ISLAM AND HAUSA CULTURE

ADEMOLA ADELEKE ______

Introduction

In 1871, the British anthropologist Edward Bumett Tylor,

defined culture as “that complex whole which includes
knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom and any other
capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of
society” .1 In other words, culture is away of life, a system
of values shared by a particular group, nation or people.
Culture provides a means of identification and self-assertion
for the individual as well as the collective.
Cultures can be identified and classified according to the
beliefs, customs, practices, language, and social behaviour
of the practitioners. These features distinguish one culture
from the other, one way of life from the other. Hence, each
culture has its distinguishing characteristics. The article
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posits that Islam and the Hausa. language are, currently,

the most distinguishing features of the cultural traits of
the Hausa. Yet, Islam is not indigenous to Hausaland. This
raises the obvious question on how Islam'came to be so
infused into Hausa culture as to become one. of its most
distinguishing characteristics. The article, traces the
historical processes which made this possible.

Hausaland before the Advent o f Islam

Hausaland, lying mainly in the Nigerian'.savannah, has
featured prominently in the history of West Africa.
Geographically, the area is sandwiched between the western
and central Sudan and has been greatly influenced by
developments arising from the strong links established quite
early between the Sudan and the Moslem world across the
Sahara. The greatest of these influences was, undoubtedly,
Islam, which, as we have noted, is one of the two
distinguishing features of the cultural traits of the Hausa.,

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 Lagos Notes and Records

The Hausa language, the other major index of the Hausa

cultu ral category, shows little evidence of extensive external
influence on the development of Hausa culture before the
introduction of Islain.2 Claims'by rdohnston3 and Smith4
on Berber political ^ d cultural influence on Hausa society
before the advent of Islam are'therefore historically
untenable.5 The trans-Saharan trade routes connecting Mali
Empire in the west and'Kariem in the east^did not. link
Hausaland. Therefore, Hausialandwas insulated from the
ideological and cultural influences penetrating the Sudan
from North Africa. It remained* in relative isolation up to
the end of the thirteenth century. -

Prior to the introduction of Islam Hausaland or Kasar'

Hausa6 went through a gradual process of political and
cultural evolution based on walled cities (birane), an
agrarian economy and a kingship institution revolving
around a powerful sarakuna. Between the ninth and, the
eleventh centuries, the birane experienced several phases
of dynastic and institutional changes .which produced a !
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political culture described by Bala Usman as the Sarauta'

system.7 This development led to the emergence of the Seven
Hausa States (Hausa Bakwcu) - Kano, Rano, Daura, Katsina,
Gobir, Zazzau and Biram (G arun: Gabas) plus other
secondary states described as the Banza Bakwai. Within
the period, the Hausa states.went through a gradual process ,
of internal transformation during which they strengthened
their political and military capability and successfully
executed policies of territorial expansion. By the end ofthe .
fourteenth century some of these states, especially Kano,
Katsina and Zaria, had emerged as strong contenders for
power and influence in Hausaland.8.

Perhaps, this internal transformation attracted the external

world to Hausaland. In any case, the emergence ofthe states
as strong political units with centralised political
institutions coincided with, although it was not dependent
on, the arrival of foreign, mainly Muslim, influences in
Hausaland.

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 Adeleke: Islam and Hausa Culture:

The Introduction of Islam

Islam penetrated Hausaland from several directions.
According, to the Ka.no Chronicle, Wangarawa9 Muslim
merchants and clerics from Mali led by Shaikh 'Abd al-
Rahman Zagaiti introduced Islam to Kano during the reign
of the eleventh Sarkin Kano Yaji (c. 1349-13,85).10 Sarki Yaji
is reported to have accepted Islam, built ,a mosque and
appointed some of the im m igra n ts into such Muslim offices
as al-Imam (leader of prayer), and al-mu’adhdhin (muezzin)
who called the faithful to prayer.. Another Muslim was put
in charge of slaughtering animals. .
Although Islam seems to have attracted important
personages, it encountered serious opposition from the
defenders of the traditional ethos. These were led by a
certain Sarkin Garazawa who often.encouraged his followers
to defile the mosque. The Chronicle celebrates the superiority
of Islam and its victory over tradition: the chief exponent of
tradition, Sarkin Garazawa, was struck blind by the power
of Muslim prayers. 11
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Yet, traditional religion remained strong even in the royal

court. Yaji’s son and second successor, Sarki Kanajiji^
(c. 1390-1410) is described in the Kano Chronicle as a “pagan’.
Nevertheless, Islam had already embarked on its match to
the apex of Hausa culture, and Sarki Kanajiji could not
reverse the process. In fact, the Chronicle reports further
that during the reign of Sarki YakUbu (c. 1452-1463) Fulani
scholars and clerics from Mali came to Hausaland with
books on divinity and Etymology . 12 These books were
important additions to I s la m ic works then available in
Hausaland, which were limited toathe Koran and the
Hadith. 13
Another document, Asl al Wangariyin dated A.H. 1061
(1650/51 AD) locates the arrival of the Wangarawa in Kano
in the fifteenth century during the reign of Sarki Muhammad
Ru m fa (1463-1499), the greatest of the pre-jihad kings of
Kano.M The obvious question, which arises from this
chronological confusion, is whether the two documents refer

166
 - Lagos Notes and Records

to the same event. It has been suggested that Hausaland

must have received several waves of both Wangarawa
traders and scholars at various times. 15 Muslim traders from
Mali arrived in Hausaland before the fifteenth century and
these may have introduced Islam to Hausa traders before
the arrival of the Wangarawa scholars and missionaries at
the court of Muhammad Rumfa. 16 Thereafter, a strong
Islamic tradition began to take root in Hausaland.
Sarki Rumfa introduced twelve innovations, which were
‘directed towards strengthening the internal structure of
the state and intensifying its Islamic character.’17 Some of
these innovations included the extension of the city walls,
the construction of a palace, Gidan Rumfa, and a market;
the appointment of eunuchs into offices of state; the
establishment of the Tara-ta-Kano, a nine-member Council
of State; the introduction of Kulle (purdah); and the public
celebration of the Muslim festival of Id al Kabir. He also
adopted the Kakaki (Long trumpet) and the Figinni (ostritch
feather fans) as symbols of royalty. 18
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The second half of the fifteenth century marked a turning

point in the history of Islamic acculturation in Hausaland.
The area came under intense pressure from three directions.
In the west, Songhay under the Askia dynasty extended its
political and cultural influences into Hausaland. In the
northwest, the emergence of Agades as the capital of the
Sultanate of Ahir forced the Hausa state of Gobir to move
southwards where it came into serious competition with
Katsina and Kebbi. In the east, the re-establishment of the
Seifawa dynasty in Bimi Gazargamu, west of Lake Chad,
brought Hausaland within the sphere of influence of the
Borno Kingdom. Islam continued to percolate into
Hausaland from all these directions.
In Katsina, Muhammad Korau (c. 1450-1493) who
established the pre-jihad dynasty with the help of the
Wangarawa was the first Sarkin to accept, Islam. Karau
relocated the city of Katsina at its present site, hundred
miles north of the former location. This brought the city

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 Adeleke: Islam, and Hausa Culture:

within the operational arena ofthe trans-Saharan trade and

of Islam.'His successors,-Ibrahim Sura (c. 1493> 1498)jand
Ali (C.-1498-1524) also encouraged the-spread.of IslamJ?
.These rulers laid.the foundation for..the emergence of
Katsina as a foremost centre of Islamic scholarship in.the
.central Sudan inrthe seventeenth century. -.Muhammad
Korau’s contemporary in Zaria, Muhammad Rabbo^was also
the first.Sarkiri Zaria to embrace Islam.?0 - m s.-

Towards the end of the fifteenth century, Muslim clerics

from Timbuktu began to visit Kano and Katsina regularly.
■In c. 1487, ..the Timbuktu jurist, Ahmad b.; Umar, the
grandfather1 of the celebrated Ahmad Baba, visitedrarid
taught in Kano.?1 The Egyptian scholar, Al-Suyuti (d:l 505),
who, is associated with the introduction of. Mahdist ideas
into-West Africa,-corresponded with Sarkin Katsina; Ibrahim
Sura, on the need to uphold Islamic justice and equity:22-.*
'Hausaland’s contact with Islamic culture was strengthened
with the arrival of the Shaikh Muhammad ibn *Abd al-karim
Al-Maghili in Kano in'.c.1493. 23 Al-Maghili,- a foremost
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Islamic theologian and political.theorist from_ Tlemcen,

Algeria, established a close friendship with Muhaminail
Rumfa and eventually produced for him a treatise^ on
statecraft called The Obligation of Pririces. ' '
Al-Maghili is credited with the introduction ofthe Sufi order
of the Qadiriyya brotherhood into West Africa, He extended
his activities-to Katsina where he was received by Sarki
IbrahimiSura. His influence would subsequently serve as a
powefful inspiration for Uthman dan Fodio and his.fellow
jihadists three centuries later.24 Other Islamic scholars also
came to Hausaland and left a legacy. The Moroccain scholar,
*Abd al-Rahman Suqqayn, was'in Kano in g:1519 while
Makhluf al-Balbali from Tabalbala near Tuwat visited Kano
and Katsina around the same period.25^All these scholars
contributed to the gradual diffusion of Islam.m Hausalarid.

B o n o ’s Influence on Hausa Culture : -

Bomo and Hausaland established economic and cultural
ties in the fourteenth century. The consolidation ofSeifawa

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 Lagos Notes and Records

power and influence in the fifteenth century accentuated

this contact. Islamic clerics in Hausaland recognised the
Islamic character of the Seifawa dynasty and were receptive
to Borno’s cultural influence .26 In fact, according to
Greenberg’s linguistic evidence, some Kanuri speaking
people first introduced Islamic influences into Hausaland.27
The Hausa language, whose absorptive capacity has been
amply demonstrated,28 has a rich store of Kanuri loan words
covering such fields as literacy, trade, urbanisation,
government, warfare, and even specialised agriculture.’29
-There is thus a strong linguistic evidence of Kanuri influence
on Hausa culture. This influence was essentially Islamic in
character. In fact, a'number of Hausa and Kanuri Muslim
scholars have traced their intellectual traditions to the same
source: al-Najib al- Anusammani, a Takeda jurist of the
sixteenth century.30
Extant documents originating from both Borno and
Hausaliand provide evidence of considerable contact
between the two societies. The Diwan al-Sa.la.tin of Borno
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rreports that when Mai Uthman b. Dawud (c. 1421-1422) was

deposed by his Kaigama he sought refuge in Kano.31 The
Kano Chronicle confirms this story, and records the warm
reception Sarki Dauda (c. 1421-1438) accorded Dagachi, a
deposed Borno prince when the latter arrived in Kano.32
Uthman b. Dawud evidently acquired a great deal of wealth
and influence in Kano, sometimes deputising for Sarki
Dauda and his successor ‘Abdullahi Buija,(1438-1452).33
He eventually became the Borno representative in Kano.34
It is indeed significant that it was Sarki Burja who initiated
the payment of Gaisuwa (gifts), to Borno. Although this
suggests Kano’s surbodinate position in relation to Borno,
there is, indeed, little evidence to prove that the ‘gifts’ were
a form of tribute exacted through military sanction.35 On
the contrary, it was motivated by economic and religious
reasons. Bawuro Barkindo asserts that: ■
The payment of regular gifts must have
beenin recognition of the Islamic primacy
o f the Borno rulers and to ensure the

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 Adeleke: Islam and Hausa Culture:

supply of mtal items (especially horses)

which were obtained through Bomo.
Gcdsuwa was therefore not based on the
military might of Bom o which does not
seem to have been very great at that time.36

The absence of coercion in Bomo’s relations with Kano is a

clear indication of Islam’s role in providing a common
platform for cultural interaction between the Kanuri and
the Hausa. Apparently, the payment o f Gaisuwa was
beneficial to both parties since the practice was adopted
by other Hausa states. In Katsina, for instance, Sarki Tsaga
Rano (c. 1431-1480) began the practice of sending gifts to
Bomo.37 John Hunwick has suggested that this subservient
relationship gave rise to the myth of origin tracing the
progenitor of the Hausa Sarakuna to a slave of the Sultan
of Bomo .38
All these suggest strong Borno cultural influence on
Hausaland. However,, as Greenberg has demonstrated,
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many of the Kanuri loan words in the Hausa language have

Arabic roots .39 Hence, Borno’s cultural influence was
Islam ic in content. This h elped to accelerate the
Islamisation of Hausa culture.

Islam and the Prevalence o f Traditional Religion

Islamic doctrine found ready acceptance among the Hausa
Sarakuna because it offered political advantages. The
religion’s supposed mystical powers and the Sharia legal
code were attractive options for political control. Moreover,
Islam provided a ready language and script (Arabic) with
which the state could improve its diplom atic and
commercial relations with the outside world.
In accepting Islam, however, the Hausa kings did not feel
any need to dismantle the existing social institutions and
customs. Few of them compelled their subjects to adopt
the new religion. Hence, Islam could not supplant traditional
religion. Rather, it was incorporated into the existing
culture. The extent of the absorption of Islam into the
traditional ethos is demonstrated by the Kano Dirki, a Koran
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 Lagos Notes and Records

which was turned into a state totem to which sacrifices

were made.40 Katsina also had a talisman which performed
a similar function. Hausa deities such as Uwandowa
(goddess of hunting), and Uwargona (goddess of agriculture),
continued to enjoy high patronage among the people. Some
of the Hausa even offered a virgin girl as sacrifice to the
water spirit Sarkin Rafi.41
The prevalence of traditional religion and custom in
H a u s a la n d at this period is evident in Al-Maghili’s letter to
Rumfa in which he admonished him to protect the Muslim
community from contamination by Hausa polytheistic
practices, and to prevent the public display of non-Islamic
behaviour in order to protect young Muslims. 42

In fact, throughout Hausaland, Islam remained for a long

time a court religion with little or no impact among the
citizens. Traditional religion remained pre-eminent among
the people and the rulers could therefore not ignore the
local cults. Custom and tradition required them to perform
some functions which Islamic purists would find repugnant
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and unacceptable. These ‘pagan rites’ were still evident in

the Sarkin’s court in the seventeenth century . 43 For
in stan ce, when Kwararafa forces invaded Kano in 1671 .the
state did not hesitate to exploit all available resources to
defend itself. In desperation, even the old gods,, Chibin and
Bundun, abandoned under Islamic influence, were revived.
In its hour of need, Kano called on its primordial foundations
for support; yet, neither Islam nor. tradition could protect
the Kanawa from being decimated by the invaders.44

The defeat o f Kano not withstanding, the episode

demonstrates the resilience of traditional culture in the face
of sustained Islamic acculturation. Although an ambivalent
harmony between Islam and tradition continued to endure,
the superiority of the Islamic doctrine against the
background of social ills gradually became self-evident. The
growth of Islamic education led to the emergence of an
indigenous Muslim intelligentsia (the Ulama) which joined
forces with the immigrant community of teachers and

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 Adeleke: Islam and Hausa Culture:

preachers to propagate the religion. The Muslim Ulama

established numerous settlements over the whole of
Hausaland. These became primary centres of Islamic
acculturation in Hausaland. Mallams and their students
moved from one settlement to the .other, teaching and
learning, and expanding the scope of the religion. They
helped the numerous scattered communities to develop a
sense of cohesion and a common identity. Although there
was a significant number of Hausa scholars such as the
sixteenth century Hausa historian, Baba Goro ibn al-Hajj
Muhammad,45 Islamic scholarship in Hausaland remained
essentially the preserve of the Fulam intelligentsia which
retained its group identity through a ‘close network of family
and academic relationships’.46
Some o f the Ulama were incorporated into the state
apparatus to provide'certain specialised functions.
G 6 nerally, however; a greater percentage maintained a
separate existence and was preoccupied with the problem
of extending the frontiers of scholarship in Hausaland.
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These were continuously invigorated with the arrival of new

im m ig ra n t scholars with access to the latest ideas and
books. These scholars produced numerous works which
helped to stimulate interest in the religion.47
Through the activities of the Ulama Islam not only permeated
Hausa society but, more importantly, it raised the
'intellectual awareness of Muslims who began to question
the basis of the existing social order and their relation to it.
However, up to the middle of the eighteenth century, the
Muslim Communities or Jama'a ‘lacked^ co-ordinated
existence and central leadership .148 Consequently, they
posed little threat to the political leadership in Hausaland,

The Jihad and the Islamisation o f Hausa Culture

The isolation of the Jama'a from traditional Hausa society
was reversed'in the second half of the eighteenth'century
with the emergence of the Fulani reformer and cleric, Shaikh
Uthman dan Fodio, as the foremost Islamic scholar and
'preacher in the Sudan. Fodio’s movement, preaching Islamic

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 Lagos Notes and Records

reform arid:the.extension ofth e frontiers of Dar al-Islam,

.galvanised the scattered communities into action and
eventually brought the Jama'a into direct confrontation with
the secular authorities.
'Dan Fodid’s movement was based in Degel, in the Hausa
state of Gobir. Gobir emerged as a strong political and
military 'power in the second half of the eighteenth century
when it established its capital at Alkalawa. The Gobirawa
ruling elite practised an ambivalent form of Islam in which
[Koranic concepts were superimposed on traditional custom.
The Sarkin-Gobir operated.an oppressive political system
which paid scant regard to. the Islamic.principles of justice
and equity. Their subjects had serious social arid economic
grievances such as the imposition of uncanonical taxes and
com pulsory m ilitary service (even for M uslim s),
commandeering of beasts of burden, andjudicial corruption,
all of which were un- Islamic and therefore condemnable.
By preaching against oppression, the Shaikh won the
support of the Hausa talakawa arid that of the Fulani
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nomads; Eventually,'the Shaikh was perceived as a direct

threat to the stability of the state and following a series of
conflicts Between the :Jama‘a and the Gobirawa kings, dan
Fodio proclaimed a jihad in 1804.
The ultimate outcome of the jihad was the overthrow of .the
Hausa Sarakuna and:the complete-Islamisation, of Hausa
culture. The Jihad led to the creation of the Sokoto Caliphate
covering most of Hausaland, in which power was dominated
by the Muslim Fulam. This change in the locus of power
enhanced the Islamisation of Hausa culture. Islam provided
the basis for a new beginning, and it served as the key to
unity within'the Caliphate: . . v
Theyictorious Ulama imposed Arabic, the language of Islam,
as the official and literary language of the Caliphate. In the
first half of the nineteenth century, Hausa culture flourished
under a new era of intellectual renaissance led by the jihad
leaders, Uthman dan Fodio,. Muhammad Bello, and
Abdullahi: >An inexhaustive estimate ascribes 93 works in
Arabic to dan Fodio, 97 to Bello', and 78 to Abdullahi.'19
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 Adeleke: Islam and Hausa Culture:

Despite the efflorescence of Islamic culture arising from

the jihad, in reality the transfer of power to the Muslim
Fulani did not signify a.new beginning. The Fulani Emirs
adopted the institutional structures of the Hausa rulers
including the political titles, the elaborate court ceremonial
and its feudal social relations. Even the hereditary principle
to succession which the jihad leaders condemned was
adopted by the Emirs.
Hausa culture thus emerged from the jihad as a fusion of
Islamic beliefs and traditional social norms stripped of
elements perceived to be repugnant to Muslims. Islam and
the Hausa language have become the most distinguishing
features of the Hausa cultural category.

Conclusion
Islam percolated gradually into Hausaland beginning from
the fourteenth century. The fact that it offered distinctive
political and diplomatic advantages made it attractive to
the Hausa ruling elite. However, for centuries it had little
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or no impact on the cultural practices of the mass of the

Hausa people. Hausa culture retained, its traditional
elements while Islam was restricted to the Muslim
com m u n itie s scattered throughout the region. Islam gained
total ascendancy in the nineteenth century when Uthman
dan Fodio's successful jihad led to the incorporation of all
of Hausaland into the Sokoto Caliphate'. Under the political
and religious authority of the Caliphate Islam, along with
the Hausa language became a defining characteristic of
Hausa culture in the nineteenth century.

Notes and References

1. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library 2002. © 1993-2001
Microsoft Corporation.
2. See Abdullahi Smith, *Soirie Considerations Relating to
the Formation of States in Hausaland’, Journal o f the
Historical Society, o f Nigeria, 3, (Dec. 1970), p .331
(hereafter JHSN).
• 3. • H. A. S.'Johnston.The Fulani Empire ofSokoto (London, 1967).
. -4.- M. G. Smith, The Beginning-of Hausa Society’, in Jan
Vansina et al, (eds.), The Historian in Tropical Africa
(London, 1964), pp.338r45.

174
 Lagos Notes and Records
5. ■. Smith, “Some Considerations Relating to the Formation
of States in Hausaland', pp.329-46.
6. Defined as “the land where the Hausa language prevails’.
See R. P. Bargery, A Hausa Dictionary and English-Hausa
Vocabulary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937), p.459.
7. Y. B. Usman, The Transformation ofKatsina (Zaria: ABU
Press, 1981), p.4f.
8. R. A. Adeleye, “Hausaland and Bomo 1600-1800’, in J. F.
Ade Ajayi and Michael Crowder (eds.), History o f IVest
Africa, VoL 1 (London: Longman, 1971, 3rd Edn. 1985),
pp.579-84.
, 9. “W angarawa is the Hausa term for all peoples from the
Old Mali, including the Bambara, Malinke, Soninke and
Senoufo. ’ Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African
History (Zana: Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1978)
pp.59, n. .1. . ;
10. H. R. P alm er, Su d a n ese Mem oirs Vol. Ill (Lagos:
Government Printer, 1928), pp. 104-5.
11. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs.
12 . See extract in T. Hodgkin, Nigerian Perspectives: An
Historical Anthology (London, 2nd Edn., 1975), pp. 114-6.
13. Hodgkin, Perspectives.
14. Muhammad al-Hajj, 'A Seventeenth Century Chronicle
on the O rig in s a n d M issio n ary Activities o f the
W angarawa’, Kano Studies, 1, 4 (1968), pp.7-42.
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2012.)

15. S. A. Balogun, “History of Islam up to 1800’, in O. Ikime,

(e d .), G roundw ork o f Nigerian H istory (Ib a d a n :
Heinemann, 1980), p. 214.
. 16. Balogun, “History of Islam’.
17. Hodgkin, Perspectives, p.28.
18. Hodgkin, Perspectives, pp. 114-5.
19. John Hunwick, *Songhay, Bom o and the Hausa States,
1450-1600’, in Ajayi and Crowder, (eds.) History o f West
Africa, Vol. 1, p.339.
20. Hodgkin, Perspectives, p. 28.
21. Hodgkin, Perspectives, pp. 1 17-8.
22. Hodgkin, Perspectives, pp. 1 18-20.
23. Hodgkin, Perspectives, p. 115, n. 3.
24. Hodgkin, Perspectives, pp.29, 1-15, n. 3.
25. Hunwick, *Songhay, Bom o and Hausa States’, p.338.
26. See Bawuro Barkindo, Early States o f the Central Sudan:
Kanem, Bom o and Some of their Neighbours to C. 1500
A.D.\ In Ajayi and Crowder, History o f West Africa” VoL
I, pp.251-3.
27. J. H. Greenberg, ‘Linguistic Evidence from the Influence
of the Kanuri on the H ausa’, Journal o f African History,
I, 1 (I960), pp. 205-12.
28 . See A. H. M. Kirk-Green, ‘Neologism in Hausa: A Socio­
logical Approach’, Africa, 33, 1, (1963), pp. 25-44.

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 A deleke: Islam and H ausa Culture:

.29. John E. Philips, ‘A History o f the Hausa Language’, in B.

M. Barkindo, (eel.), Kano and Some1o f Her Neighbours
.. . (Zaria: Alimadu Bello University Press, 1989), p.49.
' v" 30: •, •See Hunwick, Songhay, Bomo and Hausa States’, p.337.
, . ; >• 31. Dierk Lange,.“Le Dlwari des Sultans du [Kanem] Bomu:
Chronologie et histoire dVin royaume africain’, (Wiesbaden,
1972), p.77 cited in Hunwick; Songhay, Bomo and Hausa
States’i.p.330. -
5 32. See extract in.Hodgkin, Perspectives, pp. 107-9.
; .33. - ,Hunwick, .“Songhay, Bom o and Hausa States’, p.330.
34. See B. M. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with Bomo: Early
, . Times to C. 1800’, in B. M. Bakindo, (ed.) Kano and Some
! o f Her Neighbours, p. 151.
35. . See Y. B. Usman, ‘A Consideration of Relations between
Bom o and Hausaland before 1804’, in Y. B. Usman and
N. A l k a l i , (eds.) Studies in the History o f Pre-colonial Bomo
; (Kaduna: N.N.P.C:, 1983). . • .
36. Barkindo, “Kano Relations with' Bom o’, p. 153.
37. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol. m, p.83.
38. ■. Hunwick, “Songhay, Bom o and Hausa States’, p.330.
39. Greenberg, “Linguistic Evidence’.
40. Kano Chronicle’, in Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, VoL JD, p. 127.
- 41. • A.'J. N. Tremeame, Hausa Superstitions and Customs:
An Introduction to the Folklore and. the Folk (London, 1913),
pp. I l l - 19.
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2012.)

42. Hodgkin, Perspectives, p. 116.

43: Hunwick, “Songhay, Bomo and Hausa States’, p. 338.
44. R. A. Adeleye, “Hausaland and Bomo, 1600-1800’, in Ajayi
and Crowder, History of West Africa, p. 604. -
45. See H. F. C. Smith, ‘A Forgotten Hausa Historian of Tim­
buktu’, H.S.N. Bulletin, IV, 1 (June 1959).
46. Hodgkin, Perspectives, p:45.
47. ' See M! Hiskett and A. D. H. Bivar; The Arabic Literature
of Northern Nigeria to 1804, a Provisional Account’,
B.S.O.A.S. XXV, (1962), pp. 104-48..
48. R. A. Adeleye, Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria,
1804-1906 (London, 1971), p. 11-
49. Murray Last, The Sokoto Caliphate (London, 1967),
.,pp.237-48. -- “

176