its practice in any
form is prohibited.
z The social and economic inequality that exists in India
can be ended only through reservation for the lower
castes. The reservation system had created a strong
and articulated middle class among the Scheduled
Castes.
108
16.5.1 PHASE 1: 1947 to 1970S
z There has not been a single, unified Dalit movement
in the country now or in the past. Different
movements have highlighted different issues related
to Dalits, around different ideologies. However, all of
them assert a Dalit identity though the meaning may
not be identical or precise for everyone.
z In the post-independence period, Dalit groups were
mainly fighting against the perpetual caste-based
inequalities and material injustices that the Dalits
faced in spite of constitutional guarantees of equality
and justice. Effective implementation of reservations
and other such policies of social justice was one of
their prominent demands.
z G. Shah (2004) has tried to classify such movements
into two types, namely Reformative: The former
tries to reform the caste system to solve the problem
of untouchability.
 Alternative movement: Attempts to create
an alternative socio-cultural structure through
conversion to some other religion or by acquiring
education, economic status or political power.
z By the early 1970s, the first-generation Dalit graduates,
especially those living in city slums, began to assert
themselves from various platforms.
z Dalit Panthers, a militant organisation of the Dalit
youth, was formed in Maharashtra in 1972 as a part
of these assertions.
z The larger ideological agenda of the Panthers was to
destroy the caste system and to build an organisation of
all oppressed sections like the landless poor peasants
and urban industrial workers along with Dalits.
z The movement provided a platform for Dalit-educated
youth to use their creativity as a protest activity.
z Dalit writers protested against the brutalities of the
caste system in their numerous autobiographies and
other literary works published during this period.
z The Dalit Movement sought social fairness and dignity
after independence, and they strove to construct
electoral majorities based on caste mobilisation.
Fig. 16.3: Gathering of Dalit Panthers
16.5.2 PHASE 2: 1980S Till Now
z By the 1980s, the Dalit Panthers had split over
issues such as whether to include non-Dalit poor
Post Independence India
 and non-Buddhist Dalits, the significance of cultural
vs economic struggle, and personalities.
z Dalit political organisations grew in strength during
the 1980s. The BAMCEF (Backward and Minority
Classes Employees Federation) was founded in
1978. It took a strong stance in favour of the Bahujan -
the SC, ST, and OBC minority – gaining political power.
z In the 1980s, a new party, the Bahujan Samaj Party
(BSP), developed in North India under the leadership
of Kanshi Ram, with electoral power as its primary
goal and strategy.
 Though there was discussion of Dalits, Backward
Castes, and Minorities banding together to form a
Bahujan Samaj, in actuality, the BSP has become
a Dalit-based party eager to collaborate with any
political group in order to increase its vote share
and gain political dominance.
z Non-Dalit parties and groups advocating for Dalit
causes have also played an important role in their
emancipation.
 Agricultural labour unions established by
various political parties and non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) that have taken up
agricultural labour issues such as wage demands,
demands for employment guarantee schemes,
right to work, house sites, abolition of child labour,
right to education, and so on, have all contributed
to a new Dalit self-confidence.
z Present Dalit consciousness has been divided
between two classes.
 First doors benefited from reservation market
reforms and they become the capitalist
 The second class is still engaged in traditional
occupational jobs like bonded labour sanitation
workers and has not taken benefit of market
reforms and reservation as per the NCRB data
atrocities against the Dalit are rising.
z Dalit movements have lost unity and coordination
among themselves. There are different organisations
in different states having their own agenda and
methodology.
16.6 BACKWARD CLASS CASTES
MOVEMENTS
z The so-called backward castes are actually
intermediate castes whose position in the ritual
system was between the Brahmins and the
Kshatriya and above the untouchables.
z They did have certain ritual disadvantages when
compared to the upper castes, but they were not
equivalent to the SCs because they frequently had
access to land and other economic resources.
Social Movements in Independent India
z They were also not immune to being touched.
Furthermore, there are significant inequalities within
the category, with certain castes or groups of castes
being quite powerful economically and socially, while
others are quite poor, with a ritual place just above
that of the SCs.
z From the 1920s, a number of organisations united
around the issue of caste sprang up in different parts
of the country.
z These included the United Provinces Hindu Backward
Classes League, All-India Backward Classes Federation,
and All-India Backward Classes League. In 1954,
88 organisations were counted as working for the
Backward Classes.
z Both backward class and Dalit movements have been
able to challenge the Brahmanical social order and
mobilize people towards attaining their social and
legal rights through protests and movements.
16.6.1 PHASE-1 1947-2000
z South India’s backward classes were mobilised far
sooner than those in North India. They were not only
given reservations in government positions but they
were also mobilised into the social movement and
entered politics in South India far earlier than the
backward classes in North India.
z In contrast to the north Indian states, when reserves
for OBCs were implemented at various times beginning
in the 1970s, the south Indian states had finished the
process of providing reservations for OBCs by the
1960s.
z In 1956, the Government of India appointed the Kaka
Kalelkar Commission, which identified nearly
3000 tribes or clans as OBC.
 According to the Mandal Commission (1980),
OBCs account for 52 per cent of the population,
including non-Hindus.
z With the emergence of the Green Revolution in
Haryana and Punjab dominant castes like JAts and
Yadav emerged. They controlled a significant portion
of the rural economy and benefited.
z The Mandal Commission report implemented in
1992 gave impetus to this dominant caste as few of
them were classified under socially backward classes
and benefited under the OBC quota.
16.6.2 PHASE 2: 2001- Present
z The recommendation for OBC reservations in central
government institutions was finally implemented in
1992 while the education quota came into force in
2006.
z Over two decades after its implementation, experts
say gross inequity continues to exist in how the
109
 benefits of the reservations are enjoyed by different
communities within the OBC.
 Few dominant castes that emerged during the
Green Revolution now face an agrarian crisis and
they have less economic Returns and which is
reducing their dominant status.
z The way out the thing that is left is government jobs
as it gives them status and Honour however it can be
achieved only through the benefit of reservation.
z Thus, this phase is marked by the active
participation of students from backward classes
and almost all of them are demanding reservation
under OBC quota.
z Incidents like Patidar Andolan, Gujarat, Maratha
agitation, Maharashtra and Jat agitation in Haryana
are significant movements observed till now.
z Patidar movements: The Patidars of Gujarat is a
farming caste having considerable landed property.
But their position has declined due to economic
reasons.
z In August 2015, they started a movement demanding
OBC status. However, the government, till now, has not
responded to their demands.
z The movement was led by 23-year-old Hardik Patel
under the banner of Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti.
The lower castes by organizing themselves in the pursuit
of collective interest were able to make their presence felt
and put forward their demands. The involvement of these
caste organizations in politics has changed their position
in the hierarchical pattern of Hindu society.
16.7 ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT
z Environmental movement is a type of “social
movement” that involves an array of individuals,
groups and coalitions that perceive a common interest
in environmental protection and act to bring about
changes in environmental policies and practices.
Genesis of Environmental Movements
z The genesis of concern for environmental protection in
India, can be traced back to the early twentieth century
when people protested against the commercialization
of forest resources during the British colonial period.
z In the post-independence Chipko movement in the
1970s was the first and most significant movement.
z In fact, between the 1970s and 1980s, several struggles
in India centred on issues of forest and water rights,
raising larger ecological concerns such as community
rights to forest resources, the sustainability of
large-scale environmental projects such as dams,
displacement and rehabilitation, and so on.
 As a result, environmental movements in India are
not always for the ‘green’ or ‘clean’ planet, or for
protecting humanity’s heritage and endangered
110
species, as they are in the West, but for the survival
of the local poor.
z Based on vision, ideology, and strategy, Gadgil and
Guha identify four broad strands within India’s
environmental movements.
 The first are those that emphasise the moral
imperative to limit usage and ensure justice for
the poor and marginalised. This strand is primarily
composed of Gandhians.
 The second strand emphasises the importance
of resistance in dismantling the unfair
socioeconomic system. This is the strand that
most Marxists adhere to.
 The third and fourth strands encourage
reconstruction, which means using
technologies that are appropriate for the
environment and time.
 They represent scientists’ worries or the
spontaneous initiatives of village communities
to safeguard local community woods or the
right to pursue environmentally beneficial
agriculture practices.
Reasons for the Emergence of Environmental
Movements in India
z Major reasons for the emergence of environmental
movements in India include reasons such as:
 Control over natural resources,
 False developmental policies of the government,
 Socioeconomic reasons,
 Environmental degradation/ destruction and,
 Spread of environmental awareness and media.
z The socioeconomic factors are another lens through
which we might examine the origins of environmental
movements.
z Almost all environmental movements in India are tied
to this feature in some way, and if we look at where
these movements began, we can find that most of
these places are tribally dominated.
z These people have strong opinions about their forests,
land, and water. At the same time, they are completely
reliant on these resources for survival.
Degradation of the Environment And
Emergence Of Environmental Movements
z Environmental degradation is another key factor that
frequently leads to environmental activism. The silent
valley case was one such example.
z Another example of a movement that formed as
a result of environmental degradation was the
movement against limestone quarrying in the Doon
Valley in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
Post Independence India
z The spread of environmental consciousness and
the media have also played important roles in the
emergence of urban environmental movements.
z Previously, people were oblivious of the value of the
environment. However, as environmental awareness
grew for a variety of reasons, people began to protect
their environment. Local movements to protect the
purity of various rivers, such as the Ganga and the
Yamuna, are examples.
Best-known Environmental Movements in
Fig. 16.4: Womens protecting trees
India z Appiko Movement: Appiko Movement is one of the
z Bishnoi Movement: This movement was led by forest-based environmental movements in India. The
Amrita Devi in which around 363 people sacrificed
movement took place in the Uttara Kannada district
their lives for the protection of their forests. This
of Karnataka in the Western Ghats.
movement was the first of its kind to have developed
the strategy of hugging or embracing the trees for  The Appiko movement succeeded in its three-
their protection spontaneously. fold objectives including 1] protecting the existing
z Narmada Bachao Andolan: The most popular forest cover, 2] regeneration of trees in denuded
movement in the environmental history of India is the land, and 3] utilizing forest wealth with proper
movement against the Narmada River Valley Project. consideration to the conservation of natural
 The Narmada Valley is the site of one of the world’s resources.
largest multipurpose water projects: the Narmada z Silent Valley Movement: The Kerala Sastra Sahitya
River Development Project, which involves the Parishad (KSSP), an NGO, was working for three
construction of thirty large dams and many small decades among the masses of Kerala for growing
ones on the river and its fifty-one main tributaries. environmental awareness.
z The Chipko Movement: The Chipko is one of the
 The campaign to save Silent Valley turned out to be
world’s known environmental movements in India.
a public education programme in many respects.
 The name ‘Chipko’ was derived from the consensual
The movement in many ways saves the ecosystem
strategy of clinging on to the trees as a non-violent
of the Silent Valley area.
direct action.
 The Chipko movement focused world attention
#OpinionMaters
on the environmental problems of the Alaknanda
catchment area in the mid-Western Himalayas. Social movements and political movements are both
examples of popular movements, and there is frequent
 The main demand of the people in these protests
overlap between the two. Can you observe this trend
was that the benefits of the forests, especially the
in popular movements of post-independent India?
right to fodder, should go to local people.

v v v

Social Movements in Independent India 111

 17 India During 2000 to 2014
z During the 1990s Indian politics became more complex
at the domestic level, with greater competition
between parties and the introduction of a third tier
of government.
z The successful repulsion of the Invaders in Kargil
encouraged the BJP to dissolve Parliament and call
fresh elections. By claiming credit for nuclear tests
and military victory the ruling Alliance hoped to
consolidate patriotic Pride behind it.
z The BJP gained a bigger presence in the Lok Sabha as
a result of public resentment against smaller parties
that jeopardized the NDA alliance.
17.1 THE KANDAHAR INCIDENT
z On Christmas Eve 1999, an Indian Airlines flight
from Kathmandu to Delhi was hijacked by terrorists
who demanded the release of thirty-six captured
militants as well as a ransom.
z Surprisingly, the plane was allowed to take off from
Amritsar, India, where it had landed and remained for
forty minutes.
z It eventually landed in Kandahar, Afghanistan, where
the hijackers killed one of the passengers to make
their intentions plain.
z Negotiations were carried out with the assistance of
the Taliban, and finally, to the surprise and disbelief
of the entire nation, the Minister for External Affairs,
Jaswant Singh, personally escorted Maulana Masood
Azhar, a major leader of the terrorists, and two others,
in a special plane to Kandahar.
17.2 AGRA SUMMIT
z Musharraf demonstrated a willingness to engage
in discussion, and Vajpayee invited him to Agra for
a summit in July 2001.
 However, not enough preparation had been done
in advance, and while Vajpayee desired broad-
ranging discussions, Musharraf preferred to focus
solely on Kashmir.
 Finally, no agreement could be reached on the
joint statement since Pakistan wanted to include
a reference to Kashmir as a core concern while
India wanted to include cross-border terrorism.
Fig. 17.1: Indian leaders and President of
Pakistan at Agra Summit
z The Agra Summit was a huge success for Musharraf
and a disaster for India in terms of public relations.
z Following that, relations with Pakistan did not
improve much. They deteriorated at times, such as
after the terrorist attack on the Indian parliament
on December 13, 2001, when India placed massive
forces on the border for no apparent cause.
17.3 GODHRA RIOTS OF 2002
z After the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992
during a ‘Kar Seva’ event, India experienced a surge
in communal hostilities.
z In a televised interview, Vajpayee ji called the
incident “unfortunate,” saying it “should not have
happened” and apologizing for the demolition. In
this context, a couple of bogies of the Sabarmati
Express were set on fire in Gujarat’s Godhra district
in February 2002.
z At that fire, 58 persons were killed, all of whom were
Hindus, karsevaks or volunteers returning from a
religious ceremony in Ayodhya.
17.4 POLICIES OF VAJPAYEE
GOVERNMENT
z The biggest achievement of Atal Bihari Vajpayee was
his foundation of the Sarva Siksha Abhiyan which
made education a fundamental right for children aged
between 6 and 14 years.
z It was owing to Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s New Telecom
Policy that made India witness a growth of telecom
penetration from 3% to 70% in a span of 12 years.
z passed the Chandrayan - I project on 15th August
2003. He also introduced the Fiscal Responsibility
Act to bring down the fiscal deficit and in a span of 5
years, he took public-sector savings to a good positive
score.
17.4.1 Indo–US Relations
z The US sanctions put on India following the Pokhran
nuclear tests were lifted in October 2001, in response
to the new scenario created by 9/11.
z Prior to that, Clinton visited India in March 2000,
responding to a growing sense in the United States
that it needed to engage with India as an important
emergent economic power and democracy.
z Furthermore, the Indian community in the United
States had emerged as a force to be reckoned with,
with the majority of its members being highly educated
professionals working in critical sectors of US society.
 George Bush’s new administration in the United
States was fairly friendly to India.
z Building on the easing of sanctions, a conversation
on civilian nuclear technology, nuclear safety, and
high-tech trade began in 2002.
z Bush and Vajpayee even released a joint statement
in January 2004 promising collaboration in these
areas.
 During the Manmohan Singh government’s tenure,
which began in May 2004, these discussions
reached a new level.
z Following Manmohan Singh’s visit to the United
States, the two countries issued a joint statement
on July 18, 2005, stating that the US would work to
Market size of India's IT industry
200
150
US $ (in billion) →
adjust US laws and international regimes to allow
full civilian nuclear energy cooperation and trade
with India, including the provision of fuel supplies for
the Tarapur nuclear reactors.
z On its part, India agreed to phase in the
identification and separation of civilian and
military nuclear facilities and programmes, to
place its civilian nuclear facilities under International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards, to maintain
its unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing, to ensure
nonproliferation.
z The accord was widely supported by the media and
other segments of civil society.
17.4.2 Economic Policy of Vajapayee
Government
z By early 2000 after a decade of market and trade
liberalization the Indian economy had finally
escaped from what was mockingly referred to as
the Hindu rate of growth.
 The sector that had done best was the services
which grew at an average of 8.1 % a year through
the 1990s much of this was contributed by the
software industry.
 In both India and abroad the software industry
was commonly acknowledged as the poster boy
of the reforms.
 The industry was a largely indigenous product
which forms the basis of Indian entrepreneurs
employing Indian engineers trained at Indian
universities but large is the work for their foreign
clients.
191
181
167
146.4 143 154

118.05
108.51
100.87
100 88.45
66.87 74.17

50

0
9

0
-0

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-1

-2
08

09

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19
20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

Data source: IBEF, Ministry of Commerce & Industry, Government of India

Fig. 17.2: Growth of IT sector in India

India During 2000 to 2014 113

z Most state corporations, notably the Videsh
Sanchar Nigam Ltd, were privatised during his
government.
 His administration has also begun to build special
export processing zones, information technology
parks, and industrial parks across the country in
order to boost industrial production and exports.
z His government began the National Highway
Development Project in its third term (1999-2004),
with the Golden Quadrilateral as the first phase.
17.4.3 Kashmir Policy of Vajpayee
Government
z Kashmir has experienced turmoil as a result of
Pakistan’s support for terrorism. Various Indian
governments have made efforts to put the situation
in Kashmir under control.
z However, Vajpayee is praised for deploying soft power
to quell the Kashmir unrest that erupted following the
outbreak of the insurgency in the 1990s.
z In 2003, Vajpayee introduced the theory of
‘Insaniyat, Jamhooriyat, and Kashmiriyat,’ which
means humanity, democracy, and maintaining
the sanctity of the people of Kashmir, and which
eventually became a cornerstone of the State’s forces
of reconciliation.
 He declared a unilateral truce and invited the
Hurriyat’s moderate side to engage in discussions
with the Indian administration.
z In the 2002 state elections, Vajpayee’s unshakable
dedication to Jamhooriyat brought in a wave of
trust through massive public engagement.
z The scars of previous fraudulent elections, particularly
the assembly polls of 1987, were now being replaced
by a new drive toward a democratic manner of
expression, not only in an electoral sense, but also in
terms of the overall healing of the conflict.
While Vajpayee’s remarkable ability to accommodate
the allies up to a point and at the same time not let
the governance suffer. Vajpayee was a man of big ideas
reflected in his ambitious golden quadrilateral plan. His
statesmanlike quality was evident in the way as a leader
of the opposition he promptly supported the defence
deal struck with Russia by the Rao government once he
was convinced about it being in the national interest or
in his famous speech invoking ‘Insaniyat, Jamhuriyat,
Kashmiriyat’ that is still remembered in the valley.
17.5 UPA GOVERNMENT: 2004 GENERAL
ELECTIONS
z When polling ended in the 2004 general elections and
the votes were counted the results were contrary to
what the pollster had expected. They had predicted
a comfortable victory for the ruling Alliance in the
event the National Democratic Alliance won 189 seats
114
whereas the United Progressive Alliance led by the
Congress secured 222 seats.
z May 2004 the time came for UPA to take office at the
centre Sonia Gandhi chose to decline the post of prime
minister and nominated Dr Manmohan Singh who had
been Finance Minister in the 1990s.
z The personal relationship between the party
president and prime minister was cordial. However,
in terms of their economic policies, they diverged.
Mohan Singh was a reformist whereas Sonia Gandhi
was a populist.
 Sonia Gandhi constituted a National Advisory
Council chaired by herself and composed largely
of social activists who shared her welfarist ideas.
The Advisory Council pressed its ideas on the
Prime Minister.
z In March 2005 less than a year after coming to
power the UPA government announced the setting
of a high-level committee to study the socio-
economic and educational status of Muslims in
India; it was headed by Justice Rajendra Sachar.
z The reason behind the formation of the committee
was the under-representation of Muslims in different
spheres of life. Almost the only sphere of Indian life
in which Muslims were overrepresented was in the
Nation’s cities; they constituted about 14% of the
country’s population but 18% of the Urban population.
 The committee presented its report in November
2006 the report identified three crucial issues
facing Indian Muslims; the first problem was
identified, the second problem was security and
the third was equity.
17.5.1 Economy
z In the last week of April 2007, India joined an elite
club of nations with a trillion-dollar economy. It was
the twelfth member of this group, its membership
aided in part by a steady appreciation of the rupee
against the dollar.
z In January 2007, the Sensex had crossed the 14,000
mark; by October of the same year, it had exceeded
20,000.
 The rise of the Sensex and the strides
made by Indian firms at home and abroad
notwithstanding, the process of economic
growth was not always smooth or without
friction.
z Global financial crisis (2008-09) and performance
of India: In the initial days post the Lehman collapse
on September 15, 2008, many in the government did
not think much of the crisis. The growth euphoria of
the previous years had led to a widespread notion that
the Indian economy was decoupled from that of the
developed world.
Post Independence India
  The government announced three stimulus
packages in the space of three months between
December 2008 and February 2009, totalling Rs
1,86,000 crore or 3.5% of the GDP.
 After doing better than what the Fiscal
Responsibility and Budget Management Act had
required in 2007-08, India’s fiscal deficit touched
6% of the GDP in 2008-09, from just 2.7% in the
previous year.
 Over seven months between October 2008 and
April 2009, the RBI eased monetary conditions
dramatically.
 In 2009, global trade dropped 11%, and India’s
exports plummeted 16%. Trade data since 2010
suggests that India does better than the world
when world exports of goods and services are
rising.
z Under the Land Acquisition Act of 1894: Framed
when India was a British colony, but still on the statute
books - the state could acquire land from peasants for
what it deemed ‘public purpose’.
 But those whose lands were forcibly acquired
often resisted. In 2005, for example, when the
government sought to site a nuclear plant in a rich
and fertile tract of coastal Maharashtra, farmers
and fishermen organized a series of protest
meetings and demonstrations.
z Rural employment: The Mahatma Gandhi National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is
the largest welfare scheme of its kind in the world
started in 2006. Wages given under the scheme per
day have almost doubled from Rs.65 to Rs. 128 since
the launch of the scheme. In 2012-13, the scheme
provided employment to over 4.98 crore households,
generating more than 213 crore person-days of
employment.
z More than 2 lakh km of new roads have been
added to the rural road network. Allocation for
Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana has increased by
88 per cent in the 12th Five-Year Plan.
17.5.2 Major Political Protest
z Nandigram protest: In West Bengal, for example, the
Left Front government had long portrayed itself as a
party of the countryside, opposed to the interests of the
pampered middle class of Calcutta. Now, in an abrupt
ditch in policy, it invited an Indonesian conglomerate,
Salim Group, to set up a Special Economic Zone in
the Nandigram area of the Purbo Medinipur district.
The process of land acquisition was set in motion,
angering local villagers.
z In January 2007, bitter clashes broke out between
protesters and in Nandigram, six people died. In this
clash, CPI(M) cadres stood with the police, while the
India During 2000 to 2014
protesters were aided by cadres of the main opposition
party in the state, the Trinamool Congress (TMC).
z The West Bengal government had also asked the
Tatas to set up an automobile plant in their state.
 The group’s patriarch, Ratan Tata, had nurtured
a dream-or fantasy -of manufacturing a people’s
car’, to be called the Nano, and priced at less than
Rs 100,000, within reach of every middle-class
family in the country.
 When offered land in Singur in West Bengal for
the Nano plant the Tatas took it at once.
 But, as in Nandigram, the promise had been
made without consulting the farmers whose land
was to be acquired. This was a fertile agricultural
tract, well irrigated and with bountiful rainfall too.
 The protesting farmers of Singur were led and
mobilized by Mamata Banerjee. Ms Banerjee
organized many processions and demonstrations
against the Tata project.
z In August 2008, after the protests had been
underway for almost a year, the Tatas suspended
work at Singur and announced that they would
shift the plant and machinery outside West Bengal.
 They directly blamed the state administration for
this retreat.
 In October 2008 - a month after they quit West
Bengal - Tata Motors announced that they had
found a new location for their Nano plant. This was
in Gujarat, in a region called Sanand, where the
government had allocated 1,100 acres of land. This
was a relief for the Tatas, whose chairman, Ratan
Tata, had invested so much personal prestige in
the Nano project.
17.5.3 The Terrorist Attack of 26/11
z There had been a wave of terror attacks in different
parts of the country. In February 2007, the Samjhauta
Express that ran from New Delhi to the border with
Pakistan was bombed, with sixty-seven people dying
in the attack. The rain was promoted as a symbol of
peace and understanding; and those who attacked
it were almost certainly Hindu fundamentalists,
opposed to any reconciliation with Pakistan.
z The timing suggested as much, for the terror attack
occurred a day before the Pakistani foreign minister
was scheduled to visit New Delhi.
 Other terror attacks were the handiwork of Islamic
terrorists, often based in or aided by elements in
Pakistan.
z In May 2007 nine people were killed when a blast
ripped through the historic Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad.
z A year later, at least sixty-four people were killed
when a series of blasts rocked another old, historic,
city, the Rajasthan capital, Jaipur.
115
z Then, in September 2008, twenty people were killed
when five bombs were set off in a busy marketplace
in New Delhi.
z On 26 November 2008, India witnessed its most
daring terror attack jet. That evening, a group of
militants from Pakistan came by boat Tight up to the
waterfront in south Mumbai, a much-visited tourist
spot housing the iconic Gateway of India and the Taj
Mahal Hotel.
Fig. 17.3: 26/11 attack at Mumbai Taj hotel
z They had previously undergone weeks of training
in camps run by the Islamist group Lashkar-e-
Taiba, overseen by serving and retired officers of the
Pakistan army.
 It took four days in all for mine of the attackers
to be killed, and a tenth, the sole survivor, to be
captured.
 The captive confessed to have come from
Pakistan, and to having been trained by the
Lashkar-e-Taiba.
z More than two hundred people were killed by the
terrorists in Mumbai. About twenty of them were
foreigners.
z Large sections of the Taj Hotel were gutted from the
inside. But beyond the damage to men and materials,
the attack had left a deep emotional scar on the
citizens of Mumbai and of India.
z These parts of the city were well-loved and well-
visited. The Taj was arguably India’s most famous
hotel.
z The Chhatrapati Shivaji terminus was the busiest
railway station in India. The shock was deepened
by the ease with which these famous places were
attacked by a group of marauders coming in from the
open sea in a small boat that they had hijacked.
z The terror attack on south Mumbai swiftly acquired
the label 26/11, to match 9/11.
17.6 UPA 2: 2009 - 2014
z The next general elections were due in May 2009.
The Congress was in power at the centre and in some
key states. At the time of the 2009 elections, Advani
was eighty-one. Manmohan Singh was only five years
younger, but he had kept his government going for a
full term.
116
z The economy was doing well, for which sections of
the middle class gave him credit, as they did for the
nuclear deal with the United States.
z The prominence given to Rahul Gandhi was intended
to attract first-time voters, while, as the architect of
the UPA’s social welfare schemes, Sonia Gandhi had an
appeal among the underprivileged.
z The rural employment guarantee programme in
particular had begun to show results. Scheduled
Castes. Scheduled Tribes and women had benefited
substantially from this scheme, while the building of
roads and wells had helped the rural economy as a
whole.’
z Most observers expected a fragmented verdict
with both Congress and BJP falling well short of
a majority, each side then scrambling for partners to
make up the numbers. The possibility of a Third Front’
forming the government was also in the air.
 In the event, Congress increased its tally by
more than 60 seats. It won as many as 206 seats
in the Lok Sabha, the first time it had crossed the
two-hundred mark since 1991.
z In August 2009 Lok Sabha adopted the Right of
Children to Free and compulsory education Bill,
2009, mandating free and compulsory education to
children aged between six and fourteen.
 Although such a provision had been mandated in
the constitution, the government far failed to meet
this obligation.
 Indeed, government schools were so poorly run
that even peasant and working-class families
preferred to put their children in private schools,
often incurring debts to do so.
z Later the same month, the UPA government
proposed that reservation for women at all tiers
of the Panchayati raj system be raised from 33 to
at least 50 per cent.
 To become law, the proposal would however
require an amendment to the constitution.
 Some months later, the Cabinet approved an even
more radical proposal, which was to have 33
percent of seats in the national Parliament, and
in State Assemblies, reserved for women.
z The Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, strongly
backed this proposal. In March 2010, the Women’s
Reservation was tabled in the Raiva Sabha, where it
was bitterly opposed by some of the Congress’s own
alliance partners.
 The Rashtriya Janata Dal pulled its ministers out
of the government in protest. The bill was then
dropped, for fear of creating a further rift in the
ruling coalition.
z These gestures towards an inclusive education
policy and Parliamentary reservation for women
were aimed to consolidate the Congress’s claim to
represent or speak for the majority of Indians.
Post Independence India
z However, from the end of 2009 the Union
government found itself in the middle of one
scandal after another.
z First, there was a controversy about the allocation
of second and third-generation (2G and 3G)
telecom licenses, which, said the Central Bureau of
Investigation, were given to private companies ‘on
a first-come-first-served basis at the rates of 2001
- which were very low - without any competitive
bidding’.
 The CBI estimated the loss to the exchequer as
being about Rs 22,000 crores.
 In October 2010, a report by the Comptroller and
Auditor General (CAG) was tabled in Parliament.
This estimated the loss to the state exchequer as
a result of the 2G allocation to be up to Rs 1.76
lakh crore.
 The credibility of the prime minister and his
government fell further when, in February 2011,
the CBI felt it had enough evidence to arrest A.
Raja.
z However, the next scandal involved a senior
Congress politician, Suresh Kalmadi, who was in
charge of preparations for the Commonwealth Games
(CWG), due to be held in New Delhi in 2010.
 Reports began to surface of large sums of money
being paid to secure road and building contracts
for these Games.
 These allegations were energetically taken up
by newspapers and television. In a bid at damage
control, the government appointed a committee to
probe into the Commonwealth Games affair.
z The coal blocks scam: In the early 1990s, the
government decided to allocate such coal blocks to
private companies that were not part of the production
plan of PSUs Coal India Ltd and Singareni Collieries
Company Limited (SCCL). Initially a list of 143 coal
blocks was prepared, later inflated to 216.
 At that time there were no concrete guidelines
for allocation of blocks as coal mining was largely
restricted to PSUs and many geographic locations
were seen as unsuitable for profitable mining.
The guidelines were periodically revised through
1993, 1998 and 2003.
 Between 1993 and 2005, 70 coal mines were
allocated. Then between 2006 and 2010, a further
146 blocks were allocated, taking the total tally
to 216.
z In March 2012, a leaked draft report of the CAG
revealed irregularities in the allocation of blocks
and pegged the loss to the exchequer at Rs 10.76
lakh crore.
 Unlike the 2G spectrum case, where all the accused
have been acquitted, CBI has secured multiple
convictions in the coal cases. Through 2017 and
India During 2000 to 2014
2018, a special CBI court convicted former Coal
Secretary H C Gupta in three different cases.
z However, the corruption scandals were a blot on the
reputation of the prime minister, who, despite his
personal reputation for honesty, had allowed these
alleged illegalities to happen.
z There were now a large number of television channels
which energetically competed for viewers. Corruption
was not unknown in the past; but never before had it
been manifest in so many high places.
z That a central government headed by a prime minister
who claimed to be personally incorruptible had its
hand in the till - or several tills - made this an exciting
story for journalists to follow. That state agencies such
as the CBI and the CAG had themselves held that
illegalities had occurred, that the real or putative sums
of the money pilfered were so colossally large, and
that Cabinet ministers had been arrested, made the
story even more compelling.
z In the summer of 2011, within two years of its
re-election, the United Progressive Alliance was facing
a serious crisis of credibility.
Anti-Corruption Measures Taken
z Right to information, second administrative reforms
commission, and e-governance ensure transparency.
Among the anti-corruption measures, the government
was able to bring the Lokpal Act, as also the Whistle
Blowers Protection Bill, Grievance Redressal Bill, and
Amendment to Prevention of Corruption Act.
India Against Corruption Movement
z Corruption in contemporary India is widespread not
merely in the legislature, but in the executive branch
as well. In times past it manifested itself more in the
lower echelons of the bureaucracy, with minor officials
taking bribes to allot housing sites, sanction electricity
connections or shortlist candidates for jobs. The CBI
has even charged secretaries to the government of
India and chief secretaries of states with having assets
‘disproportionate’ to their income.
z Anna Hazare drew attention to corruption in the
state’s development programmes and occasionally
fasted to put pressure on Maharashtra’s officials and
politicians.
z Now, in April 2011, the telecom and Commonwealth
Games scams, and the massive media attention
they engendered, persuaded Hazare that he
needed to move himself to the national stage.
z Hazare’s fast in New Delhi was conducted at Jantar
Mantar, which had become the preferred venue for
protests once the police had closed Rajpath to activists.
z His fast had one general aim - to focus national
attention on the problem of corruption - and one
specific aim, to compel the government to pass
a bill appointing a ‘Lokpal’, or ombudsman, with
the powers to detect and punish corrupt officials and
politicians.
117
z Hazare’s fast was widely, and at times breathlessly,
covered by the press. The government’s failure to
punish the guilty in the telecom and Commonwealth
Games scams was imprinted on the public imagination.
 Hazare sat on the stage, while anti-corruption
activists made a series of stirring speeches, the
national tricolour waving in the background.
 A stream of writers, retired judges, musicians
and even the odd Bollywood actor trooped off to
Jantar Mantar to visit Hazare, each new celebrity
endorsement adding to the excitement and the
drama.
z An umbrella organization called ‘India Against
Corruption’ had been formed to support Hazare. Its
prime movers included Arvind Kejriwal, an engineer-
turned-civil servant-turned-activist, who had worked
on the Right to Information campaign.
 India Against Corruption organized supportive
vigils in cities across the country, where candles
were lit and songs sung in solidarity with the
protests in Delhi. Prominent among those who
came out to support Hazare were college students
and young professionals.
Fig. 17.4: India Against corruption movement
z Unnerved by the protests, the government of
India buckled in. On 9 April it announced that it
would set up a committee of ten members to help
prepare a Lokpal Bill.
 In this committee, five Cabinet ministers would
work with five people nominated by India Against
Corruption, an extraordinary concession placing
an elected national government on par with one,
and not entirely representative, section of civil
society.
 On hearing of this, Hazare broke his fast, and said
he hoped the new Lokpal Bill would be passed by
Parliament before 15 August 2011, Independence
Day.
z On the 15th of August, Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh delivered his Independence Day address from
the ramparts of the Red Fort. Speaking from behind a
bullet-proof screen, he acknowledged that corruption
was a big obstacle in the way of the country fulfilling
its potential. But, he added, there was no ‘magic wand’
to eradicate it.
v v
118
z The next day, Anna Hazare announced that he
would go on a fresh fast for a Lokpal Bill that met
his and his colleagues’ approval.
z Finally, the Lokpal bill was enacted into law in 2013
by the union government at the central government
and lokayuktas at the state level.
z The 2G spectrum scam and the coal blocks
allocation cases were among the reasons that
the UPA II government came to be perceived as
corrupt.
17.7 EVOLUTION OF NATURE OF
DEMOCRACY IN INDIA
z In so far as it holds regular elections and has a
multiparty system and a free press, India is emphatically
a democracy. But the nature of this democracy has
profoundly changed over the years.
z In the first two decades of Independence, India
was more or less a constitutional democracy, with
laws passed and enacted after due deliberation in
Parliament, by political parties which were themselves
run on deliberative lines.
z The third and fourth decades were a period of
transition, as the ruling Congress sought to reshape
the constitution to give it itself more power.
 At the same time, it led the move away from
inner-party democracy towards the anointing of
a Supreme Leader.
 The opposition answered by moving outside the
constitution itself, through a countrywide agitation
that sought to delegitimize elected governments
and their authority to rule.
z Mandal and Mandir disputes encouraged the rise of
identity politics, with groups organizing themselves
on the basis of caste or religion and seeking to assert
themselves by force of numbers rather than by the
quality of their arguments. Parliamentary debates, one
of a very high order, have degenerated into slanging
matches.
z Sixty years after Independence, India remains a
democracy. But the events of the last two decades
call for a new qualifying adjective. India is no longer
a constitutional democracy but a populist one.
#OpinionMaters
Political parties’ attention has turned from ideological
disagreements to power-sharing arrangements
because of coalition politics. Do you think this change
can be a threat to India’s integrity and result in policy
paralysis?
v
Post Independence India
 18 Present Era
z In five years since 2013, when Narendra Modi
was declared its prime ministerial candidate, the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has managed to widen
its geographical reach and strengthen its electoral and
political supremacy across the country. Today, the BJP
is the richest, largest, and most dominant political
party in India.
18.1 RISE OF BJP AND NDA
GOVERNMENT
z The BJP’s rise to power can be attributed partly to
Advani’s organisational skills, as well as the party’s
return to the Hindutva agenda while keeping the
liberal image of Vajpayee alive in popular memory.
z The BJP has been able to expand its political base
in the country because of various factors including
superior electoral strategies, planning, hard work, and
a voter outreach programme that was far better than
those of its rivals.
z The BJP also began to penetrate into the rural
countryside, focusing on reaching the backward castes
and the poor. The party paid attention to castes, sub-
castes and social groups that have been neglected by
other parties.
18.2 POLICIES AND PROSPECT OF MODI
GOVERNMENT
z Continuation of previous policies: The BJP
government has first tried to substantially downscale
or dismantle existing policies such as the Mahatma
Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
or the National Food Security Act.
 However, during the course of its term, the
government has changed its mind and made an
effort to back existing social policies with higher
financial allocations and new policy mechanisms
with the objective of streamlining implementation.
z The government has also introduced a number
of new policies – mostly repackaging or reforming
existing schemes – especially in the areas of financial
inclusion, housing, sanitation, rural electrification and
health.
z JAM trinity: Prime Minister launched the Pradhan
Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY). It has two
objectives:
 First it aims at achieving universal financial
inclusion by providing access to basic financial
services to the weaker sections of the population;
 Second, the programme is part of the government’s
drive to provide social assistance – pensions, cash
transfers, MGNREGA wages etc. – through bank
transfers.
 Subsequently it is linked with AADHAR and
mobile to tap the leakages and for efficient
targeting of beneficiaries.
z Triple talaq and debate over UCC: The practice
of Triple Talaq (talaq-e-bidat) was deemed
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in the Shayara
Bano case (2017).
 The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on
Marriage) Act, 2019, was enacted by Parliament,
making quick Triple Talaq illegal.
 This led to an eruption of debate over the removal
of personal laws and implementation of UCC as per
Article 44 of the constitution.
z Protection of 3rd gender: In National Legal Services
Authority vs. Union of India (2014), the Supreme
Court acknowledged the “Third Gender.”
 In the groundbreaking decision, Justice K.S
Radhakrishnan stated that “recognition of
transgenders as a third gender is a human
rights problem, not a societal or medical
matter.”
 To safeguard their rights, the BJP government
enacted the Transgender Persons (Protection
of Rights) Act of 2019.
z EWS quota: The 10% EWS quota was implemented by
modifying Articles 15 and 16 of the 103rd Constitution
(Amendment) Act, 2019.
 The Supreme Court upholds the constitutional
validity of the law granting 10% reservation to
Economically Weaker Sections (EWS).
z CAA-NRC debate: The proposals for NRC and the
introduction of a separate national identity card for
citizens and non-citizens were mooted in the context
of the influx of immigrants, much before the Aadhaar
card was launched.
z Ayushman Bharat is National Health Protection
Scheme, which will cover over 10 crore poor
and vulnerable families (approximately 50 crore
beneficiaries) providing coverage upto 5 lakh rupees
per family per year for secondary and tertiary care
hospitalization.
z Development of the northeast region: For decades,
states in the North-East region (NER) had suffered,
because of “the tyranny of distance” syndrome.
 In 2014-15 the yearly budget allocation for the
development of NE states was Rs 24,819.18 crores,
in 2021-22 it rose to 70,874.32 crores, marking
an increase of over 285% in the past eight years
alone.
 The Ministry of Development of North Eastern
Region (MDoNER) is implementing various
schemes such as the North East Special
Infrastructure Development Scheme (SIDS), the
Non-Lapsable Central Pool of Resources (NLCPR)
Scheme.
z Education: National Policy, new entrance– After
the announcement of the new National Education
Policy in July 2020, its implementation got off to
a sluggish start, mainly due to the pandemic. Now,
there’s a common entrance test for admission to
central universities.
z Controlling left-wing extremism: According to
the Ministry of Home Affairs, Left Wing Extremism-
related violence has declined by 77% between 2009
and 2021, and resultant deaths by 85% between 2010
and 2021. The geographical influence of Maoists has
been reduced to just 41 districts from 96 in 2010.
z India has made a “giant leap” in the field of science
and technology in the past seven years. The PM
emphasized that Science is the basis of solutions,
evolution and innovation. And, it is with this
inspiration, that today’s new India is moving forward
with Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan, Jai Vigyan as well as Jai
Anusandhan.
 In the last 7 years India achieved a major
breakthrough in space science with the successful
success of the Mangalyaan mission and the
launching of the Chandrayaan-II mission.
 During covid pandemic, under Atma Nirbhar
Bharat, India successfully developed covid vaccine
and indigenous diagnosis kits for covid detection.
18.3 POLICY OVER TERRORISM
z The Modi government has adopted a zero-tolerance
policy towards terrorism and conveyed to the
international community India’s determination in its
fight against the menace.
z India has suffered several forms of terrorism and
its financing over more than three decades; hence
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it understands the pain and trauma of similarly
impacted nations.
z India struck Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) biggest
camp in Pakistan in a major “non-military pre-
emptive” action, killing a large number of terrorists
and trainers of the Pakistan-based terror group after
the terrorist attack of Pulwama.
18.4 ECONOMIC POLICIES
z The need for some of his big-ticket reforms had
been recognised for nearly two decades, but all prior
governments sidestep them on the pretext that there
was no consensus for them.
z Begin with the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code.
As far back as 2000, Justice VB Eradi Committee had
documented the glacial pace at which companies
under bankruptcy proceedings could be liquidated in
India.
z GST: GST Bill was first introduced in India in 2014 as
The Constitution (122nd Amendment) Bill.
 This was approved in 2016 and renumbered in the
statute as The Constitution (101st Amendment)
Act, 2016.
z Demonetisation: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
sudden announcement to demonetise Rs 500 and
Rs 1,000 notes in circulation, though welcomed by
people across the country, has left many in the lurch.
 Demonetisation is a radical monetary step in
which a currency unit’s status as a legal tender
is declared invalid. This is usually done whenever
there is a change of national currency, replacing
the old unit with a new one.
 Demonetisation destroyed the supply chains,
some irreparably, and GST led to a rise in input
prices in 2017.
Fig. 18.1: People during demonetisation
z Labur codes: The Modi government replaced
29 disparate and occasionally contradictory labour
laws with four considerably more coherent labour
codes that make labour markets far more flexible and
employment friendly.
Post Independence India
z The Modi government has gone on to liberalise
foreign direct investment in sectors such as defence,
civil aviation, railways, coal, mining and e-commerce
that prior governments had found difficult to open. It
has also opened the automatic route to the point that
it could disband the foreign investment promotion
board.
z India has leapfrogged towards becoming a global
leader in digital payments, thanks to a government-
backed payment system.
 The Jan Dhan scheme has enabled millions of
unbanked poor families to enter the formal
economy with “no-frills” bank accounts.
 At the same time adoption of UPI (Unified
Payment System) revolutionised the digital
payments landscape in India and now it is being
adopted by many other nations.
z Privatisation: With the successful sale of Air India
to the Tata Group, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
government has restarted the long-stalled privatisation
programme.
 In The country’s fight against COVID-19, the spirit
of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ pervaded all spheres and
had become a part of the everyday lives of people.
 The development of digital infrastructure made a
possible online transfer of relief funds to the poor
during the lockdown.
Bank accounts and deposits under
Jan Dhan scheme, 2015-2021
Accounts (in millions) Deposits ($bn)
20.0
400
15.0
300
10.0
200 5.0
2016 2018 2020 2016 2018 2020
Fig. 18.2: .Increase in population with bank accounts
Diplomacy & Strategy: Tightrope and
Partnerships
New Delhi’s diplomatic outreach succeeded in blunting
international criticism of the constitutional changes in
Jammu and Kashmir early on, and significant strategic
achievements have followed. But the neighbourhood
remains in turmoil, and China presents a huge challenge.
18.5 EVOLUTION OF INDIA’S FOREIGN
POLICY
z India’s foreign policy is shaped in response to
the global political and social order which can be
categorised into three phases.
Present Era
18.5.1 PHASE 1 – 1947 to 1991
z Two poles post the world wars: World was dominated
by two rival superpowers viz., the USA and the USSR.
 Birth of United Nations: United Nations was born
which was shaped by the victorious World War II
allies i.e., USA, USSR, UK and France.
 Control of the economic system by the West:
Global economic and financial system was usurped
by the US and its European allies who developed
the Bretton Woods arrangement viz., the World
Bank and the IMF.
z Non-Alignment: India’s response was to adopt the
policy of non-alignment.
 It meant that India did not identify with either
of the superpowers but aimed to get political,
economic and security support from both camps.
z Stable phase: This was a stable phase of India’s
foreign policy and best suited for the time.
18.5.2 PHASE 2 – 1991 to 2008
z Collapse of Soviet Union and balance of payments
crisis in India: The two major events of this phase
were the collapse of the former USSR and the balance
of payment crisis.
z The US as a sole superpower: The US remained the
major political, economic and military power.
z Lesser Poles: Lesser other poles of the world included
European Union, Russia, China, and Asia including
Japan and India and Brazil in South America.
z India’s response was to wean itself away from non-
alignment to multi-alignment.
z LPG reforms: Opened herself to globalization and
paid attention to the immediate neighbours.
18.5.3 PHASE 3 - 2008 to Present Times
z Subprime crisis: At the start of this phase the US
and the global financial and banking systems were
severely jolted.
z Global impact of economic crisis: Economic
meltdown not only affected the advanced economies
but also the Asian giants in the likes of South Korea,
Taiwan, Thailand etc.
z Shift in balance of power: Though the US still
remains the dominant power its share of power is
gradually shifting towards China.
z Rise of multiple poles: The rise of multiple poles like
EU, ASEAN, Russia, Japan, BRICS etc has been much
faster than in the previous phases.
z The fulcrum of global power is gradually shifting
from west to east.
z Focus of India diplomacy: Indian diplomacy is
primarily focused on the USA, China and other P5
member countries and our neighbourhood.
z Act East: Look East has been expanded to Act East.
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z Focus on Africa and South America: Africa has been
brought into focus and Latin America does not remain
distant anymore.
z Economic diplomacy has taken priority over
political and security issues.
z Present status: At the 2019 Raisina Dialogue in Delhi
in January this year, Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale
declared,
 “India has moved on from its non-aligned past.
India is today an aligned state—but based on
issues.”
z Further, India wishes to become part of the global
rule-making process. India has vocally advanced the
cause for the reformation of global bodies, particularly
the UNSC and the Bretton Woods institutions.
z With the objectives of preserving India’s territorial
integrity, promotion of international peace and
security and economic development of the nation,
India continues to pursue her foreign policy in the
realms of new political and economic order.
z With a lot of development taking place in India since
independence and India securing its position as the
world’s largest democracy, she rightfully continues to
claim her place in the global order of affairs.
Stand On Environment and Policy Measures
z India has shown to the world that it is possible
to protect the environment and ensure economic
development simultaneously.
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z Notable works are being done under the ‘Namami
Gange’ mission to clean the Ganga, a witness to our
glorious culture, and to conserve the aquatic life in the
holy river and improve the river ecosystem.
z The government adopted several commendable
measures to control pollution and improve
monitoring. Technology-based mechanisms and self-
regulation were viewed as the main tools for enforcing
regulatory provisions.
z India’s commitment to achieving Net Zero
emissions by 2070 at the 26th Conference of Parties
(CoP26), declared a five-fold strategy: termed the
panch amrita.
 At CoP26 India successfully launched a One Sun
One World One Grid Project and is now emerging
as a leader in the fight against climate change.
z India is among the top 10 nations as per the Climate
Change Performance Index (CCPI) which is based on
parameters like renewable power and energy use
efficiency.
#OpinionMaters
How COVID-19 pandemic utilized as an opportunity
for growth rather than a disaster?
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Post Independence India