2009_raymond_achu_samndong

FORESTRY LAW REFORMS, COMMERCIAL
LOGGING ACTIVITIES AND THEIR IMPACTS ON

RURAL LIVELIHOODS IN THE RAINFOREST OF
CAMEROON
RAYMOND ACHU SAMNDONG

Master Thesis 60 credits 2008
Department of INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
CAMEROON
BY
Raymond Achu Samndong
June 2009
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE
(DEVELOPMENT STUDIES)
NORWEGIAN UNIVERSITY OF LIFE SCIENCES

CAMEROON
BY
Raymond Achu Samndong
June 2009
Supervisors: Espen Wæhle and Prof. Arild Vatn

DECLARATION
I, Raymond Achu SAMNDONG, do hereby declare to the senate of the Norwegian University of Life
Sciences (UMB) that, this thesis is entirely my original work and has never been submitted for any
academic degree award at any other university or institution. Others sources of information have been
duly acknowledged.
…………………………
(Raymond Achu Samndong)
July 2009, ÅS Norway
i
DEDICATION
This thesis is dedicated to my wife: Nanji Rosemary Ogwe Epouse Samndong and my
son: Ryan. Their love, patience, support and understanding have lightened up my spirit
to finish this study and this thesis.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
All praises belong to God Almighty. By His will, I got a lot of help, support and encouragement from
individuals as well as from organizations which enabled me finish my study in the Department of
Tropical Ecology and Management of Natural Resources (INA) at the Norwegian University of Life
Sciences (UMB).
My sincere gratitude goes to Gunnvor Berge who laid the foundation of this thesis. I am greatly
indebted to her assistance and guidance in preparing the research proposal, methodology and
formulating the write up style of the thesis.
My sincere gratitude goes to my main supervisor Espen Wæhle and the assistant supervisor Professor
Arild Vatn for their encouragement to take the courage of working on this topic, and for their
assistance and guidance during data processing and analysis. I am also greatly indebted to their
valuable patience and time spent in discussing, editing and guiding during the write up of the thesis.
Special thanks goes Zhang Huafeng of FAFO for her great assistance, guidance and valuable time
spent with me during data processing and analysis using the SPSS.
I am greatly indebted to my local supervisor in Cameroon, Dr. Samuel Nguiffo for his interest in my
work and for devoting his valuable time to share views on the topic, providing relevant information and
key sources of data for the research without which this research would not be a success
Special thanks to all the staff of Centre for Environment and Development (CED) Cameroon, Center
for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) Cameroon, Global Forest Watch (GFW), Tropenbos
Cameroon Project (TCP), IUCN Cameroon, WWF, IRAD, CERAD, PERAD Lomie, Forest Peoples
Programme (FPP), Rainforest Foundation UK, IWGIA and CAFI who provided relevant information
and data for the research. My deepest gratitude goes to Patrice Bigombe, Rene Oyono, Florence
Muluh, Guillaume Lescuyer, Dr. Foahom Bernard, Dr. Jerome Lewis, John Nelson, Philp Burnham,
Dr Cath Long, Cleto Ndikumagenge and Rebecca Hardin for their invaluable and insightful comments
during the field work and write up of the thesis.
I must thank Nanji Rosemary Ogwe Epouse Samndong, my lovely wife who assisted me during the field
work, provided relevant information for the research and assisted in editing the thesis. Specail
gratitude is also extended to Charles Chouaibou Nchoutpouen who also assisted me in the field to
collect data
I am very grateful to my family: my mother, my father, my sisters and my brothers who constantly pray
for me. Special thanks to Mr. Nji George Zuboh, Ernest Nzoutoulle, Sama Gordon, Vincent Onana, Pa
Nanji Emmanuel, Mrs Nanji Magarate, Marie Ngoin Kuwong and Ivo Mokom for their moral support
during my study in Norway.
My sincere thanks to Kenneth Lenga, Mr. and Mrs. Apabeloi Mbape, Nkwawir Marie-goretti Bongka, ,
Linda Fotso and Micheal Tayor for their moral supports and encouragement during this study and my
stay in Oslo.
Finally, special thanks to all my friends and classmates for making my stay in Norway a pleasant and
enjoyable one. Most especially to all the staff at TGI Fridays Aker Brygge and the Cameroon Student
Association in Norway (CAMSAN) for their support.
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ABSTRACT
The study was aimed at assessing forestry law reforms, commercial logging activities and their impacts
on rural livelihoods in the rainforest of Cameroon in relation to traditional ways of using the forest;
local peoples’ participation and benefits from the use of the forests, their relationship with other actors
and ways to secure their customary rights over forest resources. To accomplish this, three villages
(Bapile, Djenou and Eschiambor) sandwiched between the Dja reserve and logging concessions
situated in Lomie sub-division in the East province of Cameroon were selected. Household survey was
carried out and a total of 84 questionnaires administered. Focus group discussions, key informant
interview and field observation were also part of the data collection methods. Secondary data was
collected from archives reports and research projects carried out by NGOs in the study area and policy
documents from MINEF and general literature.
The main resource endowments are land, labor and the forest. Agriculture, NTFPs collection, hunting,
fishing and non-farm activities are the main livelihoods activities. The Nzime are more involved in
agriculture with labor supplied by the household and the Baka Pygmies while the Baka are more
involved in hunting, and fishing. Crop production and NTFPs collection are the main source of income
with each engaging 95% of the households. The reported gross output value (GOV) was unevenly
distributed between households with 26.5% receiving the highest. Non-farm activities accounted for the
highest GOV (43%) with only 31% of the households involved. Though ethnicity was a significant
variable in the analysis, it had no significant effect on the GOV. The presence of the logging
concessions; the forestry legislation, wildlife damage and pests were constraints to improve
livelihoods.
The relationship and perception of the local people towards other forest users, actors or agents has
created some tension and local level conflicts. The findings indicate that 88% of the local people
express a negative relationship towards the logging companies due to the impact of their logging
activities on NTFPs, limited employment opportunities and restricted user rights and access to
resources within the concessions. Seventy eight percent of the local people confirm a negative
relationship towards the state due to limited access to forest resources and restricted user rights;
corruption and inadequate law enforcement and the presence of conflicting dual legal stand (legal
pluralism). The findings also indicate that 67% of the local people have a negative relationship
towards the Dja reserve due to the presence of Ecofac guards in the early 90s and wildlife damage but
this does not influence their positive perception of 77% towards the Dja reserve due to Conservation
and cultural reasons.
The findings also confirm that 94% of the local people agree they have usufruct rights to forest
resources although 85% indicate they don’t use the rights legally due to the presence of the of the
logging concessions and forest and Ecofac guards. The main benefits received from the forest law are
the community forest and forest revenue which is subjected to corruption, embezzlement and
mismanagement. Conservation and income from tourists are the main benefits from the protected area
while unskilled employment and gifts are the main benefits from the logging companies. Ninety eight
percent of the local people participate in forest management through illegal exploitation, Community
forest and employment in the logging companies. The findings also confirm that 82% of the local
people are willing to participate but have a negative perception of the forest law toward participation
due to corruption and restricted user rights. For those who are willing to participate, 47% indicate it is
difficult for them to manage the community forest because of high transaction costs. The local people
perceive participation as a means of the state to achieve its political and policy goals and not as a right
to initiate mobilization for local and collective action, empowerment and institution building. Illegal
activities, village political institutions, collective actions, assistance from NGOs and research
organizations are the only ways the local people believe they could claim and secure their user rights
over forest resources.
iv
RESUME
L’étude a pour but de bien appréhender les lois sur les réformes forestières, les activités
commerciales de coupe et leurs impacts sur les modes de vies des populations rurales de la zone
forestières humide du Cameroun par rapport aux usages traditionnels d’utilisation de cette forêt , la
participation des populations locales et les bénéfices générés par l’utilisation des forêts, leurs relations
avec les autres acteurs et leurs moyens de sécuriser les droits d’usages sur les ressources forestières.
Afin de mener à bien cette étude, trois villages ( Bapité, Djenou et Eschiambor) localisé entre la
réserve du Dja et les concessions forestières du département de Lomié dans la région Est du
Cameroun ont été retenus. Des enquêtes sur l’habitat ont été réalisées et 84 questionnaires ont été
remplis. La formation des groupes de discussion, les interviews et les observations sont parties des
méthodes d’étude employées. Certaines données ont été collectées dans les rapports archives, les
rapports de projets menés par les ONG dans le secteur d’étude ainsi que dans les documents officiels
du MINEF et la littérature générale.
Les ressources principales sont la terre, la manouvre et la forêt. L’agriculture, la collection des
produits forestière autre que le bois (PFABs), la chasse, la pêche et les activités non-champêtres sont
les principales activités des populations forestières. Les Nzimé s’intéressent plus à l’agriculture tandis
que les Baka s’occupent plus de chasse et de pêche.
La production agricole et PFAB sont les principales sources de revenus activités qui occupent chacune
95% des ménages. Les relations entres les populations locales et les autres utilisateurs de la forêt et les
idées que ces populations ont de ces derniers, ont crée de tensions et des conflits à l’échelle locale. Le
résultats montrent que 88% de la population a une mauvaise opinion des sociétés de coupe et des
conséquences de leurs activités sur les PFABs, des opportunités d’emploi limitées et des restriction
imposées par ces sociétés avant à l’accès aux ressources forestières. Il ressort aussi de ces résultats
que 78% de cette même population a une mauvaise opinion de l’action de l’Etat par rapport aux
restrictions sur l’utilisation des ressources forestières, les droits d’usages, la corruption et cadre
juridique inadéquat. Il apparaît aussi que 67% de la population locale perçoit mal l’idée de la réserve
du DJA mais leurs griefs vont en fait à la présence des gardiens de la réserve, gardiens installés par le
programme ECOFAC depuis les années 1990. Ceci fait que 77% de cette population pense que la
réserve du Dja a sa raison d’être au vu de ses misions culturelles et de la conservation.
Les résultats obtenus indiquent que 94% de la population avoue avoir bénéficié des ressources
forestières, cependant 85% précise que ceci se fait de manière illégale à cause de la présence des
concessions forestières, les gardes forestières ainsi que des gardes d’ECOFAC. Le principal bénéfice
inhérent à la loi forestière est la création des forêts communautaires et les redevances forestières étant
sujets à la corruption, au détournement et à la mauvaise gestion. La conservation et les revenus
touristiques ont les profitent aux espaces protégés tandis que l’emploi de main d’ouvre et les dons sont
les avantages apportés par les sociétés forestières. Il faut noter que 98% de la population participe
à la gestion de la forêt au travers de l’exploitation illégale, foret communautaire et l’emploie dans les
sociétés forestières. L’étude menée montre en outre que 82% de la population a envie d’aider à la
gestion mais a une mauvaise idée de la loi forestières ceci à cause de la corruption et de la restriction
des droits d’usages. Pour ceux –là désireux de participer, 47% déclarent qu’il leur est difficile de le
faire à cause du coût élevé des transactions. Les populations locales perçoivent leur participation
comme servant à donner à l’Etat des moyens pour poursuivre sa politique et non pas de leur permettre
d’aider au développement des populations locales, lutte contre la pauvreté et la construction des
infrastructures. Les activités illégales, les institutions politiques villageoises, les actions collectives,
l’assistance par les ONGS et les organismes de recherche sont les seules choses auxquelles les
populations locales ont confiance car à travers elles, elles peuvent revendiques et protéger leur droit à
l’utilisation des ressources forestières.
v
TABLE OF CONTENT
DECLARATION………………………………………………………………………………………i
DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………………………...ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT…………………………………………………………………………...iii
ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………………..iv
RESUME………………………………………………………………………………………………v
TABLE OF CONTENT……………………………………………………………………………...vi
LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………………...xi
LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………………………xii
LIST OF APPENDICES…………………………………………………………………………...xiii
ACRONYMS…………………………………………………………………………………..……xiv
CHAPTER ONE.....................................................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................................1
1.1. Background........................................................................................................................................1
1.2. Problem Statement.............................................................................................................................2
1.3. Research Questions............................................................................................................................4
1.4. Justification of the Research..............................................................................................................4
1.5. Rationale............................................................................................................................................5
1.6. Conceptual framework of the forest resource use and the relationship between users.....................6
CHAPTER TWO…………………………………………………………………………………........8
THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK…………………………………...…….8
2.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………...8
2.2. The Livelihood Framework………………………………………………………………………...8
2.3. Sen’s Entitlement and Endowment Approach……………………………………………………12
2.4. Social Movement and Network Theory…………………………………………………………..15
2.5. Institutional Approach of Forest Management…………………………………………………...16
2.5.1. The New Institutional Economics (NIE) Perspective…………………………………………..20
2.5.2. The Classical Institutionalist Perspective……………………………………………………….21
2,5.3. Sociologist and Anthrologist Perspective of Institutions……………………………………….22
2.6. Participatory Approach…………………………………………………………………………...24
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2.7. Summary…………………………………………………………………………………………..26
CHAPTER THREE……………………………………………………………………………….....28
LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR FOREST
MANAGEMENT IN CAMEROON………………………………………………………………...28
3.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..28
3.2. Institutional History and the Development of Forestry Legislation in Cameroon………………...28
3.3. The New Forestry Law and its Fiscal Framework………………………………………………...31
3.4. The Regulative Framework and the National Zonation Plan of the Law…………………………33
3.5. Concession Policy and the New Forestry Law……………………………………………………36
3.6. Decentralized Forest Management of the New Forestry Law…………………………………….39
3.6.1. Council Forests……………………………………………………………………………….....39
3.6.2. Community Forests……………………………………………………………………………...40
3.6.3. Annual Forestry Fees…………………………………………………………………………....41
3.6.4. Community Managed Hunting Zones………………………………………………………...…42
3.7. The New Forestry Law and Rural Livelihoods …………………………………………………...44
CHAPTER FOUR…………………………………………………………………………………....51
MATERIAL AND METHODS……………………………………………………………………...51
4.1. The Study Area…………………………………………………………………………………..51
4.1.1. Institutional Structures of the Study Area………………………………………………………52
4.1.2 The Physical Environment……………………………………………………………………….57
4.1.2.1. Climate………………………………………………………………………………………...57
4.1.2.2. Soil and Geology……………………………………………………………………………....57
4.1.2.3. Relief and Hydrology………………………………………………………………………….57
4.1.2.4. Plant and Animal Life…………………………………………………………………………58
4.1.3. Human Population and their Dynamics…………………………………………………………61
4.1.4. Social and Political Organization………………………………………………………………..62
4.1.5. Human Activities and Land use…………………………………………………………………63
4.1.5.1. Agriculture…………………………………………………………………………………….63
4.1.5.2. Hunting……………………………………………………………………………………..…64
4.1.5.3. Fishing………………………………………………………………………………………....65
vii
4.1.5.4. Collection of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP)…………………………………………..66
4.1.5.5. Other Human Activities and Source of Income…………………………………………….…66
4.1.6. Land and Forest Resource Tenure……………………………………………………………….67
4.1.7. The Studied Villages…………………………………………………………………………….71
4.1.7.1. Location and Accessibility…………………………………………………………………….71
4.1.7.2. Local Economy………………………………………………………………………………..73
4.1.7.3. Social Infrastructures………………………………………………………………………….74
4.2. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………...75
4.2.1. Data Collection Procedure……………………………………………………………………....75
4.2.2. Data Collection Techniques……………………………………………………………………..75
4.2.2.1. Household questionaire survey……………………………………………………………..…75
4.2.2.2. Focus Group Discussions……………………………………………………………………...76
4.2.2.3. Key Informant Interview……………………………………………………………………...77
4.2.2.4. Field Observation…………………………………………………………………………...…77
4.2.2.5. Secondary Data ……………………………………………………………………………….77
4.2.3. Limitation of the Survey Method…………………………………………………………….....78
4.2.4. Data Analysis……………………………………………………………………………………78
CHAPTER FIVE ………………………………………………………………………………….…79

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION……………………………………………………………………...79
5.1. Traditional knowledge, access and use of the forest
and forest resources by the local people ……………………………………………………………79
5.1.1. Household resource endowment and adaptation……………………………………………...…79
5.1.1.1. Access to land…………………………………………………………………………………80
5.1.1.2. Access to labor………………………………………………………………………………...82
5.1.1.3. Access to capital………………………………………………………………………………84
5.1.1.4. Access to forest products (NTFP)……………………………………………………………..84
5.1.1.5. Summary………………………………………………………………………………………84
5.1.2. Livelihood strategies and resource use in the study communities………………………………85
5.1.2.1. Agriculture…………………………………………………………………………………….86
5.1.2.2. Collection of non timber forest products (NTFP)……………………………………………..88
5.1.2.3. Hunting………………………………………………………………………………………..92
viii
5.1.2.4. Fishing…………………………………………………………………………………………97
5.1.2.5. Non-Farm Activity…………………………………………………………………………….99
5.1.3. Resource Output………………………………………………………………………………..100
5.1.3.1. Household GOV distribution…………………………………………………………………103
5.1.3.2. Source of variation in Gross Output Value …………………………………………………..104
5.1.4. Constraints on Livelihoods Activities…………………………………………………………..106
5.1.4.1. Constraints on Agriculture……………………………………………………………………106
5.1.4.2. Constraints to Collection of NTFPs………………………………………………………......106
5.1.4.3. Constraints to hunting………………………………………………………………………...110
5.1.5. Household Diversification……………………………………………………………………...112
4.1.6. Social Differentiation…………………………………………………………………………..114
4.1.7. Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………114
5.2. Relationship, attitudes, awareness and perception

of the local people towards other forest users in the study area…………………………………116
5.2.1. Relationship between the Baka Pygmy and Nzime…………………………………………....117
5.2.2. Relationship, awareness and perception of the
local people towards the logging companies…………………………………………………...……121
local people towards the state and the forestry law………………………………………………….133
local people towards the protected area (Dja Reserve)……………………………………………….142
5.2.5. Summary ………………………………………………………………………………………149
5.3. Local people’s rights, benefits and participation in forest
exploitation and management……………………………………………………………………....151
5.3.1. Local people’s rights to use forest resources…………………………………………………..151
5.3.2. Local people’s benefits from the forest law…………………………………………………....155
5.3.3. Local people’s benefits from protecyed area…………………………………………………..160
5.3.4. Local people’s benefits from the logging companies………………………………………….163
5.3.5. Local people’s participation in forest exploitation and management………………………….168
5.3.6. Summary……………………………………………………………………………………….176
5.4. Formalization of customary rights over forest resources
ix
and suggestions on policy improvement…………………………………………………………...177
5.4.1. Local people ways in formalising their customary rights……………………………………...177
5.4.2. Policy suggestions from local people………………………………………………………….181
5.4.3. Local people’s suggestions for the improvement
of their cooperation with the state and logging companies…………………………………………..184
5.4.4. Summary……………………………………………………………………………………….186
CHAPTER SIX……………………………………………………………………………………...188
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION…………………………………………………....188
6.1. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………..188
6.2. Research Issues…………………………………………………………………………………..192
6.3. Policy Recommendations………………………………………………………………………...193
REFERENCE………………………………………………………………………………………..195
APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………………………….213
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.2.1: Livelihood indicators on the household and community level…………………………...11

Table 2.6.1: A typology of participation……………………………………………………………….25
Table: 3.7.1: Hidden costs of establishing community forests………………………………………...50
Table 5.1.1: Land acquisition for cultivation and
construction and mean land holding (mean±SD) in the study area……………………………………80
Table 5.1.2: Distribution of land holdings within the study communities in the study area…………..81
Table 5.1.3: Age and sex structure of the sampled population of the study area……………………...83
Table 5.1.4: Labor supply within the study communities
in the study area measured per household……………………………………………………………..83
Table 5.1.5: Number of household using resources in the study area…………………………………85
Table 5.1.6: Principal agricultural crops produced in the study area………………………………….87
Table 5.1.7: Farm implements used in the study area…………………………………………………87
Table 5.1.8: Local people’s view on access to farm implements in the
last five years in the study area………………………………………………………………………...88
Table 5.1.9: Non timber forest products (NTFPs) collected
from the forest by the local people in the study area…………………………………………………..89
Table 5.1.10: Estimated distance to collect NTFPs from their homes in the study area………………91
Table 5.1.11: Local people view on how they use the NTFPs in the study area………………………92
Table 5.1.12: Reported wildlife species hunted by the local people in the study area………………...93
Table 5.1.13: Estimated number of wildlife species hunted in the study area in 2007………………..94
Table 5.1.14: Local people’s hunting methods use in the study area……………………………….....95
Table 5.1.15: Estimated hunting distance to the forest by the local people in the study area………....96
Table 5.1.16: Fish species caught by the local people in the study area…………………………….…98
Table 5.1.17: Fishing method use by the local people in the study area………………………….…....99
Table 5.1.18: Annual GOV1 (FCFA) from reported income generating
activity in the study area and number of household involved (#HH)…………………………………101
Table 5.1.19: The distribution of GOV (%) in the number of households in the study area………….103
Table 5.1.20: Source of variation in the GOV in the study area……………………………………....105
Table 5.1.21: Local people’s responses on factors limiting
agricultural production in the study area…………………………………………………………..….106
Table 5.1.22: Household responses on possible solutions to
agricultural limitations in the stud area………………………………………………………………..107
Table 5.1.23: Households responses on factors limiting access to NTFPs in the study area…………109
Table 5.1.24: Households responses on restricted NTFPs in the study area………………………….109
Table 5.1.25: Households responses on possible solutions to
factors limiting access to NTFPs in the study area……………………………………………………110
Table 5.1.26: Household responses on factors limiting access to hunting in the study area………….111
Table 5.1.27: Household responses on possible solutions to
factors limiting access to hunting in the study area……………………………………………...……112
Table 5.1.28: Calendar showing the seasonality of the main activities………………………………113
Table 5.2.1: Local people’s reasons for the negative
relationship with the logging companies in the study area…………………………………………...123
Table 5.2.2: Local people’s responses on factors influencing their perception
towards the logging concessions and logging companies in the study area………………………….125
Table 5.2.3: Local people’s responses on the solutions to ameliorate
xi
their relationship with the logging companies in the study area……………………………………...126
Table 5.2.4: Local people’s reasons for their negative relationship with the state…………………...136
Table 5.2.5: Proposed solution to ameliorate the negative
relationship of the local people and the state………………………………………………………….138
Table 5.2.6: Factors influencing local people’s perception
toward the new forestry law in the study area………………………………………………………..138
Table 5.2.7: Local people’s reasons for their negative
relationship with the protected area in the study area……………………………..………………….144
Table 5.2.8: Local people’s responses on the proposed solutions to
ameliorate their relationship with the protected area in the study area……………………………….148
Table 5.3.1: Local people’s views on their usufruct rights to forest resources in the study area…….151
Table 5.3.2: Local people’s views on whether they are
using their usufruct rights in the study area…………………………………………………………..152
Table 5.3.3: Local people responses on the factors that affect
their usufruct rights over forest resources in the study area………………………………………….152
Table 5.3.4: Local people’s views on whether the forestry law is appropriate in the study area…….153
Table 5.3.5: Local people’s reasons for disagreeing with the forestry law in the study area………...154
Table 5.3.6: Local people’s responses of the types of benefit
receive from the forestry law in the study area……………………………………………………….156
Table 5.3.7: Local people’s reasons for negative perception
toward the benefits received from the forestry law in the study area………………………………...159
Table 5.3.8: Local peoples’ opinions about the benefits provided
by the protected area in the study area………………………………………………………………..160
Table 5.3.9: Local peoples’ responses on the types of benefit
receive from the logging companies in the study area………………………………………………..161
Table 5.3.10: Local peoples’ opinions about the benefits
provided by the logging companies in the study area………………………………………………..163
Table 5.3.11: Local peoples’ responses on types of benefit
receive from the logging companies in the study area……………………………………………….164
Table 5.3.12: Local peoples’ perception toward the benefits
received from the logging companies in the study area………………………………………………166
Table 5.3.13: Local peoples’ responses of the reason of their
negative perception toward the benefits received from the logging companies……………………...167
Table 5.3.14: Local people’s views about their involvement in
forest exploitation and management in the study area………………………………………………..168
Table 5.3.15: Local people’s views about their types of involvement in
Table 5.3.16: Local people willingness to participate in
Table 5.3.17: Local peoples’ views about how they will like to
participate in forest exploitation and management in the study area…………………………………170
Table 5.3.18: Local peoples’ perception toward the forestry law on
their participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area…………………………171
Table 5.3.19: Local peoples’ reasons for their negative perception toward the forestry
law on their participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area…………………172
Table 5.3.20: Local peoples’ views to whether it is difficult for them to
manage a community forest in the study area……………………………………………………..…173
Table 5.3.21: Local peoples’ management strategy of their community forests……………………..174
xii
Table 5.3.22: Local people’s strategy for the management of the
generated income of the community forest in the study area………………………………………..175
Table 5.4.1: Local people’s views on how to regularize their
customary law over forest resources to that of the state legislation………………………………….177
Table 5.4.2: Local people’s views on the main problems
affecting their customary rights over forest resources………………………………………………..179
Table 5.4.3: Local people’s suggestion for policy improvement……………………………………..181
Table 5.4.4: Local people’s suggestion to problem of user-rights and access to resources………….183
Table 5.4.5: Local people’s suggestion to improve their
cooperation with the state and logging companies…………………………………………………...184
LISTS OF FIGURES
Figure 1.6.1: Conceptual model of the forest resource use and relationship between users……………7
Figure 2.2.1: Livelihood Framework Adapted from Scoones (1998)…………………………………..9
Figure 2.3.1: An analytic model of resource use using Sen Approach
(Adapted from Vedeld, 1995)………………………………………………………………………….14
Figure 3.4.1: Classification of National Forest Estate in Cameroon…………………………………..34
Figure 4.1.1: Map of study area………………………………………………………………………..51
Figure 4.3.4.1: Map of the study area showing the studied villages
and their location to the Dja reserve…………………………………………………………………...60
Figure 4.8.1.1: Map of study area showing the three studied villages………………………………....72
Figure 5.1.1: The Distribution of land holdings between the ethnic groups in the study area………...82
Figure 5.1.2: Resource use between the ethnic groups in the study area……………………………....86
Figure 5.1.3: Distribution of NTFPs between the ethnic groups in the study area…………………….90
Figure 5.1.4: Estimated distance to collect NTFPs from the forest
between the ethnic groups in the study area…………………………………………………………...91
Figure 5.1.5: Distribution of Wildlife species hunted between the
ethnic groups in the study area………………………………………………………………………....93
Figure 5.1.6: Variation in hunting methods between the ethnic groups of the study area……………..95
Figure 5.1.7: Variation of hunting distance between the ethnic groups in the study area……………..96
Figure 5.1.8: The frequency of hunting per week between the ethnic groups…………………………97
Figure 5.1.9: The Distribution of fishing distance between the ethnic groups in the study area……....98
Figure 5.1.10: Contribution of each activity in the annual GOV in the study area…………………...102
Figure: 5.1.11: The distribution of GOV between the ethnic groups in the study area……………….104
Figure 5.1.12: Households responses on limited access to NTFPs in the study area…………………108
Figure 5.2.1: Relationship between the Baka and Nzime within
the studies communities in the study area…………………………………………………………….117
Figure 5.2.2: How the Baka and Nzime view and relate to each other in the study area…………….118
Figure 5.2.3: Relationship between the local people and the
logging companies in the study area………………………………………………………………….121
Figure 5.2.4: Relationship between the ethnic groups and the
logging companies in the study area………………………………………………………………….122
xiii
Figure 5.2.5: Ethnic groups’ reasons for the negative relationship
with the logging companies in the study area………………………………………………………...124
Figure 5.2.6: Ethnic group’s responses on the solutions to ameliorate
their relationship with the logging companies in the study area……………………………………..126
Figure 5.2.7: Local people’s awareness towards the new forestry law in the study area…………….133
Figure 5.2.8: Relationship between the local people and the state in the study area…………………134
Figure 5.2.9: Relationship between the state and the ethnic groups in the study area……………..…135
Figure 5.2.10: Ethnic group’s reasons for the negative
relationship with the state in the study area…………………………………………………………..137
Figure 5.2.11: Proposed solutions to ameliorate the relationship
between the ethnic group and the state in the study area……………………………………………..139
Figure 5.2.12: How local people view and behave towards the
protected area (Dja reserve) in the study area………………………………………………………..143
Figure 5.2.13: How the ethnic groups in the study area view the protected area…………………….144
Figure 5.2.14: Variation of the reasons of the negative relationship
with the protected area between the ethnic groups in the study area………………………………...145
Figure 5.2.15: Factors influencing people’s perception positively
towards the protected area study area………………………………………………………………..146
Figure 5.2.16: Variation in the proposed solutions to ameliorate local
people’s relationship with protected area between the ethnic groups in the study area………………148
Figure 5.3.1: Local peoples’ views on whether the forestry law is
appropriate among the ethnic groups in the study area………………………………………………154
Figure 5.3.2: Ethnic groups’ responses of the types of benefits
received from the forestry law in the study area……………………………………………………..157
Figure 5.3.3: Local people’s perception towards the benefits received
from the forestry law in the study area………………………………………………………………..158
Figure 5.3.4: The perception of the ethnic groups of the benefits
received from the forestry law in the study area……………………………………………………..158
Figure 5.3.5: Ethnic groups’ reasons for the negative perception
towards the forestry law in the study area……………………………………………………………160
Figure 5.3.6: Ethnic groups’ opinion about the benefits provided
by the protected area in the study area………………………………………………………………..161
Figure 5.3.7: Ethnic groups’ responses about the benefit
received from the protected area………………………………………………………………….…..162
Figure 5.3.8: Ethnic groups’ opinions about the benefits provided by the
logging companies in the study area…………………………………………………………………164
Figure 5.3.9: Ethnic groups’ responses on the types of benefit
received from the logging companies in the study area………………………………………………165
Figure 5.3.10: Ethnic groups’ perception toward the
benefits received from the logging companies……………………………………………………….167
Figure 5.3.11: Ethnic groups’ willingness to participate in forest
exploitation and management in the study area………………………………………………………169
Figure 5.3.12: Ethnic groups’ views about how they will like to
participate in forest exploitation and management in the study area………………………………...170
Figure 5.3.13: Ethnic groups’ perception toward the forestry law
on their participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area………………………171
Figure 5.3.14: Ethnic groups’ reasons for their negative perception toward the
forestry law on their participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area………..172
xiv
Figure 5.4.1: Ethnic group’s views on how to regularise their
customary rights to forest resources to that of state legislation……………………………………....178
Figure 5.4.2: Ethnic group’s views on the main problem affecting their
customary rights in the study area……………………………………………………………………180
Figure 5.4.3: Ethnic group’s suggestion for policy improvement……………………………………182
Figure 5.4.4: Ethnic group suggestion to problems of user
rights and access to resources………………………………………………………………………..183
Figure 5.4.5: Ethnic group’s suggestion to improve their cooperation
with the state and logging companies………………………………………………………………...185
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Household survey questionnaire

Appendix 2. Focus group discussion guide
Appendix 3: List of selected research pictures took in the field
xv
ACRONYMS
ADELOM : Association de Developpement de Lomie

APPEC : Appui du Développement pour les Populations de l’Est Cameroun
ASBAK : Baka Association
CDM : Clean Development Mechanism
CEDAR : Coopérative de l’Eglise Catholique pour le Développement Agricole et Rural
de Haut-Nyong
CED : Centre pour L’Environnment et Developpement
CENADEFOR : National Centre for Forest Development
CERAD : Centre de Recherche et d’Action pour le Developpement Durable en Afrique
Centrale
CF :Community Forest
CIAD : Centre International d’Appui et de Recherche pour le Développement
CIFOR : Centre for International Forestry Research
CIG : Common Initiative Group
CODEDEM : Comite de Developpement de Lomie
COVERREF : Wildlife Resource Enhancement Committee
CPDM : Cameroon People Democratic Movement
CPR : Common Pool Resources
GOV : Gross Output Value
DRC : Democratic Republic of Congo
DFID : Department for International Development
ECOFAC : Forest Ecosystem of Central Africa
FAO : Food and Agricultural Organization
FCFA : Franc Communauté Financière Africaine
FMU : Forest Management Unit
FPP : Forest Peoples Programme
GDP : Gross Domestic Product
GFW : Global Forest Watch
GNP : Gross National Product
GoC : Government of Cameroon
GTZ : German Development Corporation
IDS : Institute of Development Studies
IIED : International Institute for Environment and Development
ITTO : International Tropical Timber Organization
IUCN : International Union for the Conservation of Nature
MINAT : Ministry of Territorial Administration
MINEFI : Ministry of Finance
MINEF : Ministry of Environment and Forestry
MINFOF : Ministry for Forests and Fauna
NGO : Non Governmental Organization
NIE : New Institutional Economic
NPFE : Non Permanent Forest Estate
NTFP : Non Timber Forest Product
ONADEF : Office National de Développement des Forêts
ONAREF : National Office for the Regeneration of Forest
PERAD : Protection Environnement pour Recherche et l’Appui du Developpement
xvi
RF : Rainforest Foundation
PFE : Permanent Forest Estate
SAR : Section Artisanale Rurale
SDF : Social Democratic Front
SDIAF : Sous Direction des Intventaires et Aménagements Forestiers, MINEF
SIGIF : Digitalized Forest Management Information System
SNV : Netherlands Development Organization
SPSS : Statistical Program for Social Sciences
SSV : Sale of Standing Volume
UNESCO : United Nations Organization for Education, Science and Culture
WWF : World Wide Fund for Nature
ZIC : Zones dÌnteret Cynegetique
ZICGC : Community Managed Hunting Zones
xvii
CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background
The Republic of Cameroon located in Central Africa region occupies a land area of
475,000km2 of which 225,000km2 are covered by humid equatorial rainforest. This
humid forest zone is said to comprise some 22million hectares of forests, the second
largest forest estate among Africa countries after Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
(Burnham, 2000). The flora and fauna of this forest are very rich and diverse, with
numerous endemic species (Gartlan, 1989). Cameroon with population estimates of
approximately 17million, nearly four million people including Pygmy groups (excluding
the major cities) live in and for this humid forest, which provides a living and many basic
assets for local communities and form part of their culture (Ndoye et al, 1997; Lescuyer,
2003; Oyono et al, 2004; Burnham, 2000; Diaw and Kusumanto, 2004). The majority of
this population are farmers who practice shifting cultivation and bush fallowing methods
to produce a diverse range of crops both for subsistence and market sale (Diaw, 1998;
Oyono, 1998). This humid forest zone of Cameroon is characterized by low to medium
population densities (in the range from 5 to 10 persons per km2) and agricultural lands are
relatively abundant (Burnham, 2000).
The forest of the humid zone has, since the time of German (1884-1918) and
French-British (1918-1960) colonization, represented a source of income both for foreign
logging companies and the state (Oyono, 2004). The timber sector represent about 80%
of the industrial products of the country and according to International Tropical Timber
Organization (ITTO, 1998), the country is the second largest exporters of tropical
hardwood in Africa. The forestry sector represents nearly eight percent of the industrial
product with a total turnover of about $345million in 2002 (World Bank, 2002).
Since the late 1990s, commercial logging activities in Cameroon have been rife
with corruption, embezzlement and mismanagement (Global Forest Watch, 2000).
Despite the high level of commercial logging activities in recent years, fiscal return and
economic rents from the forestry sector to the state’s coffers are notoriously lower than
they should be. This effect coupled with the ensuing economic crisis at the onset of the
1990s largely due to imprudent government spending compelled the government of
Cameroon to rethink the management of its strategic forest resources in view of
1
budgetary needs and as a means of alleviating rural poverty (Mbile et al, 2007; Burnham
and Graziani, 2001). Such reflections were provoked partly by the World Bank structural
adjustment program aimed at promoting more effective fiscal management and the
repayment of foreign debts and also partly by declaration at the international level, such
as the Rio summit of 1992 on sustainable forest management as part of global efforts to
ensure biodiversity protection (Mbile et al, 2007; Ekoko, 1997; Essama-Nssah and
Gockowski, 2000).
In the mid-1990s all these processes led to the promulgation of a new legal and
regulatory framework to improve forest resource utilization, with the dual objective of
economic development and sustainable management. The involvement of local
populations in decisions concerning forestry management was also highly recommended.
All these objectives are ratified by two major documents: Law No. 94/01 of 20
January 1994, which lays down forestry, wildlife, and fisheries regulations, and its
Decree of Implementation No. 95/531 of 23 August 1995 (GoC, 1994; 1995). These
documents were complemented by the Master Law 96/12 of 5 August 1996 focused on
environmental management. These ambitious objectives and the tentative application of
this new institutional structure (the forestry law) have put Cameroon in the limelight. It is
viewed by international agencies as something of a test-bed for interventions in the
forestry sector, with the implication that these may be replicable, at least in other Congo
Basin countries (Lescuyer, 2007; Mbile et al, 2007, Oyono et al, 2006; Njoh, 2007). This
potential model status means that it is worth investigating how these forestry regulations
are being applied in practice in Cameroon and their impacts together with commercial
logging on rural livelihoods.
1.2. Problem Statement

From the above introduction, some major issues and trends of forest exploitation and use
of forest resources by the forest users in Cameroon are identified.
 The extent of forest-based livelihood is often under-appreciated in Cameroon by
the government. Forests are used intensively for game, non-timber forest products
(NTFP), farmland, fuel wood, timber extraction and environmental services (such
as recreation and eco-tourism). Most of the forest residents, especially the men,
2
are also engaged as laborers and small-scale suppliers to local timber industries.
The lack of existing, reliable information about forest-dependent peoples, their
numbers and livelihood is a major symptom of their marginalization in forest
legislation and administration.
 Law related to forests is contradictory and restricts livelihoods of forest
population. The Cameroon forestry law and policies undermine customary laws
and norms. In general, right of ownership, use and access to forest by local
communities are not well stated in the law, which tend to treat forests as public or
even “state-owned” domains thus making the definition of legal forest users
highly contentious. Furthermore, the law is weakly implemented in favor of
individual gains and interests.
 The Cameroon forestry law tends to favor large-scale forestry. The main objective
of the forestry law reform in Cameroon was to increase the tax revenue from the
forest and its corresponding rise in the share of the GDP by facilitating
commercial exploitation. The extent to which the law is applied in practice varies,
but it invariably restricts forest access and use by local communities and gives
more preferential access to large-scale forestry enterprises. Even where
procedures do exist by which communities can apply for secure rights in the
forest, they are usually complicated, costly and out of reach for the forest
dwellers.
 Illegal logging and use of forest resources is rampant in Cameroon. The
ineffective implementation of the law, poor governance and corruption has
encouraged illegal forest use. The framework of the law also seems to have
influenced local people to be involved in illegal forest use, which have become an
integral part of the local and national economy. The extent to which large scale
logging enterprises benefit or harm local communities is poorly documented and
the existing benefit sharing mechanism designed to share some of the profits from
large-scale logging with local communities is little documented.
These major issues and trends in the forest law reform, management and use, form the
backdrop of the research theme of this thesis, which is to examine traditional ways of
using the Cameroonian rainforest, how local people participate and benefit from the use
3
of the forests, their relationship with other actors and ways to secure their customary
rights over the forest resources.
1.3. Research Questions
1. Traditional knowledge, access and use: how do local people (Bantu speaking
people (Nzime) and Baka Pygmy) relate to and use the forest and forest products
and their livelihood activities under the present forest legislation.
 Different resource endowments
 Different livelihoods activities
 Livelihoods outcomes
 Livelihoods constraints
2. Relationship and Perception-: what are the attitudes, views, feeling and behavior
of the local people towards other actors in regard to access and use of forest
resources
 Relationship within the local people (Nzime and Baka Pygmy)
 Relationship and perception towards the logging companies (logging concessions)
 Relationship perception towards the forest legislation (the state)
3. Participation, Ownership, Rights and Benefit Sharing: What are the instruments
set in placed by the state to incorporate the local people in forest management
4. Formalization: To what extent have the local people secure their property rights
over forest resource with other users or actors and the ability to influence the state
to recognize their customary rights suggestions on policy improvement
1.4. Justification of the Research

This research was carried out in the Eastern province of Cameroon where forest cover
was estimated in the 1990s to vary between 19.6 and 22.8 million hectares. With the
increase in population of the region and the increasing demand for forest products both at
the national and international scale, there has been over-exploitation and degradation of
the forest. Increased agricultural activity, the harvest of non-timber forest products and
the increasing hunting pressure facilitated by newly created logging roads, thus favoring
the almost extinction of some wildlife species and preventing proper regeneration of
logged forest habitats.
4
Notwithstanding, the forest policy in Cameroon and its implementation have
greatly influenced the exploitation of forest resources. The state now recognizes the
commercial value of the forest and tends to issue logging concessions to logging
companies that compete with the interest of local forest users. The distribution of the
access and benefits of the forest resources have in most places disrupted the existing local
communal and social structures and has contributed to the rising socio-political and
economic instability in the forest regions of Cameroon. Moreover, large-scale
commercial logging by private companies has considerable adverse social and
environmental impacts on the local users and other local community inhabitants. Most
prominent is that the implementation of the forestry law failed to recognize the social
forestry paradigm, which advocates for local communities to control forests and benefit
from it. The poor implementation of this social paradigm in the forest policy, weak state
institutions, poor governance and corrupt practices has greatly influenced the exploitation
of the forest resources among forest users. Assessing all these activities and issues that
cause forest degradation will be very voluminous and cumbersome given the time space
for the research. In this light, the research focuses more on the impact of timber
exploitation (logging), which is the most important activity in the region on rural
livelihoods. The study is meant to examine rural livelihoods in the rainforest and how the
forestry law reform and commercial logging activities have influenced these ways and
also the interactions that exist amongst these agents.
1.5. Rationale
The livelihoods of the local people within the rainforest, their constraint, their
relationships and their interaction with the logging companies over the exploitation of
forest resources should be understood. Also the rights and interests of the logging
companies are highly favored by the state compared to local people rights and interests.
This will constitute a basis of defining sustainable forest management policies. The
promotion of the participation and the involvement of local communities may improve
their livelihood, reduce forest related conflicts and hence reduce poverty.
5
1.6. Conceptual framework of the forest resource use and the relationship between
users
The following framework presents the main users of the forest resources (Figure 1.6.1).
They are the logging companies, forestry officials and the local communities whose
survival depends on natural forest resources though the logging companies for a long
time have been able to clear forest in an unsustainable way. The forest areas are owned
by the state where forest resources are considered as state property. The government
decides through appropriate policy (policy maker) what to do in the forest and how it
should be managed. Measures for policy empowerment are also decided and executed by
state institutions.
Forest and the land resources upon which it depends are resources of concern in
this case. Three main users or agents have been identified in this study. These are the
logging companies who own logging concessions, forestry officials who work for the
government, and local people living around the forest. They use the forest resource in
various ways (activities) depending on their interests. While local communities are
interested in improving livelihood, the logging companies who are there for business will
make sure that they have optimum benefit through forest exploitation. In order to secure a
long-term benefit to their activity, they will have to make sure that the forest is conserved
in their area. While conservation and sustainable management is a priority to the forestry
officials, its management will include the enforcement of the law, monitoring and control
of the forest resources. Its management will also include the production of revenues
through tourism and penalties from law brokers. Since their interests are different relative
to the use of the same resource, there will be interaction among the users. The logging
companies might agree or might not agree with the forestry officials on the control of
their logging activities. Both the forestry officials and logging companies might not allow
local communities to get complete access to forest resources.
6
THE STATE
OWNERSHIP
Policy maker
Power
CAPITAL FOREST RESOURCE
USERS
LOGGING COMPANIES FORESTRY OFFICIALS
(AUTHORITIES)
LOCAL PEOPLE
(Households)
Hunting, fuel wood, land Law enforcement,

Commercial
ACTIVITIE exploitation of timber
clearing, collection of monitoring and control
NTFP pole gathering for (tourism)
species (logging) local construction
Profit, conservation Improved livelihood Revenues

INTERES conservation
(revenues,food, shelter, etc)
Refer to actions Refer to interactions
Figure 1.6.1: Conceptual model of the forest resource use and relationship between
users
This framework is designed to demonstrate the action and interactions between the
different users of forest resources in Cameroon their activities and their interest and how
they relate to each other as regard forest resource use.
7
CHAPTER TWO – THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.1. Introduction
This chapter will explore some theories and concepts that are related to the research. I
will presents and discuss the different theoretical frameworks and concepts relevance to
the research and highlights their importance. Other scholars criticized most of these
theories and concepts but these criticisms will not be included in the discussion below.
At the end of the chapter, I will summarize these theories and concepts and relate their
importance to the research.
2.2. The Livelihood Framework
The rural livelihood approach has been very prominent in development studies literature
in the last decade. The livelihood framework has been the most widely used analytical
device today to study rural livelihood (Carney, 1998; Scoones, 1998; DFID, 1999; Ellis,
2000). This approach was first promulgated by Gordon Conway and Robert Chambers in
an Institute of Development Studies (IDS) discussion paper in 1992. They defined
livelihood as “a means of gaining a living, including livelihood capabilities, tangible
assets, such as stores and resources and intangible assets such as claims and access”
(Chamber and Conway, 1992). Livelihood is essentially the activities that people do to
“get by” to survive and to meet their everyday needs as well as those more
entrepreneurial and profit-focused activities that are best summarized as “getting on”-
striving towards better conditions of material well-being (Davies et al, 1998).
According to Scoones (1998), “a livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and
recover from stresses and shocks maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while
not undermining the natural resource base”.
The above definitions are expressed in the livelihood framework, which considers
the diverse and complex nature of social change and the different processes and factors
affecting rural livelihoods. The framework takes into account the main resources
available to rural men and women (natural, economic, human, social, political, and
cultural) and the various formal and informal institutions involved in the use and
management, issues of access and control over these resources. The framework also
8
focuses on the dynamic of livelihoods, which includes strategies, vulnerability and trends
(Figure 2.2.1)
VULNERABILITY LIVELIHOOD POLICIES LIVELIHOOD LIVELIHOOD

CONTEXT ASSETS INSTITUTION & STRATEGIES OUTCOMES
PROCESSES
 SHOCKS  Natural asset  Agriculture  More income
STRUCTURES
 Physical asset  NTFP  Increased well-being
 TRENDS  Level of gov’t
 Human asset  Private sector  Hunting and capabilities
 SEASONALITY
 Financial asset  Fishing  Reduced vulnerability
PROCESSES
 Social asset  Laws  Livelihood  Improved food
 Policies
diversification security
 Culture
 Institutions  migration  More sustainable use
of NR base
Influence &
Access
Figure 2.2.1: Livelihood Framework Adapted from Scoones (1998)
The main assumption of the framework is that people pursue a range of livelihood
outcomes such as health, income, reduce vulnerability, improve food security etc. by
drawing on a range of assets to pursue a variety of activities. Their activities and their
investment in assets building are influenced by their own preference and priorities. These
activities are the livelihood strategies, which include agriculture, collection of NTFP,
hunting, fishing, livelihood diversification and migration. The most important aspect of
this framework is the policies, institutions and processes such as the role of the
government and the private sectors, cultural factors that mediate the ability to carry out
such strategies and achieve such outcomes.
The framework identifies five forms capital assets, which include human, natural, social,
physical and financial on which rural people can draw upon. These five assets constitute
the livelihood building block and could be substituted for each other.
9
 Natural assets: This includes the natural resource stocks. In my study it includes
the forest land where agriculture is done and the forest products
 Physical assets: This comprise of the basic infrastructure needed to support
livelihoods. In my study it includes household ownership of basic shelter and
buildings, agricultural inputs, forest management and infrastructure that help
people to meet their basic needs and to be more productive.
 Human assets: This includes the skill, ability, knowledge and good health that
enable people to pursue different livelihood strategies to achieve their livelihood
outcomes.
 Financial assets: It represent the financial resources that people draw upon to help
meets their livelihood outcomes. In my study it includes savings in various forms,
income and earnings, remittances.
 Social assets: this comprises of the social resources that people draw upon to help
meets their livelihood outcomes. In my study it includes social networks and
movement, institutions (rules, norms and sanctions), relationship of trust and
exchanges that facilitate co-operation reduce transaction cost and provide
informal safety nets amongst the poor.
This research takes as its starting point the view that in order to understand rural
livelihoods in the rainforest of Cameroon with respect to the current forest legislation,
one must consider the complexity recommended in the livelihood framework. In this
light, the framework was used as a general backdrop when designing the household
survey interviews. The different livelihood indicators of the assets group in the study
were identified and used to examine the livelihood strategies and outcomes at both the
household level and the community level in the study area (Table 2.2.1).
10
Table 2.2.1. Livelihood indicators on the household and community level
Asset group Indicator at household level Indicator at community level
 Physical access to forest resources  Total flow of forest resources
 Legal access to forest resources  Equitable access to forest
Natural  Control over forest resources among households
resource/ability to exclude others
 Equitable access to forest
resources among household
members
 Shelter and household possessions  Local infrastructure
 Ownership/access to means of  Communication facilities
transportation  Equitable access to community
Physical  Ownership/access to production owned physical assets among
and processing equipment households
 Equitable access to physical assets
among household members
 Health and nutritional status  Effective community
 Endogenous skills organization
 Exogenous skills  Equitable access to education
Human  Access to information among household
 Empowerment of women
 Equitable access to social assets
among household members
 Household income level  Community financial resources
 Regularizing income  Equitable access to community
 Household savings owned financial resources
Financial  Equitable access within household among household
 Safety net value  Access to income and
employment opportunities
outside of raw material
production
 Endogenous social resources  Socio-cultural cohesion among
Social  Exogenous social resources households
 Political power  Leverage with outside agents
11
However, conventional livelihood approach is based on rational choice assumptions,
which are quite different from social constructivist approach that tries to contextualize
and understand human adaptation (Vedeld and Lwesya, 2008). This social constructivist
approach requires concepts of social and human capital, social relations, institutions and
organization that constitute and create household ability to access and transform various
forms of capital into livelihood outcomes. Though the livelihood framework above
assumes that a household accesses a set of assets where access is controlled and modified
by social relation, social institutions, legal, economic and physical organization, the
contextual factors (demographic, economic, legal, political and administrative factors)
that go beyond the direct control of the household are very important. In most livelihood
framework, there is substantial substitution mechanism between different types of assets.
Different types of capital can be converted in ways to promote and enhance capital
formation and accumulation. For example if there are constraints in term of labor, such
factor can be hired by using financial asset.
Apart from the livelihood framework, a more comprehensive understanding of local
people behavior and how local people assess their endowment will help complement the
livelihood framework.
2.3. Sen’s Entitlement and Endowment Approach
The Sen’s entitlement and endowment approach was used in this research to complement
the livelihood framework and to understand clearly the socioeconomic conditions of the
studied communities in the study area. This approach has been widely use by IDS title
“environmental entitlement framework” (Leach et al, 1999).
Leach et al (1999) argues that “endowments refers to the rights and resources that social
actors have; environmental entitlements refers to the alternative sets of utilities derived
from environmental goods and services over which social actors have legitimate effective
command and which are instrumental in achieving well-being”. In other words,
endowment is closely related to capital and entitlement to accessing them. Leach et al
(1999), also use the concept of “mapping” to demonstrate the environmental entitlement
approach. According to them, “mapping refers to how people gain endowments and
entitlements and a process by which endowment and entitlements are shaped”. Thus
endowment is the right in principle and entitlement is what one actually gets.
12
However, in order to better understand the socioeconomic conditions of the study
area, the household has access to certain resources (endowments). These resources in the
study area include forest land, labor, forest and forest products, wildlife, water and
capital. Sen’s approach considers household production as a process where endowments
are factors of production and these factors are transformed into entitlements to meet the
multiple objectives of the household (Figure 2.3.1). The endowments are further
influenced by external factors which are beyond the household control which in the study
area include:
 Increasing scarcity of forest land as a result of competition with other users and
inappropriate land use strategies.
 Wildlife damage which affect production and consumption
 Market imperfections and infrastructures: inadequate transport facility, no credits,
markets are not accessible. Such imperfections constrain farmer’s decision-
making process and the possibilities to produce for sale
 Input and price policy: the main cash crop in the area is cocoa, which is mainly
for export. Some inputs are provided to those cropping it at a relatively high price.
Their production is also influence by prices at the world market. The inputs of
other consumable crops are becoming very high now due to inflation affecting the
country’s economy.
 Forest policy limiting people’s access and uses of forest and forest resources
According to Sen (1993), through various activities known as entitlements mapping (how
endowments are transformed into entitlements) such as land clearing, collection of NTFP,
hunting, fishing etc, the household is able to produce various products (entitlements)
which in this study include crops, forest products, bush meat, fish etc. these products
resulting from various production processes are used for household subsistence while part
is kept for sale, for saving and investment. This approach also identified some
endogenous factors affecting the way each household choose to carry out the entitlement
mapping process. This could be the education level, the household composition, the
land/labor ratio, the producer/consumer ratio and household diversificatio
13
EXTERNAL FACTORS
 Population growth  Price and availability of inputs
 Market imperfection  Forest policy
 Socila institutions and norms  Infrastructure
 Increased land scarcity  Wildlife damage
ENDOWMENTS
Land Labor Forest Capital Livestock Rivers Wildlife
HOUSEHOLDS
MOTIVATIONS
ENTITLEMENT MAPPING PROCESSES
hunting, land clearing, fishing, NTFP, grazing,

meat and fish smoking
ENTITLEMENT
Crop Off farm Collection of Hunting Livestock

production employment NTFP production
Consumption Investments/ Savings
EXTERNAL EFFECTS
Impact on natural resources, environmental degradation, habitat
loss, forest encroachment, water pollution, threat on wildlife,
overgrazing
Figure 2.3.1: An analytic model of resource use using Sen Approach (Adapted from
Vedeld, 1995)
Sen (1981), mention different failures in provision of entitlements such are endowment’s
failure (forest degradation and deforestation, livestock death), production failure (poor
14
soil, diseases, etc) and exchange failures (lack of labor force, lack of cash to acquire some
crops etc). There might be imperfect market conditions in the area, which constitute a
problem for improving production. The endowment and entitlement approach failure is
useful because it allows for a broader understanding of why some households become
destitute and others are not (Leach et al, 1999; Vedeld and Runyoro, 1996).
2.4. Social Movement and Network Theory

This theory, was used in this research to understand how the local people could organize
their selves for collective action to defend their collective interests. The fundamental idea
of this theory which was relevant in the research was to identify why people form groups
or why do people need collective action and how these groups are organized to achieve
their claims? Also the weaknesses of some of these groups in achieving their claims were
identified in the research.
Social movement theory has been widely used in the social science literatures.
The term “social movement” was first introduced in 1850 by the German Sociologist
Lorenz von Stein in his book “History of the French social movement from 1789-1850”.
Tilly (1999:257), defined social movement as a “sustained challenge to power holders by
repeated public displays of that populations’ numbers, commitment, unity and
worthiness”. Melucci (1996), argues that, social movement may evolve through complex,
multiple and informal networks engaged in social conflicts and evolve through ongoing
constructions of identity and meaning. Tarrow (1998), distinguished social movement
from political parties and interest groups as he defined it as “collective challenges (to
elites, authorities, other groups or cultural codes) by people with common purposes and
solidarity in sustained interactions with elites, opponents and authorities”.
Most research in social movement focused on how individuals conceptualized
themselves to participate in collective action; how meaning is constructed, articulated and
disseminated and on formation of group identity. The social movement theory enable a
better understanding of how movements provide the rationale needed to motivate support
for collective action. One could therefore say that the explanatory value of social
movement theory lies in its ability to help us understand how movements are able to
organize and mobilize given a particular political context. In the light, the political
15
opportunities and the resources available gives us insight into how these perceived
opportunities are translated into the mobilization of resources and activism (Chandler,
2005).
Three key components could be identified in social movement theory:
 How inclusive or exclusive the government is towards opposition or challenge
 The opportunities and constraints placed on a movement or group
 The internal changes within a movement or group, and how these changes impact
the ability to mobilize, frame and interact within its operating environment.
However, the need of collective action in social movement theory is very costly in terms
of time, interest, incentives, and money and in attempting to alter the political
opportunities of the existing institutional system. The ability to mobilize as a group may
vary from sporadic to persistent and organized. This will depend on the repertories tools
or standard operating procedures the movement or organization will use to mobilize such
as a strike, lobbying or boycotts.
The social movement theory was highly exercised in Cameroon in the early 1990s
after the enactment of the Law No 90/53 (December 19, 1990) and Law No 92/006
(August 14, 1992) on freedom of associations, common initiative groups and
cooperatives and the introduction of community forest model by the 1994 forest law
(Oyono, 1998). These legal provisions gave rise to the establishment of several
associations, NGOs with different motives. Today, many associations, common initiative
groups and cooperatives exist within the village communities around the forest zone
wishing to establish a community forest. These associations are seen as managers and the
main instrument to mobilize the community for collective action toward community
forest management (Lescuyer, 2003). There are also different associations (political and
traditional) among different groups within these village communities that advocate for
customary rights over forest resources, negotiate spaces within the forests between
commercial logging and local people and conflict resolution process.’
16
2.5. Institutional Approach of Forest Management
One of the fundamental issues in this research is to understand the role of institutions
(forest policy) in securing the livelihood of the local people. The institutional approach of
natural resource management such as the forest is centered on the property rights
structure of the forest resource and how these rights structures influence sustainability
and improved livelihoods. The relationship between livelihoods and property rights
structures or regimes are complex. Poverty as a result of decreased livelihood could lead
to high dependence upon and consequent degradation of the natural resource. Possible
exclusion from natural resources due to changes in property rights regimes act the main
catalyst for increasing deprivation and vulnerability of poorer households in the tropics
(Adhikari, 2001).
In order to understand the institutional approach of forest management, it is
important to note that forest resources share attributes with many other resource systems
that makes it difficult for their governance and management to be sustainable, efficient or
equitable manner. Exclusion of beneficiaries from access and use of forest resources in
most forest management systems is costly (Ostrom, 1998). This difficulty of exclusion
creates the possibility that individuals who benefit from the use of the forest will not
contribute to its long-term sustainability. For many uses of the forest, an individual
extraction subtracts products that are not available to others making many aspects of
forest resources to be considered as common-pool resources. According to Ostrom et al
(1994), common-pool resources are characterized by difficulty of exclusion and generate
finite quantity of resource units so that one person’s use subtract from the quantity
available to others.
Given the above attributes of forest resources, most conventional theories of
common pool resources advocate for either privatization or government control as the
appropriate solution to control the overuse and degradation of open access resources. The
conventional theories’ argument supporting privatization and state control are based on
the prediction of the “tragedy of the commons” postulated by Hardin (1968), that
common pool resources will be overexploited and eventually degraded due to individual
maximization of income or utility as stipulated by the rational choice model.
17
The discussion about of Hardin’s Tragedy of the commons gave rise to three
schools of thought from the literature of common property on institutional arrangements
(Adhikari, 2001). The property rights school (Hardin, 1968; Demsetz, 1967; Smith, 1981;
Cheung, 1970) thought that creating and enforcing private property would resolve the
problem of resource degradation and over-exploitation. Another school thought of
government ownership and control (Ophul, 1973) as a way to reduce over-exploitation
(State property regime). The third school of thought advocated for the “assurance
problem approach” (Adhikari, 2001; Adhikari, 2004) based on voluntary compliance.
This school of thought assumes that regulators will act in the public interest to understand
ecological systems and to change institutions so as to induce socially optimal behaviour
(Ostrom, 1998; North, 1990; Feeny et al, 1996). In the early 1990s, an increasing number
of scholars advocated for possibilities of appropriators themselves to find ways to
organize themselves and collective management of common pool resources could be an
appropriate solution to avoid the “tragedy of the Commons” (Ostrom, 1990; Berkes and
Folke, 1994; Agrawal, 2001; Vatn 2005, Adhikari, 2001).
Despite these conventional theories of common pool resources, the nature of
property rights regimes and distribution of access to common-pool resources not only
affects the level of livelihoods in a specific region but also affect the quantity and quality
of the resource base in a long run (Adhikari, 2001). This therefore implies that
appropriate property rights structure is a major determinant of a long term economic and
ecological sustainability of the common-pool resources as well as social sustainability of
the people depending upon the resources for their livelihoods (Adhikari, 2001). In effect
different property rights structures or regimes that enable efficient institutional
arrangement for sustainable resource use and conservation has been widely discussed in
recent literature. In the case of open access regime, resource users do not get appropriate
incentives to act in a socially efficient way. In the case of private property regime, the
property right school of thought argues that, the individual act efficiently to internalize
the externalities that arises when access is free or unregulated. In another word, private
property regime is meant to increase efficiency (Demsetz, 1967). Though private property
rights provide “institutional arrangements for successful exclusion”, Feeny et al (1990),
argue that empirical evidences in many parts of the world show that it may not
18
successfully address the exclusion question because of community perception of common
pool resources (CPR). Hence “the difficulty of enforcing private claims to common
property resources is exacerbated by competing claims to communal rights in those
resources” (Feeny et al, 1990:6). In the case of state property regime, the state regulates
access rights and rate of resource exploitation. State control of common pool resources is
predicated on its power to use coercive and/or legislative means to enforce rules
pertaining to resource use. The failure of the market and state institutions gave rise to
common property regime as an alternative to the market and state controlled institutional
arrangement in which local level collective action is guarantee (Ostrom, 1990).
Nevertheless, sustaining the common-pool resource is not dependent on a
particular property rights structure, but rather depend on a well specified property rights
regime and a congruence of that regime with its ecological and social context (Hanna and
Munasinghe, 1995). Success of the property rights regime requires; congruence of
ecosystem and governance boundaries, specification and representation of interests,
containment of transaction costs, establishment of enforcement and adoption processes at
the appropriate scale (Eggertsson, 1990; Ostrom, 1990; Bromley, 1991; Adhikari, 2001;
Agwaral, 2001; Vatn, 2005).
However, to examine the institutional approach of forest management, it is
important to understand what are institutions and the different institutional perspectives
relevant to the research. Institutions are the conventions, norms and formally sanctioned
rules of a society. They provide expectation, stability and mean essential to human
existence and coordination. Institutions regularize life, support values and protect and
produce interests (Vatn, 2005). There is a relationship between the definition of
institution and the understanding of behavior. When searching for the meaning of
institution it is important to develop an effective instrument that explains human
behavior. This will give us an understanding why humans develop institutions or accept
institution as they are intended or unintended. Explaining human behavior implies
searching for cause. We can distinguish between immediate causes and ultimate causes.
In Neo-classical economics tradition, for instance human are assumed to be
economic rational actors. In other words they are economically motivated or driven by an
economic force in an environment that consists of scarce goods. This force is
19
conceptualized and modeled as the drive to maximize utilities under the constraints of
scarce resources. If a price of an important scarce good changes an economic-rational
actor is inclined to change his quantity demanded or his quantity supplied. In this case the
change in behavior can be explained in two ways: the immediate cause is the price
change, and the ultimate cause is the economic force. The price change is the incentive
for human to change their behavior. But without economic force the price change is not
an incentive (Vatn, 2005).
In contrast to the neo-classical economic tradition, two major economic traditions have
been developed to better understand human behavior in relation to natural resource
management; the new institutional economic (NIE) perspective and the classical
institutional perspective.
2.5.1.The New Institutional Economic (NIE) Perspective

The new institution economics perspective on natural resource management has been
very prominent in recent literature. This economic tradition is founded on the
individualist model of rational choice as it appears in the neoclassical economics but it
relaxes some of the assumptions of the neoclassical economics and incorporates
institution as additional constraint (North, 1990; Eggertsson, 1990; Coase, 1960;
Williamson, 2000). According to NIE, economic activities are embedded in a framework
of institution. In this view institution is defined as “the rules of the game” (North, 1990).
Institutions are the human devised constraints that structure political, economic and social
interaction. They consist of both informal constraints (sanctions, taboos, customs, norms
and codes of conduct) and formal rules (constitutions, laws, property rights). According
to the NIE, institutions works to minimize transaction costs and reduce uncertainties by
providing a framework through which decisions are made and individuals and
organizations interact (North, 1990; Vatn, 2005; Adhikari, 2005).
Following this definition, the society consists of given individuals and the
institutions have no role in forming them (Vatn, 2005). They are just external rules
establishing the stage at which these given individuals interact. In this situation,
individuals have only one kind of goal to maximize utility. Rational action is equated and
preferences are considered stable. Each individual has a predefined ability to understand
20
not only his/her own needs, but also the performance of others and the working of the
natural world. In this case, institutions are seen only as constraints on human choices, the
rules they must follow when playing games with each other. Given these rules and the
existing distribution of endowment, individuals transact to get what in the end is
considered best for them. Since transacting is costly, institution according to this position
act to reduce transaction costs. They are instruments that make exchange become more
predictable, simple and efficient (Vatn, 2005).
2.5.2. The Classical Institutionalist Perspective

This tradition has a complex history and greatly contrasts the neoclassical theoretical core
and assumptions. Veblen (economics) and Durkheim (sociology) were the first scholars
to develop the theoretical thinking of this tradition (Vatn, 2005; Vatn, 2004). They
viewed institutions as a distinct way of understanding behavior and social interaction.
Karl Polanyi’s (1944), classical formulation of “substantivism” greatly contributed to the
Veblen’s classical institutionalism. Polanyi’s work could be seen as the first elaborated
link between anthropology and economics (Gerber and Veuthey, 2006; Diaw, 2005). He
argues that no abstract formal principle can explain economic behaviors universally.
According to him, the study of the “changing place of the economy” in society requires
an examination of its “substantive meaning” and its historical, empirically observable
characteristics (Diaw, 2005).
Following the historical background of this tradition, it is founded on the
social constructivist model (Vatn, 2005). According to this tradition, both the social
capabilities of individual and the way they see the world are socially constructed.
Individuals as social beings are constituted through learning the typification of both the
material world and social relation as established by the society. They learn the meanings
already created by the society in which they are raised. Society itself is likewise
perceived through the concepts that are collectively produced (Berger and Luckmann,
1967). Institutions in this sense enable people to act by defining which act should be done
in specific situations. In this case our preferences are influenced by the roles we perform.
We do what is expected and the institutional context defines what is rational or what is
reasonable to do (Vatn, 2005).
21
The classical school hence, looks at institutions as something more than
external rules (Veblen, 1919; Berger and Luckmann, 1967; Scott, 1995; Bromley, 1989,
Vatn, 2005). According to these scholars institutions have a formative influence on
individuals. Institutions are both external rules and structures shaping the individual. In
this context one could understand clearly what is (cognitive aspects) and what should be
(the normative aspects) (Vatn, 2005). What is rational is not just a result of an individual
calculation given external institutional constraints. Institutions influence what we
observe, which values we find right to defend, which preference we hold. Rational
choices are not only about what is optimal for the individual but are also what is right to
do in a certain situation or institutional context (Vatn, 2005). Within this tradition, there
is a logical connection between the theory of individual choice and the understanding of
what institutions are and do.
According to this tradition, there is a two-way interaction between the
individual and the institutions. We produce institutions at the same time these
constructions influence what we become. In a complex world for example, societies uses
institutions to create necessary order and social cohesion. As we become socialized into
an institutional structure, we also internalize the values and logic upon which it is based.
The institutional view of this tradition emphasizes the role both of choice /agent and of
structures (Vatn, 2005). The most important choices are those defining which
institutional structures should exist to provide the context and rules for a specific area of
decisions. The choice of institution defines the rationality of the arena within which sub
choices like specific resource allocations are then to be made.
The theoretical emphasis of this tradition is that institutions are crucial for
supporting individual human choices and it is impossible for the individual to act
rationally without the support of social institutions (social rationality). This idea of social
rationality brings in the issue of communication and dialogue in this tradition.
Communication or dialogue in this context is all about reasoning together over which
decision is best, developing and testing arguments concerning which norms, preference or
behavioral rules should be supported in the defined social settings (Vatn, 2005).
22
2.5.3. Sociological and Anthropological Perspectives of institutions
Social anthropology has broadly studied institutions (daily human practices) in social,
economic, and political affairs (kinship, descent and inheritance, religious issues,
production and reproduction and social justice). Two anthropological ideas of social
institutions for natural resource management and use emanate from discourses on society
and culture: the “deep-cultural approach” (symbolic systems, ideational constructs and
expression of “deep mental structures” characterizing each society) and the “relational-
pragmatic” approach (functional or instrumental principles of social action aimed at
maintaining social structures, social order and the satisfaction of basic human desires),
(Mehta et al, 2001). According to these authors, both approaches focus on extant
institutions whose functions are to maintain socio-economic and political stability within
each society hence, overlooking the dynamic nature and processes of society and social
institutions over time and space.
Eclectic social theory relating to natural resource management and use focuses on the
inter-relationship between structure and action. In this light, institutions can be conceived
less as fixed rules and more as practices (Mehta et al, 1999). Hence natural, economic
and market uncertainties may contribute to the invention and re-invention of social
practices for natural resource management.
According to Cleaver (2002), social institutions are formed through adopted multiple
purpose arrangement and “embedded in networks of social relations, norms and practices
and in which maintaining social consensus and solidarity may be equally as important as
optimum resource management outcomes. Cleaver’s perspective pictures the action,
behavior and practices of appropriators in defined communities.
Cleaver (2002) argues that social relations are not “fixed” and “solid” but dynamic in
assessing institutional crafting in resource management. Their inflexibility she states
obscures the relational nature of collective actions by resource users. Furthermore, she
argues that institutional crafting does not explain the processes of institutional evolution
and limits the extent of resource users’ thoughts and actions. She suggests an alternative
to institutional crafting that she calls “institutional bricolage”. Institutional bricolage
“suggest(s) how mechanisms for resource management and collective action are
borrowed or constructed from existing institutions, styles of thinking and sanctioned
23
relationships” (Cleaver, 2002: 16). Cleaver’s thesis based on selected findings in
Tanzania emphasize three processes of bricolage: the multiple productive (e.g. farmer and
pastoralist) and social identities and norms of the bricoleurs, the practice of cultural
borrowing, the adaptation of institutions for multiple purposes and the prevalence of
common social norms that promotes cooperation. Unlike institutional crafting that gives
overriding influence on institutions as assets and determinants of rational human actions,
institutional bricolage recognizes resource users “as conscious and unconscious social
agents, deeply embedded in their cultural milieu but nonetheless capable of analyzing and
acting upon the circumstances that confront them” (Cleaver, 2002: 16). In this manner,
institutions are pro-active to realize the interests of resource users without simultaneously
inducing depletion of the resource(s) in question.
2.6. Participatory Approach

The concept of participation has been very instrumental in recent environmental policies
that regulate common pool resources. The importance of local level participation in
natural resources management has received great attention in recent literature. It is also
important to examine this concept and to indicate its relevance to the study.
Since the Brundtland Commission forwarded the concept of “sustainable
development” in the late 1980s, emphasis has been put both on the reduction of
environmental degradation and on the improvement of people’s living conditions. This
has lead to the development of the term “people’s participation”. The term participation
has been used to justify the extension of control of the state as well as to build local
capacity and self-reliance, it has been used to justify the external decisions as well as to
devolve power and decision-making away from external agencies, it has been used for
data collection as well as for interactive analysis (Pretty, 1997).
The term participation is very important in the natural resource management and
has been used in the literature in different ways. It is widely accept that successful natural
resource management requires active participation of direct resource users. Participation
in this sense could be defined as “empowering people to mobilize the capacities, be social
actors rather than passive subjects, manage the resources, make decisions and control the
activities that affects their lives” (IIED, 1994), the benefit of participation include;
24
bringing more information and broader experience to bear on decision-making, making it
easier to elaborate more realistic and effective projects, policies, law and regulations;
helping to ground new initiatives in existing and legitimate local institutions and in
cultural values; helping build political support for and reduce opposition to policy
proposals, projects and other decisions by building in stakeholder concerns and taking
account of their interests and helping to build local capacity to plan and implement
development activities (Hoben et al, 1998).
Table 2.6.1: A typology of participation

Typology Characteristics of each type
1. Manipulative Participation is simply a pretence
Participation
2. Passive People participate by being told what has been decided or has
Participation already happened. Information being shared belongs only to
external professionals
3. Participation by People participate by being consulted or answering questions.
Consultation Process does not concede any share in decision-making, and
professionals are under no obligation to take on board people’s
views
4. Participation for People participate in return for food, cash or other material
material incentives incentives. Local people have no stake in prolonging technologies
or practices when the incentives end
5. Functional Participation seen by external agencies as a means to achieve
Participation project goals, especially reduced costs. People may participate by
forming groups to meet predetermined objectives related to the
project
6. Interactive People participate in joint analysis, development of action plans
Participation and formation or strengthening of local groups or institutions.
Learning methodologies used to seek multiple perspectives, and
groups determine how available resources are used
7. Self- mobilization People participate by taking initiatives independently of external
participation institutions to change systems. They develop contacts with
external institutions for resources and technical advice they need,
but retain control over how resources are used
The level or type of participation determines (Table 2.6.1) local ownership and
responsibility for resources. Participation occurs on a gradient ranging from passive to
self mobilization (Dalal-Clayton et al, 1995; Pretty, 1997). The former is characterized by
people being told what has or will happen and the information belongs to external
25
professionals; the latter is characterized by people taking initiatives independently of
external institutions (Pretty, 1995).
According to Vedeld (2002), local participation should be seen as “strategy of
devolution of authority and power, resources, distribution of right and duties from state to
local level of governance and from public to civil society” (Vedeld, 2002:13). Local
participation has been viewed in two different ways as a means and as a right (Vedeld,
2002; Pretty, 1995). As a means to increase efficiency, if you involved people, they are
more likely to agree with and support the development goal. As a right the aim is to
initiate mobilization for local and collective action, empowerment and institution
building. Some of these elements of participation will be explored in this study to
understand the different conditions of local participation in forest management and it
impacts on local livelihoods.
2.7. Summary
The above theories and concepts will set the foundation of this research. In particular, I
will use the livelihood framework and the Sen’s entitlement and endowment approach in
analyzing local livelihoods, access and use forest resources in the study area. The
institutional approach and the participatory approach will provide an insight in the
analysis of the relationship, attitudes and perceptions of the local people towards other
forest users. These approaches will also be exploited in analyzing local people’s
participation, rights and benefits from forest resource use. Given the different institutional
perspectives of natural resource management, this study will explores the role of
institutions on common-pool resource management particular the forest. The basic
purpose is to examine and explain the formation of institutions and its impact on rural
livelihoods. With respect to these institutional perspectives presented above, the
methodological approach of this study is built on insights from the “classical
institutionalists” and theoretical and empirical literature from contemporary classical
institutional economists that underscore the rule of institutions as something more than
external rules as solution of common- pool resource problem. In the context of forest
management like other common pool resources, institutions can be more specifically
26
defined as a set of rules and accepted social norms for making decisions about access and
use of resources, who control the resource, how conflicts are resolved and how the
resource is managed and exploited (Adkahari, 2001). The problem of livelihood and
subsequent resource degradation from the economic point of view is to get the institution
right. The underlying causes of resource degradation and possible decline in livelihood by
dependent communities could be projected from those problems that result in institutional
failures. In this light the basic economic reasoning in institutional changes is to achieve
economic efficiency in the allocation of resources.
The social movement and network theory will be exploited in the analysis of the different
ways of which local people could claim and secure their user rights over forest resources
from other forest users.
27
CHAPTER THREE - LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL
FRAMEWORK FOR FOREST MANAGEMENT IN CAMEROON
3.1. Introduction
Laws and regulations in forest legislation are the legal instruments necessary to enhance
the objectives of a forest policy. Through it, policy objectives are translated into specific
legal provisions affecting forest land and its uses. In order to support the implementation
of forest policy, forest legislation should reflect the principle of sustainability. However,
the objectives of forest law may cover a range of forest management issues, depending on
social needs and prevailing ecosystems in a country (FAO, 1998).
A good forest policy is essential in order for sustainable forest management to succeed. It
should be part of a national land use policy, assuring balanced forest use and conservation
but not contradicting the policies of other sectors. They should also reflect development
patterns and regional policies where appropriate (Ekoko, 1997; CARPE, 2001). A key
policy framework for sustainable forest management is the need for the government to
define and secure a permanent forest estate, long-term land tenure for the local
communities, concessionaires and other forest users is a key policy feature of sustainable
forest management (FAO, 1998; Brunner and Ekoko, 2000). A successful policy
framework for sustainable forest management will depend on how the country translates
development themes to balance human activities with resource management into
development policies. A good forest policy for sustainable forest management will also
need a firm and consistent commitment from the government, including management
plans and budgetary support (FAO, 1998).
3.2. Institutional History and the Development of Forestry Legislation in Cameroon

Cameroon forestry reforms process started far back during the German colonization
(1884-1914) which was then shape during the joint British and French mandate (1919-
1960) and then extended into the years after independence. During these periods the
forestry reforms was characterized by a legal and absolute hegemony of the state over the
country’s forest lands. The local communities living within these forest lands were in a
28
way excluded by an ownership system and property regime that only recognized their
right of extraction. (Diaw, 2005: Oyono, 2005; Jum and Oyono, 2005).
During the German colonization (1884-1914), the forest lands were managed and
exploited by a tenure system based on collective ownership, by the family lineage and
clan (Diaw et al, 1997). During this period extensive slash and burn cultivation systems
and the nomadic nature of groups were allowed for long fallow periods. There was high
regeneration of secondary forest and equitable use of forest products. The situation was
more of an open access type and selective uses of precious timber (hard wood) species
were frequent (Diaw et al, 1997).
This period then followed with the joint British and French Mandate (1919-1960), which
brought great transition from selectively use of precious timber species to the
development of a forest economy base with a rapid increase of timber exports and the
creation of a permanent Department of Forestry Studies in the French colony to act as a
link between industry and forest users (Pouna, 1989). There was also increasing
installation of private European sawmills. The establishment of production reserves and
parks were envisaged and many forest and wildlife reserves were created including parks
in different parts of the country during this period. Despite the creation of production
reserves, the land tenure systems were different in the British and French zones (Diaw
and Njomkap, 1998). In the British Cameroon, the local people were considered as
owners of the land and the reserves were managed by the colonial authorities through the
traditional councils while in the French Cameroon, the situation was different. Both the
land and reserves were under the responsibility of the colonial authorities and were
considered as state ownership (Diaw et al, 1997; Bigombe, 1996; 2002). Though both
cases had different management systems, the local population had only limited rights of
use (Diaw et al, 1997).
Forest management took a rapid change after independence (1960-1985) as the
government of Cameroon introduced successive laws governing forest and land (Forest
Order No 73/18 of May 25, 1973, Land Tenure and state Lands Order No 74-1 and 74-2
of July 6, 1974; Forestry Law No. 81/13 of December 27.1981) (RoC, 1994; 1981).
These legal frameworks respected the colonial strategy of state hegemony over the forests
land. There was great increased in commercial exploitation with the creation of 31 timber
29
companies in the country (Oyono et al, 2006). New reforms were setup in the
administration of forest and wildlife in various ministries and the ministry of Agriculture
and rural development. Other organizations were setup to deal with the renewal and
inventory of the forest resources such as the National Forestry and Fisheries Fund, which
later became the National Office for the Regeneration of Forest (ONAREF) and the
National Centre for Forest Development (CENADEFOR). The forest lands were divided
into three geographic zones of the country: the East, the Centre-West (Sangmelima-
Bamenda axis) and the South-Littoral (Ebolowa-Nkongsamba axis) (Diaw et al, 1997).
The forest revenue and concession system during this period were complex, inefficient,
and produced little government revenue. Timber fees and taxes were very low, not
adjusted with inflation, set administratively and thus were considerably below what the
concessionaires were able to pay (Ekoko, 1997). The system was further characterized by
arbitrary allocation of forestry concession, failure to make use of market mechanism,
inefficient processing plants, forest destruction due to lack of forest management,
enormous waste of forest resources and financial irregularities (Ekoko, 1999; Bigombe,
2003).
The forestry law during this period (1981 forestry law) lacks an adequate legal
framework for planning land use and integrating forest protection and production
activities, as well as agriculture. Under the land tenure law (1974 land Ordinance),
usufruct right permitted anybody to clear and cultivate the land in state forests, which
make up most of the moist dense forest (Essama-Nssah and Gochowski, 2000). Thus, in
practice, there was no effective legal protection for the state forests, since by planting
crops, a settler obtained a right to remain on the land for the thirty or so years of the life
of his crop, and as such gained de facto possession of the land.
Furthermore, under this forestry law, the Prime Minister had sole discretion over the
allocation of logging concessions, while the minister in charge of forests was responsible
for granting smaller “cutting rights”. Large concessions were given for a period of five
years (but were renewable) on the basis of request submitted by the forest industry.
Allocation of concessions was done by mutual agreement (gré à gré) between the timber
companies and the government authorities (Brown et al, 2002). This resulted in a non-
transparent system, which encouraged rent-seeking by the public and private sectors. The
30
timber companies had no incentive to manage the forest efficiently because the
legislation was inadequate, there was little or no implementation of forestry regulations,
and fines were not enforced. The companies, therefore, engaged in an exploitative
approach to forest management, and constructed roads deep into the forest to exploit the
richest timber species, opening up these areas to individual settlers and bush meat
poachers (Eba’a Atyi, 1998). In addition, the forestry laws did not have any political
weight because forestry was a small component of a much bigger Ministry of Agriculture
and its impact could not be appreciated by the legislation.
With a view to these inconsistencies, the government of Cameroon recognized (1986-
1990) that the situation was untenable if the country was to improve management of its
forests and protect its natural resources, and with the full support of the World Bank, it
decided to target forest policy reform by improving forestry concession and taxation
policies (Ekoko, 2000; Brunner and Ekoko, 2000). It was evident that if it changed the
way forestry concessions were awarded, taxed and enforced, the government could
prevent the worst environmental damage and reap enough revenue to deal with its most
pressing social and economic problems. It would have been irrational for Cameroon to
stop all timber harvesting practices for environmental reasons, as this would have meant
forsaking one of its few paths to economic development. Rather the major issue was how
to harvest the forest efficiently and sustainably, while at the same time, protect the great
richness of plant and animal species that exist in Cameroon and that are not found
anywhere else in the world (Ekoko, 2000).
3.3. The New Forestry Law and its Fiscal Framework

A detailed review of Cameroon’s forestry legislation was a part of the Tropical Forestry
Action Plan in 1987, as a result of which the government began drafting a new forestry
law. Adoption of a new forest law was included as part of the conditionality for the
structural adjustment loan made by the bank to Cameroon in 1989. During this period
(1987-1992) the country was hit by economic crisis due to the fall of prices of export
crops at world market coupled with imprudent government spending (Burnham and
Graziani, 2001). Despite this, the country was in a time of political unrest provoked by
the demand of democracy, multi-partism, public freedom and general well-being
31
(Karsenty, 1999; Brunner and Ekoko, 2000). Among these demands, the local
communities living within the forest zones also wanted secure and equitable access to
financial benefits from the public management of forests “their forest” (Oyono 2004;
2005). Given all these demands articulated at this time coupled with the Structural
Adjustment Program, the government took a great step to reform the entire system by
democratizing the nation through the creation of the law of freedom of association and on
political parties in December 19, 1990 and the general restructuring of the forestry sector
(Diaw et al, 1997; Oyono et al, 2006). According to Karsenty (2004), and Brown (1999),
this was a great push by the government to promote and encourage good governance at
the national level. Though progress in drafting the new law was hindered by the lack of a
clearly defined national forest policy and the ministries in charge of forest concessions
and related fiscal revenue, these studies were competed in late 1992 and their
recommendations were incorporated into the draft forest policy and revised draft forest
law (Essama-Nssah and Gochowski, 2000; Ekoko, 1999).
The proposed law was based on the premise that Cameroon’s forest is a unique natural
resource that has been exploited in a non-sustainable way in the past. The policy
explicitly recognizes the richness and importance of Cameroon’s biodiversity, and
assigns a high priority to protection of this heritage. It includes categories of permanent
and non-permanent forests and provides for establishment of community forest and local
government managed forests. For the first time, the law outlined that local people and
communities should play a key role in forest conservation and management (Cerutti, and
Tacconi, 2006; Amariei, 2005; Foahom, 2001).
As a result of these processes, the 1994 forestry law was established by a presidential
Decree 94/436/PM in January 1994 as the main laws that govern the forestry sector in
Cameroon. Associated to this law is the 1995 decree No 95/531/PM of August 1995 to
determine the conditions for the implementation of forestry regulations (GoC, 1995).
Additionally, in 2002, the creation of the Digitalized Forest Management Information
System (SIGIF) has also plays an important role in the implementation of the current
forestry legislation. In addition, the Finance Law, also play an important role in the
forestry sector. This finance law determines on an annual basis, the exact tax rates for
32
different taxes that refer to forestry activities (Felling Tax, Annual Royalty for Forest
Area) (Amariei, 2005).
3.4. The Regulative Framework and the National Zoning Plan of the Law
The 1994 forestry law was meant to regulate the relationship between the state and other
stakeholders involved in forest management, harvesting, processing and
commercialization of forest products in Cameroon (Amarier, 2005; Jonkers and Foahom
2004, Ekoko, 1997; 1999).
The forestry law classifies the national forest estate into permanent forest estate (PFE)
and non-permanent forest estate (NPFE). (Lescuyer 2003; Amarier, 2005, Ooste, 1999),
The PFE are “lands that are used solely forestry or as a wildlife habitat” while the NPFE
are “forest lands that may be used for other purposes than forestry” (Ooste, 1999). An
important requirement of the forestry law is that at least 30% of the total forest land of the
country should be classified as PFE that represents the ecological diversity of the country
(Penelon et al, 1998). The PFE and NPFE are divided into the following categories as
shown in the figure 2.3.1 below.
The PFE was designated as preserved or protected forest area. In this forest estate,
agriculture is forbidden and the collection of NTPF is restricted. Within this forest estate
hunting and gathering activities are allowed for subsistence purposes only (Lescuyer,
2003). The council is managed by a management plan approved by the Ministry of
Environment and Forestry (MINEF). Timber extraction within the PFE is possible either
through forest concession (forest management unit (FMU) or sales of standing volume
“Vente de coupe”. The FMU are granted only within the PFE (production forest) for a
period of 15 years to a maximum size of 200,000 hectares (Brown, 1999; Pouvier and
Ebaà Atyi, 2000)
The NPFE forests land that are converted to non-forest use. It is within this forest estate
that agricultural activities must take place. Communal forests are also included under this
category and are those forests that are state council or private forests (Ooste, 1999) within
this forest estate, communities can apply for community forests of up to 5,000 hectares
under 25 years period which are reviewed every 5 years communities can exploit these
33
forests for timber extraction and other purposed with a management plan within the
NPFE, hunting territories could be established of up to 5000 hectares ( Lescuyer, 2003).
National Forest Estate
Permanent Forest Non Permanent Forest
Communal Forest
Council Forest
State Forest
Community Forest
Protected Areas for Private Forest

Wildlife, National
Parks belonging to the Forest Reserves
state  Integral Ecological
 Game Reserves reserves
 Hunting Areas  Production Forest
 Games ranches  Protection Forest
 Wildlife Sanctuaries  Recreation Forest
 Buffer Zones  Teaching and
 Zoological Garden Research forest
 Botanical Garden
 Forest Plantation
Figure 3.4.1: Classification of National Forest Estate in Cameroon
The national zoning plan known as plan de zonage in French was the main instrument
used to implement the forest law (Ooste, 1999). This plan prescribe land use pattern for
different zones within the rainforest of the country. The plan was developed from a series
of base maps showing areas of human occupation and cultivation, ecological types, soil
characteristics agriculture potential areas, accessibility, forest resources (Penelon et al,
1998).
34
Within the plan a vast majority of the land area was designated as state forest. The total
area within the plan was 14 million hectares of which about 9 million hectares were
designated as PFE and two thirds of which was production forest (Lescuyer, 2003;
Bigombe, 2004). The areas of council forest were designated together with few existing
private forests. Portions of communal forest were depicted along main roads and also in
buffer zones around villages. This was meant to provide agricultural land for local people
and areas for extraction of other forest resources (Ooste, 1999; Lescuyer, 2003,
Vermenlen, 1997).
The national zoning plan was conceived to protect and preserved part of the forest land as
permanent forest which could be allocated into logging concessions. The outcome of the
plan clearly reflects government intentions, which were primarily to accumulate revenue
for timber production and to limited extent forest conservation. These government
intentions gave little attention to the priorities of the local people and the forest dependent
communities (Brown, 1999; Lescuyer, 2003; 2002). The plan was drawn with limited
participatory involvement and inadequate information on customary rights and existing
use of land and forest resources (Burnham, 2000; Vermenlen, 1997).
The Ministry of Environment and Forest (MINEF) is primarily responsible for the
development and enforcement of forest policy. ONADEF, a para-statal agency under
MINEF, is responsible for forest management (forest inventories, reforestation and wood
promotion). Industrial harvesting is managed by MINEF’s Directorate of Forests, with
(SDIAF) a sub-directorate, responsible for forest inventories and management, and a
community forest unit. The main forestry policy objectives according to MINEF are:
 to clearly define forest areas in to multiple purposes, production areas and
completely protected areas;
 to guarantee the effective protection of ecosystems which are representative for
Cameroon’s biodiversity;
 to guarantee the elaboration and implementation of forest management plans that
ensure at the same time sustainable forest management and sustained supply of
forest industries and local markets;
 to involve the local people in the management of their forest resources and its
conservation;
35
 to promote the industrialization and the development of professional capacity of
the local people,
 to simplify taxation and increase the contribution of the forestry sector to GNP,
ensuring transparency and strengthening good governance,
 To ensure the implementation of international commitments of the country with
regards to management and conservation (MINEF, 2004 cited in Amariei, 2005).
The institutional framework governing the forestry sector was changed in December 2004
and the Ministry for Forests and Fauna (MINFOF) was created to elaborate, implement
and evaluate Cameroon’s policy on forest and fauna. It thus took over the responsibility
for the forestry sector from MINEF in 2005.
3.5. Concession Policy of the New Forestry Law
One of the main agenda of the new forestry reform was to restructure and implement new
procedures in the allocation of forest concessions. The 1994 forestry legislation made
provision to organize the allocation of forest concession through a bidding process which
was first of it kind in west and central Africa (Global Forest Watch, 2000). The first
round of this bidding process took place in 1997, but was affected by irregularities. As
result of these irregularities, the Government appointed an independent observer to
monitor future allocations through this bidding process as a means to increase
transparency of the process (Global Forest Watch, 2000). Three types of permits grant
logging rights in Cameroon is stipulated in the concession policy of the 1994 forestry
legislation. Exploitation permits and “autorisation de recuperation” are short-term
volume-based logging titles reserved for nationals. Sale of Standing Volume (SSV)
(Ventes de coupe) is a 2,500-ha permits allocated for 1- 3 years while concessions
(subdivided into Forest management Units FMU) are large long-term titles. The new
forestry legislation is now being implemented by the recent allocation of new SSV, FMU
and community forests.
It should be noted that, the allocation of SSV and, FMU is determined by a governmental
body called the “Inter-ministerial commission for the attribution of forest concessions”
know in French as the Commission interministerielle d’attribution des concessions
forestières, which includes representatives from different ministries most probably the
36
ministry of Environment and Forests, Economy and Finance, the independent observer
and some stakeholders from the civil society. The selection criteria and procedures for
this inter-ministerial commission are ruled by decree 0293/MINEF dated March 21, 2000
(Global Forest Watch, 2000).
Formidable effort has been exercised in implementing the allocation of logging
concession under this new forestry legislation. The first FMU concession allocation under
the bidding process was held in 1997 which was marked with irregularities where by 21
concessions were not awarded to the highest bidder. However, more clearly defined
guidelines were applied during the 1999 allocation of Sale of Standing Volume following
complaints from the independent observer, the private sector, and International and local
NGOs. The rules were revised again to reduce these irregularities and to ensure that no
ambiguities remained. As a result of this amendment, the allocation guidelines for the
2000 FMU concession allocation were respected with minor irregularities, which
demonstrate the country ability to implement a complex market-based auction, aimed at
increasing profit from logging (Global Forest Watch, 2000; Global Witness, 2001).
According to the concession policy, logging companies holding FMUs are responsible for
developing management plans and submitting them to the Ministry of Environment and
Forests (MINEF) within three years of the concession allocation (Table 2.3.1). These
plans must address the ecological, economic, and social aspects of maintaining a
sustainable logging operation, as defined by administrative texts (Decisions
0107/D/MINEF/CAB and 0108/D/MINEF/CAB of February 9th, 1998.) Each concession
is supposed to be divided into sections to be logged during a five-year time frame, with
an overall rotation period of 25 years. These sections are further subdivided into five
“access de coupe”.
37
Features Descriptions
Area Less than 200,000ha in the PFE, under the form of a Forest
Management Unit (FMU)
Duration 15years, renewable once
Allocation Through public bids in which logging companies must submit
technical and financial offers
Legal Forest Management Plan
Requirements Specification (cahier des charges) establish by the authorities on the
basis of both the quality of the forest and inhabitants’ requests.
Processing of at least 70% of the logged timber by local industry
Taxes and fees Felling taxes based on the logged timber volume.
Annual Area Fee based on the FMU area and the financial proposal by
the logging company (minimum of CFAF 1,000/ha)
The legislation stipulates a required timeline for the development of a management plan
after the allocation of a concession. When a concession is allocated to a company, this
company signs a temporal agreement with MINEF. This agreement allows the company
limited exploitation for 3 years. During these 3 year period, the company must:
 complete the pre-inventory and sampling phase for the concession;

 complete the inventories and study phase with report on management inventory
and forest maps, socio-economic studies of the area, consultation with local
population on usage rights and wildlife and biodiversity studies;
 prepare a draft management plan, incorporating all relevant information;
 submit draft management plan to MINEF for approval (Global Forest Watch,
2005).
MINEF then accepts or rejects the draft management plan after field investigation. If the
plan is accepted, the company then signs a 15 years renewable forest concession
agreement with MINEF. The plan is reviewed every 5 years when the boundaries of the
concession are adjusted if necessary. Many studies have revealed that these requirements
are not respected by most of the logging companies (Global Forest Watch, 2005).
38
3.6. Decentralized Forest Management of the New Forestry Law
The 1994 forestry law of Cameroon and its application decree of implementation (GoC,
1995), made provision for decentralize forest management. This legal instrument with
subsequent orders and circulars form the main legal bases of forest management
decentralization in Cameroon (Oyono et al, 2007; Oyono et al, 2006; Bigombe, 2003;
Bigombe et al, 2005). The decentralized forest management model of the forestry reform
had three objectives
 To promote community participation in forest management
 To contribute to poverty reduction
 To contribution to sustainable forest resource management.
The forestry reform established four basic mechanisms that are the foundation of forest
management decentralization in Cameroon.
In order to examine these different mechanisms it is essential to note that Forêt
Communale (Council Forest) and Forêt Communautaire (Community Forest) are quite
different entities. Perhaps the most salient difference, arising from the national zoning
plan in the regulatory framework of the forest law (Plan de Zonage), is the fact that
Council Forests have been demarcated (on paper) and appear in the Plan, whilst
Community Forests do not. Community Forests are to be established in the Non-
Permanent Forest Estate, and boundaries will be defined only via the procedures specified
in the Community Forestry Unit’s official manual of attribution. In contrast, a Council
Forest has been allocated to every District headquarters, ostensibly to provide a source of
revenues for local government projects.
3.6.1. Council Forests
A council forest “is any forest that has been classified and assigned to a council
concerned or that was planted by the council on council land” (GoC, 1994). The 1994
forestry law and its application decree transfer ownership rights over the biophysical unit
of the council forest and the financial benefits accruing from the exploitation of its forest
products to the council in charge (GoC, 1994; 1995).
According to the forestry law, establishment of council forest involved the following
steps:
39
 Classification of the forest in consultation of the local communities
 Organization arrangements and formation of consultative management committee
with a representative from each village that comprise the rural council as well as
members and a monitoring committee
 Establish a management plan using socio-economic data and forest inventories
data
 Legal and administrative procedure which includes; approval of the management
plan by the ministry in charge of forests, a prime ministerial decree classifying the
forest on behalf of the council and official authorization to exploit the forest
3.6.2. Community Forests

The forestry law made provision for village communities within the forest zone the
possibility to establish community forests under the decentralize forest management
model. According to the legal text, a community forest is defined as “a forest of the non
permanent forest estate, under a management agreement between the village communities
concerned with technical support of the administration” (GoC, 1995). A community
forest can only be established in an area over which the village community concerned has
customary rights (Lescuyer, 2003; Oyono et al, 2007). As stipulated by the law, a village
community wishing to establish a community forest should organize itself into a legal
entity in a form of a common initiative group, an association, or a cooperative (GoC,
1995).
A methodological guide produced by the Community Forestry Unit of MINFOF proposes
the following stages for establishing a community forest:
 Public awareness and information campaign at the level of the village community
applying for a community forest
 Formation of a management entity
 Delimitation of the future community forest
 Designation of the community forest
 Development of a simple management plan
 Approval of the simple management plan by the services of MINFOF
40
 Signing of the management agreement between MINFOF and the village
community concerned
Once the management agreement has been signed, the village community can start
logging. Most often three different types of exploitation are used; a) artisanal logging
under the control of the community itself, b) artisanal logging in partnership with a
logging company and c) industrial logging (Oyono et al, 2007; Oyono, 2005).
The law also stipulated that, the community forest management agreement must be
signed for 5years periods, renewable for a total of 25years. If the forest is poorly
managed, the management agreement is suspended (GoC, 1995).
Statistics from the Community Forestry Unit of MINFOF, shows that since December
2004; 326 application for the attribution of community forests had been examined with
76 granted. (Oyono et al, 2007). Many factors account for the slow creation of
community forests in Cameroon; Lack of information to and among the local population,
the complex and expensive administrative procedure involved, no collaboration amongst
forest officers and the difficulty in linking local realities with the bureaucratic and
centralized administrative systems (Djeumo, 2001; Brown and Schreckenberg, 2001).
3.6.3. Annual Forestry Fees

The 1994 forestry law made provision for the allocation of annual forestry fees by
logging companies. According to the legal provision, the annual forestry fee “comprises
of two elements, an access right calculated from a minimum rate of 300 CFA Francs per
hectare per year and an exploitation right calculated by logging area for the duration of
the latter. The product of these fees is distributed as follows; 50% to the central state,
40% to rural councils in whose domains the exploited forest are located and 105 to
village communities living adjacent the forest” (GoC, 1996 cited in Oyono et al, 2007). In
1997/1998, this finance law was changed and the fees were fixed as follows;
 Sales of standing volume (vente de coupe) 2500CFA Francs
 Concessions (FMU) 1500 CFA Francs per hectare
 Cutting permit 1500 CFA Francs per hectare
In 2000/2001 fiscal years the finance law lowered the fee for concessions to 1000 CFA
Francs per hectare. The annual forestry fees are paid in the form of a certified cheque to
41
the council in charge a kind of “eco tax” derived from the “polluter pays” principle which
is meant to compensate the damage caused by commercial logging activities (Oyono et
al, 2007; Fomété, 2001; Bigombe, 2003).
The disbursement of the 50% of annual forestry fees intended for the rural councils and
the village communities living beside the concessions is done by the General Department
of Taxation. This department issues a cheque to the mayor of that municipality
concerned. Each recipient rural council has a management committee chaired by the
mayor and composed of representatives from the Ministry of territorial Administration
and Decentralization, MINFOF, Local Revenue Collector and village committee’s
representatives (Fomété and Vermaat, 2001).
According to MINEFI/MINEDAT (1998), cited in Oyono et al, 2007, village
communities should form village level forestry fee management committees to
management the 10% fee. According to the legal text, the 10% fees is not given to them
in cash but rather these management committees are required to submit community
development project proposal to the regional management committee chaired by the
mayor for funding.
Statistics from the Forestry Revenue Enhancement Program, shows that the stat has paid
a total amount of 1.9billion and 10.1billion CFA Francs respectively as annual forestry
fees to the recipient council concerned within the two fiscal years 2002/2003 and 2004
(Oyono et al, 2007).
3.6.4. Community Managed Hunting Zones
The 1994 forestry Law and its 1995 Decree of application on wildlife (wildlife Decree)
recognized traditional custodians of wildlife resources and provisions for the creation of
community hunting areas (GoC 1995; Egbe, 2001). The Forestry and Wildlife Law
categories animals into three classes A, B, and C. Class A animals are totally protected
(Gorrilla, chimpanzee and elephant). Animals of class B are potentially protected and are
hunted with a permit. Animals of class C are hunted under controlled (Egbe, 2001;
Koulagna, 2001). The Law recognized two categories of hunting; subsistence hunting
which deals with (Hunting with traditional method of traps and not homemade guns and
steel wire cable) to the exclusive user right of the local people as a source of animal
protein. Sport hunting, this takes place in hunting areas that are leased to hunting guides
42
(Egbe, 2001; Samndong, 2005). The community hunting zone provisions of the law has
not been highly implemented. Nevertheless, some NGOs and conservation projects
within the forest region have experimented the community managed hunting zones
known as ZICGCs (in French. Another type of hunting zone known as zones dìnteret
cynegetique (ZIC in french) is also allocated to professional hunting guides (Oyono et al,
2007; Bigombe et al, 2005). The ZICGC and ZICs are the two legal instruments relating
to the allocation of wildlife resources to local communities (MINEF, 2004). These two
instruments enable village communities within the forest to carry out traditional hunting
activities and also gain access to a portion of wildlife taxes.( Oyono et al, 2007; Mark van
der Wal and Djoh, 2001; Egbe, 2001).
According to the 1999 Curricular No 2978/ DFAP/AC of 14 October 1999 (MINEF,
1999), all the village community within the forest has access to the financial benefits
from wildlife resources exploitation. The principal tax paid by hunting guides to ZICs is
redistributed according to the same pattern of annual forestry fees, 50% for the central
sate, 40% for the councils concerned and 10% for the village communities around the
hunting zones- the local communities also receive 10% for annual lease tax when the
ZICGCs are leased to hunting guides. According to Ontcha Mpele et al (2005) cited in
Oyono et al, 2007, 16 ZICGACs exist in the rainforest of Cameroon. The management of
ZICGCs is the responsibility of the Wildlife Resource Enhancement Committees
(COVEREFs in French).
The COVEREFs are responsible for identifying local development problems, seeking
appropriate solutions and ensuring the implementation of all projects of community
interest in the villages. The revenue managed by COVEREFs is derived mainly from the
leasing of the concessionaires who pay rental or access rights for the period of lease.
Other financial resources are derived from the leasing of professional hunting zones
(ZICs) located near the villages, related felling tax, captive auction sales, damages and
interest paid by poachers to the regional forest and wildlife service (Oyono et al, 2007;
Mark van der Wal and Djoh, 2001; Egbe, 2001).
43
3.7. The New Forestry Law and Rural Livelihoods
The relationship between the new forestry law and rural livelihoods in the rainforest is
very important in this study. In this section I will identify and describe the different
components of the forestry law that has direct impact or contribution to rural livelihoods
in the forest area while, the result and discussion chapter will examine the
implementation of the law, local realities and their impact on rural livelihoods.
From the previous sections discussed above, we could identify four different components
of the forest law that has direct impact on rural livelihoods: the regulatory framework and
the zoning plan, hunting and gathering of forest products, commercial logging and
community forest.
As we have noticed, the regulatory framework of the law classify the national forest into
two main estates; the Permanent Forest Estate (PFE), which is a private estate of the state
and local councils designated to remain forested. Agricultural activity and local use of
forest resources is forbidden in this estate (Lescuyer et al, 2001; Lescuyer, 2007). The
law also proposed two types of forests belonging to this PFE: production forest dedicated
to commercial exploitation and protection forest dedicated to conserves the natural
environment. The Non-Permanent Forest Estate (NPFE) consists of forestlands that are
allocated to uses other than forestry. This includes communal forest, community forests
and private forests. The different between community forest and communal forest in this
context is that whereas community forest must be managed according to simple
management plan and a common initiative group or association, communal forest are not
subjected to a specific management plan and are under the control of local traditional
rules (MINEF,1998). The uses of forest resources and agricultural activity take place in
the NPFE.
About 9million hectares of the 14million planed in the approved zoning plan have been
proposed to constitute the PFE of which 6million hectares accounts for production forest
(Lescuyer, 2007; Oyono et al 2007). The PFE are created in those forest area consider
free of any human activity or occupation. The main element use in this delineation is the
anticipated extension of cultivated area in view of demographic expansion. In view of
this, each village in the forest zone has been given a buffer zone sized to serve as
agricultural land reserve for future fields and plantations. Other buffer zones have been
44
established along main roads. Local forest uses such as hunting, gathering of NTFP,
fishing and ancient village sites are not taken in consideration and according to the
zoning plan; most of these activities and sites are located within the PFE. This
classification type has direct impact on rural livelihoods as it restricts, prohibits and
undermines local use in official management plans for large forest areas which make it
very difficult to be applied at the local level (Lescuyer, 2007).
This classification procedure however, provides for financial compensation for the loss of
customary property rights held by the local people in only three cases: operating
plantation, spiritual sites and area covered by land ownership titles which are most often
rarely granted (Lescuyer, 2007; Lescuyer and Emerit, 2005). Other claims such as
hunting campsites, food crops field are excluded from any financial compensation. From
the view point of the local population, their forest resources are being absorbed into the
PFE with limited rights. This type of classification based on modern law that contradicts
customary rights and varies with local people’s perception of their forest areas is one of
the major difficulty in achieving sustainable forest management in Cameroon and Central
Africa region in general (Diaw and Oyono, 1998; Karsenty and Marie, 1998; Brown,
1999).
Apart from restricting access to forest land and user rights in the PFE, the forest law also
limit hunting and collection of NTFP by the local population. According to the law (GoC,
1994);
 Hunting and collection of NTFP is allowed throughout the national territory
except for protected forest as long as it a traditional activity intended only for
household consumption. Commercialization of forest products is forbidden
without a permit delivered by the Ministry of Forest and Fauna
 Protected plant and animal species must not be extracted or maybe collected only
under strict conditions.
 Locally used traditional hunting techniques made out of plant materials are
accepted by the law. Hunting techniques such as trap hunting with steel-wire
cables and hunting with the use of guns are forbidden. Night hunting is also
forbidden by the law (RoC, 1994; 1995).
45
The law also makes provision for three possibilities which the local population could
draw economic benefit from hunting.
 Rural communities may ask the ministry to establish a community hunting zone.
These hunting zones are managed on the same basis as community forest. The
community hunting zone areas are taken out of the NPFE and may cover up to
5,000 hectares
 The ministry may lease some areas in the PFE to professional hunting guides.
This is practiced only in northern Cameroon.
 Of recent, discussions among the Ministry, World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)
and the German Development Corporation (GTZ) have led to the proposal of a
new hunting concept, the Community Management Zone not yet considered in the
forest law. Its objective is to allocate large hunting areas to local populations so
that they directly manage and benefit from game meat. Consideration is being
given to establish such hunting zones on both the PFE and NPFE (Roulet, 2004).
These provisions of the forest law are some of the major causes of increased illegal
activity because it contradicts local realities and livelihood practice in the forest zones in
Cameroon prohibiting bush meat and NTFP sales is unrealistic because it is an age-old
and customary practice for rural people in the rainforest and the government has no
means of controlling these commercial networks. Furthermore, prohibiting the use of
steel-wire traps and firearm is pointless as they are used throughout the country. Most of
the poachers practice commercial hunting with impunity since they have the support of
powerful political or economic players (Lescuyer, 2007; Colchester, 2006).
Commercial logging as prescribed in the forest law has some direct and indirect impact
on rural livelihoods. The direct impact includes the involvement of local people in
establishing and implementing the forest management plan and the specifications that
constitute the framework for commercial logging operations. The indirect impact is
through the decentralized forestry taxation system, especially the Annual Area Fee, 40%
of which is paid to the rural councils on the forest zones being logged and 10% to the
neighboring village communities (Bigombe, 2004; Oyono et al, 2006).
According to the forestry law, the forest management plan of commercial logging must
be drawn up for all forests located in the PFE (GoC, 1994; 1995). The plan must define
46
how the forest is to be used in order to optimize logging and to ensure long-term
maintenance of the forest resources. The local people must be a full member of the
structure in charge of the forest management plan and involved in three important stages
of the plan: (a) socio-economic surveys must be carried out to take into account the
customary rights and practices of the local populations in relation to forest resources, (b)
the forest management plan must indicate what rural populations may expect from the
logging company in terms of social infrastructures and (c) the forest management plan
must specify how participative management of the forest will be effective in the field.
Apart from these obligations, the logging company also has a legal obligation to set up a
processing factory in its logging area which is supposed to provide employment for rural
population and for the local population to benefit from the processed wood scraps either
free of charge or at a very reduced price (Global Forest Watch, 2005).
In addition, all commercial logging operations are framed by specifications that are fixed
by the authorities with a view, amongst other, to answer the local population’s requests.
In practice, the content of the section of specifications regarding socio-economic
infrastructures varies substantially. Its application also varies, especially since for many
logging companies, these direct social contributions to local populations are now
redundant given the decentralized taxation measures. As a result, all the kind of socio-
economic commitments by the logging company are to be negotiated with the local
populations. These negotiations generally take place during village meetings that gather
most villagers together with the logging company and the administrative authorities.
From both a legal and practical point of view, these discussions about social
infrastructures come late in the forest management process and whatever the local
population may say, the forest has already been allocated to loggers. Local populations no
longer have the power to deny them access to the timber in the forests (Lescuyer, 2003;
2007; Global Forest Watch, 2005).
The Annual Area Fee is the Central tenet of the decentralized taxation system (Bigombe,
2003). The impact of the Annual Area Fee on rural population comes from its distribution
of 50% for the state treasury, 40% for the local council where the logging takes place and
10% for the population in and around the logging area. The management arrangements at
47
local level for these funds are established by Joint Order No 122/MINEF/MINAT of 29
April 1998 (MINEF, 1998).
 The 10% share is allocated to local socio-economic projects in such a way as to
promote community development.
 Revenues collected through the Annual Area Fee remain public funds subject to
the control of the tax office
 An Area Fee Management Committee is to be established in every beneficiary
community to manage the 10% destined for the communities. The mayor is the
chairman of the committee and the person authorized to pass accounts. The
village communities have to be represented on the committee by six people
chosen by the villagers themselves. The committee also includes civil servants
and local elected representatives. These committees are under the supervision of
the administrative authorities, which is usually the civil administrator in the
region.
However, the management of the Annual Area Fee has been under close scrutiny for
several years. Generally, studies have concluded that the impact of the decentralized
taxation system in terms of social infrastructures is very low as the revenues have been
misused (Bigombe, 2004; Oyono et al, 2007).
Apart of commercial logging, the forest law is also open to much more reduced timber
production activities (small-scale logging) carried out by individuals in order to satisfy
their basic personal needs or to develop a relative small business centre for wood
products. Such logging operations are conducted with light equipment such as chainsaw
or mobile saws (GoC, 1994; 1995). Five small-scale logging activities are defined in the
forest law:
 Traditional right of use: resident populations can log as many trees as needed for
their domestic use.
 Direct exploitation of the community forest by the community using only light
equipment.
 Timber recovery special authorization (suspended): this permit allows any
Cameroonian to recover abandoned timber found along the roadside
48
 Individual felling authorizations (suspended) are issued to Cameroonians to allow
them to cut a maximum of 30m3 of wood in the NPFE, for non-commercial uses
only.
 Exploitation permits (suspended) are authorizations to exploit a maximum volume
of 500m3 located in a particular area of the NPFE.
As a consequence of substantial abuse, the government suspended the latter three permit
types in July 1999 (Lescuyer, 2007). Logging operations are centered now on more
controlled permits such as logging concession while small-scale loggers are induced to
become involved in community forest. This measure has forced all the small-scale
logging activities to be more illegal (Lescuyer, 2007).
The main intention to establish Community Forest (CF) by the forest law was to enable
local participation in forest management to improve local livelihoods and reduced
poverty. The current success of community forest has raised many questions. Three main
issues have been identified in the current success of community forest in Cameroon
(Lescuyer, 2007; Oyono, 2004; 2005):
First, community forest projects tend to have little impact on the community as a whole
because there is usually the absence of any real community on a village scale since the
notion of “community” remain a contested concept (Brown, 1999; Lescuyer, 2000) with
an uncertain capacity to mobilize a category of people capable of exercising a common
claim to “ownership” of the resource. According to Klein et al (2001), the first benefits
accruing from a community forest are generally used for individual purposes, whereas the
community forest collective institutions, such as common initiative groups and
associations, appears to be hypothetical rather than real. In this context, common
initiative groups and associations are often a new means for the elite of benefiting from
community forest while masquerading as community empowerment.
Second, to compensate their low technical capacities to deal with community forests,
communities are often involved in quite perplexing partnership with NGOs and logging
companies. Some NGOs play an ambiguous role in community forestry while for some
community forest is a new activity whose main advantage is that it is generously funded
by bilateral or multilateral cooperation agencies (Etoungou, 2003). Most of the NGOs
involved in community forest rather than providing temporary assistance, they often
49
induce villagers to become involved in community forest by providing them with
technical and financial assistance and take care of follow-up until the community forest is
reserved. Informal alliances between Cameroonian logging operators and influential
village elites are still very common. These elites are interested in logging community
forest as quickly as possible and primarily for their own benefit (Lescuyer, 2007; Lewis,
2007).
Third, the multiplication of administrative and legal mechanisms for community forest
operations has led to potential legal contradictions. Most of the MINFOF staff, view
community forest as a means to strengthen the discretionary power (Cleuren, 2001;
Siebock, 2002). Given these administrative complexity and variability, it is difficult for
most of these staff to be convinced by more subjective arguments with money far from it.
Table below illustrates how high the unofficial costs of obtaining a community forest
without external assistance.
Table: 3.7.1: Hidden costs of establishing community forests
Community forest step Means of facilitating the procedure
Financial cost of the consultation meeting CFAF 150,000
(excluding contributions in kind)
Follow-up of the CF request at the CFAF 900,000
ministry decentralized services
Follow-up of the CF request at the CFAF 250,000 plus personal contacts
Ministry central services
Follow-up of the management plan at the CFAF 1,000,000
Ministry decentralized services
Approval of the management plan by the Part of what is paid to the planning office
Ministry centralized services (CFAF 15million) is used to motivate
certain people
Signature of the management plan by the CFAF 250,000
Ministry decentralized services
Signature of the management plan by the CFAF 2,700,000 plus political contacts
senior divisional officer
Extracted from Lescuyer (2007).
50
CHAPTER FOUR – MATERIAL AND METHODS
4.1. The Study Area

This study was carried out in three village communities: Eschiambor, Bapile and Djenou
in Lomié sub-division. The Lomié sub-division is located between latitude 03o09’ N and
longitude 13o 37’ E. Administratively, it is situated in the South-East of the Equatorial
rainforest of Southern Cameroon, about 130km South-East of Abong Mbang, the
administrative headquarter of the Upper Nyong Division in the East province of
Cameroon. (Figure 4.1.1)
Figure 4.1.1: Map of study area
By road, Lomie that is the district centre of the Lomie sub-division is about 350 km from
the capital city Yaounde. A 100 km tarred road leads from Yaounde to Ayos, a
reasonably well maintained two lane gravel road extends 120km from Ayos to Abong
Mbang and Lomie is about 130km South-East of Abong Mbang via a narrow non-tarred
road.
51
With a population of some 16,000 inhabitants in its 13,600 km2, the Lomie sub-division
has one of the lowest population densities in Cameroon (1.2 persons/km2). The Nzime, a
Bantu-speaking people, are the largest group, but the Baka Pygmy, for whom we do not
have accurate demographic figures, are also found in the area in significant numbers.
Linguistically related Bantu groups like the Njem (coming from the district of Ngoyla),
and the Njeme (a group originating from the northern side of the Dja Reserve) also
inhabit the area. Migrant populations such as the Kaka (Mkako), the Maka, the Hausa and
Bamoun (traders mainly living in Lomie town and Messok), the Beti and the Bamileke,
who mainly occupy posts as government functionaries, are all represented in the area
(Govic Cameroon, 2007; Burnham et al, 1998; Bigombe, 2004).
4.1.1. Institutional Structures of the Study Area

Lomie has been primarily an administrative town since its creation in the German
colonial period. Today, as headquarters of the sub-prefecture, Lomie hosts several
ministerial services. There is a government hospital, which is often short of medicine and
personnel. The educational infrastructure comprises a complete schooling cycle, with
primary schools, a college and the technical secondary school known as SAR (Section
Artisanale Rurale) in French. However, standards are relatively poor compared to
national norms, due mainly to the widespread absenteeism of teachers. Achievement
requirements and age limits for entry are also very low and flexible (since educational
problems in the rural villages have to be taken into consideration).
The sub division presently has two districts (Messok and Mindourou) and a newly
created sub division of Ngoyla. The Sub-divisional Officer and the Chief of District
directly represent and are appointed by the central administration, and both respond to the
Divisional Officer in Abong Mbang. These Officers co-ordinate and are responsible for
all ministerial extension services present in their areas, as well as the gendarmerie and the
mayor’s office. As representatives of the Territorial Administration, they deal with all
aspects of the management of natural resources, infrastructures, local economic
development, and security. They also supervise elections. They liaise with the local
populations through the traditional chiefs.
52
The Mayors of Lomie, Messok, Mindourou and Ngoyla elected by the population, are
responsible for the management of local finances, the collection of taxes (impôt
libératoire), the activities of the registry office, and some infrastructural investments.
Lately, through the new forestry law, the Mayors have been given the possibility of
managing a Council Forest. As per the new policy of “decentralization”, local authorities
should increasingly have some control of natural resources, and achieve greater financial
independence from the central government. This implies that the municipality will have
to find ways to collect and to generate revenues. The legal conception of the Council
Forest can be seen as creating some of the preconditions for this policy, and it is
definitely perceived by the local authorities in the sub-division of Lomie as a vehicle to
gain necessary funding, through logging exploitation, for local development.
The Lomie sub-division comprises six cantons (second class chieftaincies), each
with government-appointed chiefs, and over 100 settlements of varying magnitude, many
of which have Baka encampments attached to them. These “traditional authorities”,
namely the village chiefs (third class chieftaincies) and canton chiefs, represent the
population in relations with external authorities, preside over customary tribunals
(including local disputes over resource appropriation), and supervise the voting for
general and local elections. These chieftaincies are, in general, hereditary although the
local population can in theory, contest the legitimacy of successors. Only the second class
chiefs enjoy a modest salary from the central government and are appointed by the
divisional officer. Presently, no paramount chiefs (first class chiefs) are recognized in the
district.
The elites of Lomie sub-division are characterized by their relative lack of
involvement in the development of their areas of origin and their reticence to take an
active role in community organization. Even other Cameroonians (“strangers”) living or
visiting these places note, with astonishment, the lack of such activity by elites in the East
compared to their own areas, and wonder at the absence of “corporatism” that these
societies exhibit. External elites in East Province include some personalities occupying
ministerial posts, several deputies in the National Assembly, some senior Army officers,
several senior civil servants, and several employees at the presidential residence.
Considering their privileged position, very little has been done for the area in terms of
53
investments and infrastructure. Of the few achievements of the elite associations, the
most prominent were the successful lobbying for the establishment of the college in
Lomie, the donation of some hospital resources (Burnham et al, 1998). Few of the elite
have constructed houses in their villages of origin, thus failing one of the first criteria (in
local thought) associated with wealth/prestige and “concern” with one’s fellows.
The External elites do not completely sever links with their places of origin once
they enter the national arena, however. Ties are maintained but are limited primarily to
interpersonal relations with kin and to marriage-based relationships. For villagers, such
ties are based on personal favors, whether in terms of financial help, work opportunities
or mediations with the state apparatus. For the elite they provide a strategy to assure a
security net for themselves and maintain personal prestige and electoral support for their
party. Their inter-relationships and interactions with the local population are mainly
based on terms of “generosity”, in “gift giving” and public feasting.
Many of the elite (both external and village-based) occupy posts in the
hierarchical structure of the Cameroon People Democratic Movement (CPDM) the ruling
party of the country (whose salary is based on the number of CPDM voters in their
circumscription) or are activists in the party. Up until recently the external elite involved
in party politics would be seen briefly only during election campaigns, mobilizing local
CPDM activists linked to them through personal ties. Even though multi-party elections
are now the norm, the main opposition party chiefly Social Democratic Front (SDF) have
never been very influential in Lomie and the East Province in general. At the village
level, the opposition has more appeal to very young people, who prefer such political
adherences as a form of rebellion and anti-conventionality.
The local population is generally very critical of the elite, and accusations of
incompetence and corruption are overtly directed at them. Public accusation, whether of
witchcraft or corruption, however, has to be viewed in a context where this is a socially
accepted form of manifestation of disagreement. This is considered to be a right of the
“oppressed” and a way to vent personal frustrations, but which also gives a chance to the
person accused to defend his/her position and, possibly, to correct his/her actions. By
creating a situation of crisis, the oratorical abilities of the speakers are tested and the final
verdict depends on these abilities. Witchcraft accusations are still treated by the men of
54
law and order “gendarmerie” as plausible crimes, and are taken to court if no
compromise is reached through more informal traditional forms of conflict resolution.
In the opinion of many elites, the causes of the poverty, misery and
underdevelopment of their home villages are to be partly attributed to their village
“brothers”, and reflect their ignorance, indolence and “sauvage” nature. These are
attributes from which the elites need to protect themselves. Witchcraft is very real for,
and feared by, people, in particular those who, after retirement, have returned to the
village. Villagers project the same images of themselves most of the time (lack of vision
for the future, of skills, and of organizing abilities), which they consider to be the result
of their forest environment. One of the several contrasting local conceptualizations of the
forest sees it as the cause of their own “backward” condition and of their “enclavement”.
From this point of view, the forest should be handed over to whomever could bring
“progress”, as long as it implies immediate returns.
One might have thought that environmental issues would be increasingly used by
politically active individuals as vehicles to mobilize support over questions relating to
local control of natural resources. However, the concept of Community Forestry, as a
means to “capture” local votes, was never used in party political propaganda. Rather,
political discourses focused on issues like road management and the installation of
electricity, as well as other infrastructural development works, which the party no doubt
aimed to obtain from future timber exploitations. However, the imminent arrival of
logging activities in the area was never disclosed during public meetings, attributing the
promised development initiatives to the benevolence of the state.
With the recent upsurge of commercial timber exploitation in the Lomie area,
several members of the external elite are becoming much more involved in Lomie affairs,
and home construction in town is rapidly increasing. The more politically influential
elites are deeply involved in logging, either as holders of personal logging licenses
(assiettes de particulier), or as supporters/instigators of illegal opportunistic exploitation.
Several are also, together with certain state authorities, actively involved in the traffic in
ivory and animal trophies.
Apart of the elite’s role in the area, non-governmental organizations (NGO) have
also greatly contributed to the development of the area. The oldest non-governmental
55
institution in the area is the Catholic Mission of the Congregation of the Spiritaines (Holy
Ghost Fathers), founded at the end of 1930s. Since the 1970s, the Mission, other than
evangelization, has engaged in initiatives for the “emancipation” and development of the
Baka population, with educational, health and agricultural projects. In recent years, these
projects have been, by and large, financed by the APPEC (Appui du Développement pour
les Populations de l’Est Cameroun - recently re-named to reflect the newly-embraced
approach of including all of the local populations). The intervention areas of this
organization include both Bertoua and Abong Mbang, and its activities are mainly funded
by Dutch donors (especially SNV). Primary education is provided for Nzime children at
the mission premises, but most development initiatives have been directed at the Baka.
(In the past, however, relatively greater support was provided to the Bantu populations
through the CEDAR or Coopérative de l’Eglise Catholique pour le Développement
Agricole et Rural de Haut-Nyong).
There are many international NGOs in the region that have contributed much in
the conservation and development of the region. Among those NGOs includes SNV (The
Netherlands Development Organization), IUCN (World Conservation Union) WWF
(World Wide Fund for Nature), Rainforest Foundation UK, FPP (Forest Peoples
Program), Living Earth and PLAN International. National and local NGOs also exist in
the region that participates in conservation and development projects: CED (Centre pour
L’Environnment et le Developpement), ENVIRO-PROTECT and CERAD (Centre de
Recherche et d’action pour le developpement durable en Afrique Centrale) all based in
Yaounde. At the local level there are, CIAD (Centre International d’Appui et de
Recherche pour le Développement) founded in 1993, was the first NGO to be created in
the Lomie area, PERAD, CODEDEM (Comite de Developpement de Lomie), ADELOM
(Association de Developpement de Lomie) and ASBAK (Baka Association). There are
also many common initiative groups and organization (CIGs) recognized in Cameroonian
law that is becoming rather popular of late, and several have been established in various
villages in the sub-division. Most of these CIGs are created as a legal entity as a
requirement for the creation of community forest.
56
4.1.2. The Physical Environment
4.1.2.1. Climate
This area has a hot and humid equatorial climate of the Guinean type with two rainy
seasons separated by two dry seasons. In the course of the year, the seasons succeed in
the following manner: short rainy season from mid-March to mid-June, short dry season
from June to mid- August, long rainy season from mid August to mid November and long
dry season from mid November to mid March. The average temperature of the region is
about 24°C with a mean temperature of 23-25C throughout the year. The lowest monthly
temperatures are read in July (22.8°C) and the highest in April (24.6°C). Annual average
rainfall ranges between 1.550 to 2.000 mm. Maximum precipitations are registered in
April-May and September-October (Geovic Cameroon, 2007).
4.1.2.2. Soil and Geology

The soil of Loimé is predominantly ferrallitic rich in iron and red in color. The region
consists of metamorphic rock such as gneiss, schist, mica and migmalite. Despite the
abundant plant life in the region, the soil is not fertile in relation to natural forest due to
leaching caused by the humid environment and the geology of the region. Local people in
the area often use the soil as building material.
.
4.1.2.3. Relief and Hydrology
Relatively uniform, the relief of the region can be qualified as averagely rough. There is a
succession of hills with gentle slopes separated by rivers or swampy gutters. Steep slopes
can be observed and their contours rarely surpass 20 to 30 m. Altitude vary between 600
and 700 m with the highest point situated north east of the region. The hydro-graphic
network is very dense and constitutes several permanent streams, notably, Ndjoo,
Ossananga, Mapié, Mien, Epom, Ko, Djawo, and three important rivers; Edjé, Boumba
and Dja. Many amongst them take rise from within the region. There are three drainage
basins, the most important being the Dja, which covers all southern half of the region
(Sonké and Lejoly, 1998). The drainage basin of river Edjé occupies a large part of the
southwest zone of the region while river Boumba occupies the south east of the region.
57
With the exception of Dja in its inferior course, most of the streams can be crossed over
without much difficulty in all seasons. Most of the streams have one direction of flow
(North to South), with the exception of secondary rivers (Hubert et al, 2004).
4.1.2.4. Plant and Animal Life

Approximately two-third of the region is covered with the rainforest. The forests are
composed of hardwood evergreen species such as ebony, iroko, mahogany, obeche,
sapelli, ayous and moabi, some of which may grow up to 70m or more. There also exist
several orchids and ferns. Wild fruits and aromatic plants including rattans are abundant
in the forests. Betti and Nlegue (1997) identified 68 species divided into 39 families and
49 genera that are used by various peoples including the Baka. The most commonly used
families in terms of species numbers are: Sterculiaceae (7 species); Euphorbiaceae (6
species); Sapotaceae (5 species, including the moabi). Fruit is mostly collected once it
has fallen, but availability is limited by competition with fruit eating fauna (elephants,
primates, hornbills). The most valuable products for consumption and sale are: Bush
mango (Irvingia gabonensis) and ezezang/njangsang (Ricinodendron heudelotii); fruits from
mvout (Trichoscypha acuminata) and tom (Dacryodes macrophylla) and the nuts of abe afan
(Cola verticillata) and Ewomen (Coula Edulis). Some examples of plant species used as
medicine include essok (Garcinia lucida), which is an anti-poison, onyae, (Garcinia kola),
which is believed to be an aphrodisiac. Other medicinal plants include ekouk (Alstonia
boonei), ebam (Picralima nitida), and atjek (Pausinystalia johimbe). Cane, which belongs to
the Arecaceae family, is used to make numerous household items. The two most
commonly used versions of cane in the region are Eremospatha macrocarpa (net cane),
and Laccosperma secundiflorum (thick cane) (Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al,
2004).
Animal life is abundant and diverse. The forests are inhabited by numerous
species of monkey, as well as gorillas and chimpanzees. Birds and bats of various species
are also common as well as various species of antelopes and duikers. Few forest
elephants exist in the region but mostly in the Dja reserve some 30km from the area.
Many of these animals are under threat of extinction due to deforestation and the bush
meat trade. According to Geovic survey report, most of the animals in this region are
58
endangered and vulnerable and are on the IUCN Red List of endangered species. They
include gorillas, chimpanzees, and bird species such as Picathartes oreas and the West
African dwarf crocodile (Osteolaemus tetrapis). The forest is also rich in aquatic
biodiversity and is heavily used by the local populations (Geovic Cameroon, 2007;
Hubert et al, 2004).
It should be noted that the study area is located about 30km from the Dja reserve.
The Dja reserve was created in 1950 as the Dja forestry and hunting reserve. It covers an
area of 526,000hectares, situated in the loop of the Dja River, which forms a natural
boundary for about 75% of the reserve. The part of the reserve boundary not formed by
the Dja River is all in the east, and coincides with areas of particularly high human
pressure (Figure 4.3.4.1). Approximately 23,500 people live within or immediately
adjacent to the Reserve (Nguiffo et al 2002). This population is comprised of four main
sedentary (Bantu) groups, Badjoue, Boulou, Fang and Nzime as well as two semi-
nomadic groups, the Baka and Kaka. The reserve is entirely covered with dense forest
and is home to 14 primate species (lowland gorilla, chimpanzee, mandrills, and assorted
monkeys), forest elephants, leopards, pangolins, reptiles, antelopes, duikers and birds.
The reserve was transformed into a World Heritage Site in 1987 by UNESCO (Nguiffo et
al, 2002).
Since the early 1990s the reserve was managed by the ECOFAC project. The
ECOFAC-Dja project was part of a regional EU funded program (ECOFAC- Forest
Ecosystem of Central Africa), which was concerned with the management of a network
of forest protected areas, of which the Dja Biosphere Reserve in Cameroon is one.
ECOFAC-Dja has from the outset, been the cause of controversy (Nguiffo et al, 2002).
The project was initiated in 1992, and is presently in a third phase. The Dja Reserve is an
area utilized by numerous local communities, including the Baka Pygmies who have
subsisted through hunting of wildlife found in the area (Nguiffo, 2001). The Reserve and
the surrounding zone have come under increasing pressure from logging, poaching and
hunting activities in recent years and studies have shown that the population of some
large mammals are becoming depleted within some parts of the Reserve (Nguiffo et al,
2002). The ECOFAC project aimed to ensure better protection of the reserve, including
59
through participatory management, control of hunting and establishment of development
activities to provide alternative sources of income (Nguiffo et al, 2002).
However, the project was perceived in the region with a lot of mix feelings. The
most important issue is that the project was based on a poor understanding of local socio-
economic realities and the project design was inappropriate. Some evaluations have also
found that, for various reasons, the project has not gained the support of local
communities, who for the most part appear still to perceive the project as a threat to their
livelihoods. Consultation and communication with local communities, especially the
Baka, has been poor or non-existent (Nguiffo et al, 2002).
Figure 4.3.4.1: Map of the study area showing the studied villages and their location
to the Dja reserve
60
4.1.3. Human Population and their Dynamics
The study area is made up of two main ethnic groups, the Bantu speaking peoples and the
Baka Pygmy. The Bantu group is divided into two; the Makaa-Njem and the Nzime
groups. The Nzime ethnic group forms the majority of the population in the study area.
This group occupies all the areas from Mindourou toward Lomié to Eschiambo right to
Ngoyla.
The Baka Pygmies also form a significant population in the area and are found in the
Pygmy camps within the Nzime villages.
The Makaa-Njem and the Nzime groups entered present day Cameroon from the Congo
Basin between the 14th and the 17th centuries. By the 19th century, they occupied the lands
north of the Lom River, which border present day East and Adamawa provinces of
Cameroon. This Bantu group was forced to move south by the Beti-Pahuin peoples who
invaded the areas under pressure from the Fulani worries (Neba, 1999). During this
period, the Nzime moved further south past the Nyong River and settled around the Dja,
Lomie and Messock areas.
The Baka are among the oldest inhabitants of Cameroon and the neighbouring countries.
Their nomadic lifestyle has persisted for thousands of years. This group occupies the
South Eastern part of the rainforest of Cameroon, northern Republic of Congo, northern
Gabon and the southwestern Central Africa Republic. Their population is very difficult to
determine but is estimated to about 5,000 to 30,000 individuals (Nguiffo et al, 2002).
Unlike the Nzime ethnic group in the region who speak “Koozime”, the Baka Pygmies
maintain a unique language called “Baka” which is different from other Central African
Pygmy groups. In addition, most of the Baka in the study area speak the Nzime language
“Koozime” as a second language, while a much smaller proportion speak French.
(Burnham et al, 1998)
A traditional Nzime house is made up of mud bricks held together by a bamboo
frame in a rectangular shape roofed with raffia palm leaves. They form a typical linear
settlement with strings of houses along existing roads with the house facing the road and
backed by forest. The Baka establish temporary camps of huts in a linear manner
constructed of bowed branches covered with large leaves near their Nzime neighbors
along existing roads.
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4.1.4. Social and Political Organization
The Nzime has a segmented social lineage structure based both on family ties and
associative administrative organizations. Their social organization begins with the family,
which consist of a man, his wife or wives and his children and grand children. A family
group corresponds to the zone of influence of an elder or the family head, which usually
occupies a common space within the village called a quarter. The village comprising
several families, each of which forms the basic domestic unit the household. In addition,
local community association and the elites both play a role in managing the village
affairs. With their level of education, experience, and exposure to the outside world and
their implication in local development initiatives, the elites demand recognition as
representative to the local population (Geovic Cameroon, 2007, Burnham et al, 1998;
Hubert et al, 2004).
The Baka social and political organization is different from that of the Nzime. While
the Nzime traditional social structures are based on family ties, the Baka traditional social
structures are the family, the lineage, the clan and the sub-clan. The family comprises of
the father, mother, children, grand children, grand parents and great grandparents and in
some cases other persons without direct blood ties to the member of the family. The clans
are characterized by totem names and symbol, such as the “Yelikemba clan (yé-clan;
likemba-elephant) in the study area, who as indicated by their name have the elephant as
a totem and whose members respect the taboo of not eating the elephant trunk
 No marriage within one’s own clan
 Collective responsibility
 Nomenclature, by which members of a clan of the same age group address one
another as brothers and sisters. The social and political organization is mostly age
based, with the elders being the incarnation of wisdom and custodian of the
tradition
The Baka religion is based on indigenous beliefs. They worship a forest spirit known
as Jengi whom they perceive as both a parental figure and guardian left in the forest by
the God- creator Komba in order to help and protect them. The vast majority of the
Nzime people practice Christianity though their native animism still persists especially in
62
the realm of traditional medicine, folk superstitions derogatory term and belief in
witchcraft (Geovic Cameroon, 2007).
The Nzime and the Baka share a long-standing inter-relationship dates from pre-
colonial periods when the Baka populations were incorporated into exchange and trading
networks through pacts of alliance (Bigombe, 2004; Burnham et al, 1998; Hubert et al,
2004). The Baka usually provide bush meat in exchange of food crops and manufacture
goods. In recent years, the Nzime people have increasingly exploited their Baka
neighbours for both cheap labors and as a sort of living tourist attraction. This
exploitation of the Baka is related to the notion that, the Baka are still very ignorant to the
cash-based economy. Intermarriage between the Baka and Nzime group is increasing.
Most Baka who marry outside their ethnic group typically adopt the lifestyle of their
spouse (Burnham et al, 1998; Geovic Cameroon, 2007).
In recent years, the government is putting all effort to regroup the Baka pygmies in
one main camp through government incentives and regulations such as mandatory
schooling for all children and for other political and administrative reasons.
4.1.5. Human Activities and Land use

Agriculture, hunting, fishing and collection of non-timber forest products have for many
years been the major economic activities of both the Nzime and the Baka in the region.
With the presence of logging companies, the mining company (Geovic) and the
community forest, some small-scale employment is envisaged in the study area.
4.1.5.1. Agriculture
Agriculture is the principal and traditional source of food and income for the Nzime
household. The principal subsistence crops are cassava, cocoyam, yam, taro, groundnut,
plantain, maize and egusi (cucumber). The main cash crops include cocoa, coffee, oil
palm and fruit trees. The majority of the Nzime are subsistence farmers. Their farm fields
are very small, usually planted in clearing cut out of the forest with axes and machetes.
The farmers clear an area in the forest about 500m to 1km (mostly secondary forest area)
near their home during the dry season. This area is then burned, with care taken to
preserve fruit tress such as mangoes, pears and plums. At the start of the rainy season,
common vegetables and spices are planted close to the home while tubers such as
63
cocoyam, cassava with maize are placed with plantains in larger plot further away from
their home. Farmyard manure is used as fertilizer. Crops are then harvested at the
beginning of the next dry season. Some farmers usually have different farms plots of
different crop items (Bigombe, 2004, Burnham et al, 1998; Hubert et al, 2004)..
This slash and burn agricultural method allow for high yield in a short term and
quickly exhaust the soil. (Geovic Cameroon, 2007) This method allows these peasant
farmers to practice shifting cultivation and bush fallowing. The low population density in
this region presented little problem to this practice until recently, the presence of the
logging concessions presents a threat to this practice. The presence of tsetse fly in the
region prohibit cattle rearing but other livestock such as goats, sheep, pigs, ducks and
chicken are raised for subsistence purposes. A few Nzime cultivate cash crops such as
cocoa, coffee, oil palm and tobacco which serve as a source of income.
Most of their food crop production is for household consumption with excess
being sold either directly in front of the house in Lomié town or Abong Mbang when
transport is available. The main factors that limit agricultural yields are lack of access to
market, increase price in agricultural implements, infertility of the soil, pest and disease
attacking plants, wild animals eating crops and the limits of the concessions (Bigombe,
2004).
4.1.5.2. Hunting
Hunting is another main human activity in the region and is principally practiced by the
Baka Pygmy. Hunting is done by the men with traditional implements such as bow and
arrows, spears, blowguns, traps, hunting dogs and machetes. Firearms are becoming more
common today in this region. Most of these guns are owned by the Nzime and are given
to the Baka to hunt. Hunting is particularly carried out during the rainy season when the
forest is in its abundance. During this period, the Baka men and women leave their
permanent villages for the deep forest usually about 5 to 30 km from their village for
several days. The men perform the hunting by setting traps along animals’ footpaths,
while the women gather wild fruits, bush yams, invertebrates such as termites and
caterpillars (Geovic Cameroon, 2007, Burnham et al, 1998; Hubert et al, 2004).
64
Hunting is one of the most important activities of the Baka culture, not only for
providing meat but above all for the symbolic meaning and the prestige traditionally
attached to it. Most of the skilled hunters are respected and taken into great consideration.
The most common animals killed by their traps, poisoned arrows and guns lent from the
Nzime people are various species of primates, artiodactyls, rodent etc. Another common
hunted animal is the pangolin, the blue and black-backed duikers and the brush-tailed
porcupines. Most of the game is sold in front their homes along existing roads while little
consumed locally. Some Bakas smoke their game for preservation especially those that
have been killed in their traps for days (Geovic Cameroon, 2007).
4.1.5.3. Fishing
Fishing is another human activity in the study area that generates protein and income to
the household. Both the Nzime and the Baka are involved in fishing. Fishing is usually
carried out in the area during the dry season. Dam fishing, hooks, basket traps and rods
are usually the main types of fishing method practice.
Among the Baka, the women are more involved in fishing than the men. The
women usually organize themselves in groups including girls and children and with high
sense of great cooperation they make short expeditions during the dry season toward the
streams. With the low level of water during this period, they may easily drain the stream
and find fish in the mud. They usually build a dam in the course of the stream by means
of barrage of trunks, branches, leaves and mud to retain water and drain part of the stream
and water deprived fish could be found in the mud, under trunk and stones (Geovic
Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004).
The Nzime often apply toxic chemicals into the streams most commonly the
leftover of the moabi fruits after the oil has been drained out. These chaffs are thrown
into the water and cause the fish to suffocate and emerge on the surface of the stream to
breathe during which they are then caught. The most common fish species are silures (cat
fish), mormyrops, mormyrus, prawns, calamoichthys and fresh water crabs.
65
4.1.5.4. Collection of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP)
Collection of non-timber forest products is another very important human activity of the
Nzime and the Baka in the study area. Mostly the women usually carry out the activity.
They usually walk between 5 to 30km to search for forest products. Collection of forest
products is very common in the rainy season when the forest is in its abundance. The
most common forest products collected include; the fruit of moabi (Baillonema
toxisperma), eru leave (Gnetum africanum), kola nuts (Garcinia cola), bush mangoes
(Irvingia gabonensis) (Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004). The method of
collection includes; picking, gathering, extraction, felling and the parts collected includes
fruits, barks, leaves, sap, buds and roots serving as food, medicine, objects for rituals and
objects for commercial transaction. The Baka women also gather wild yams, mushroom,
termites and caterpillars. The hunters due to their prolonged stay in the forest usually
identify the forest products ready for collection; they easily locate plant species, which
will be the object of collection by their wives and children.
The moabi is a very important timber species for both the Nzime and the Baka in
the area. This species has strong economic and cultural values to these people. The fruits
of the moabi are used to produce local cooking oil for their household and the bark is
used to treat different illness. The Baka hold great cultural important to this timber
species, which is further strengthened by their mode of dissemination. The fruits are a
very important diet for the elephant that is a symbolic embodiment of the “Jengi” the
spirit of the forest (Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004).
In recent years, the exploitation of this timber species with its strong economic
value in timber trade has created conflict between the logging companies and the local
people since the species is gradually going into extinction due to logging. Other factors
that hinder the collection of forest products are the presence of wild animals, which also
need these fruits and nuts for their own survival, government policy and the limits of the
logging concessions (Burnham et al, 1998).
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4.1.5.5. Other Human Activities and Source of Income
With the advent of community forest management in Cameroon, most of these villages in
the study area own a community forest that is managed by a committee elected by the
village community. These committees employ the youths to transport the timber from the
forest to the road-side. A few youths are employed by the logging companies, the mining
company and local NGOs. Other sources of income include; small scale trading of
household goods and provision stores which are found in the area.
4.1.6. Land and Forest Resource Tenure

Land and forest ownership and utilization in Cameroon is largely defined by the 1974
Land Ordinance, the 1994 forest law and a series of decrees issued under these laws.
These two legal texts codified the role of the state as the sole guardian of all land and
forest resources with the authority to exclude and allocate rights to the use of land and
forest resources to the local population and logging companies (Van den Berg and
Biesbrouck, 2000).
Despite the fact that, these two legal texts do not recognized the customary land
rights, they remain the de facto tenure system in Cameroon as customary landholders still
consider themselves as owner of the land and forest resources of the national domain.
In the study area, both the Nzime and Baka are strongly attached to the customary
regime, where land is considered to be a common heritage, both a physical and cultural
inherited from the ancestors. Access and user rights to lands and forest resources are
negotiated in a system comprising of traditional authority, the clans and individual
households.
Private property is recognized in the form of a household, homestead and its
surroundings. All community members farm, hunt and fish within areas that are
perceived as their territories (Viabi and Sikod, 2000).
Each village claims primary, though not exclusive, rights to its territories, which
are identified using natural features (trees, rivers or streams). Village founders are
believed to have determined these boundaries, and knowledge of them is passed from
generation to generation. Recognized only by the local communities, these village
territories have no official or legal basis (Vabi and Sikod, 2000). Within each village
67
territory, individuals looking for land to cultivate, after ensuring that no one else has a
prior claim to the plot, approach the village chief and/or village council for permission to
cultivate it. Once the land is cleared for cultivation, the claim is established. People
moving into tribal areas not owned by them and wanting land to farm may either rent or
buy. Community members have equal rights to resources on lands with no individual
claim (Vabi and Sikod, 2000). Unlike farming, hunting rights are not restricted to village
territories. Non-native hunters coming into the area have to obtain permission, or consult
the chief before carrying out any hunting activities (Vabi and Sikod, 2000).
The land and resource tenure among the Nzime and Baka are very complex and
varies especially with the Baka considering their life-style mode. The general situation in
the study area is that the occupants of land consider themselves not as owner of the land
and other forest resources but rather assume to be guardians of an ancestral heritage,
which need to be protected (Van den Berg, 1996; Ntenwu, 2000). These rights or
ancestral obligation reside collectively with the descendant or the founder of a clan and
are in the past established by clearing the forest. Underlying these phenomena is the
notion of discovery or first arrival and of appropriation through anthropogenic impact,
which it is intense from time to time for the claim to be perpetuated. In principle, clearing
the forest for cultivation or making any labor investment to mange forest resources for
productive purposes is the most extreme long-term form of appropriation with exclusive
permanent user rights (Burnham et al, 1998). The logic behind this notion is that the soil
and the forest does not belong to anyone but that human-kind has sovereignty over them
with right to use being acquired through agriculture and other activities. In a very
simplified way, one could say that land and resource tenure is first and foremost acquired
by virtue of membership in a descent group and that descent groups are grafted onto the
land as custodians (Burnham et al, 1998).
Following this notion of land and resource tenure in the study area, each family
has permanent exclusive rights on well defined parts of the lineage land and the access to
land of individual family members are controlled at this level. Generally, male family
members acquired access to land by virtue of inheritance, marriage or by clearing land
which has never been cultivated (natural forest). This gives rights to the family members
to access the resources of the plot cleared while the land remains the entire property of
68
the village. Furthermore, women’s access to land is conditioned by male relatives.
Unmarried women farm on their father’s land while married women farm on the land of
their husbands. Land is also alienable under the customary practice.
Land tenure arrangement and the use of forest resources among the Baka depend
on the location of which the forest is found (Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004).
Among the Baka, three main categories of space could be identified; field, fallow land
and the forest. The difference between these categories depend on the amount of
investment made such as clearing the forest and transforming it into agricultural land and
whether or no the area is actually under exploitation (Biesbrouck, 1999)
There are some basic principles governing the access to forest resources among
the Baka tenure arrangement. These include; residence, kinship and good relation. Two
social entities exist among the Bakas that arrange the distribution of rights to forest
resources. The first is the kinship relation that creates a complex network of mutual rights
stretching over considerable distances. Within this context, the right to use the forests
depend on the nature of a person’s relation with his/her kin in the area. The feeling of
being on good term with others is important for the actual exploitation of the resources
which one has a right. The boundary of the residential use “a base camp” enables right
holders to exclude people belonging to other residential units. Good relationship is
another social entity that influences the Bakas tenure arrangement and distribution of
rights to forest resources (Geovic Cameroon, 2007). The Baka right holders could also
allow others to exploit and utilize the forest resources. These others could be a distant
relative or a friend from who live in another village.
Among the Baka, several mechanisms exist to handle conflicts on right to particular
forest resources. Three mechanisms of conflict resolution are very frequent
 Tackle a trespasser on his/her conduct by talking about his/her perceived
misbehavior
 Moral authority could be asked to intervene (mostly elder men)
 The aggrieved party could decide to drop its complaints for the sake of peace and
to avoid social tension within families.
Land tenure arrangement and the use of forest resource among the Nzime are very
different with that of the Baka. Among the Nzime, tenure arrangement depends of the
69
different level of the social organization (Burnham et al, 1998). Among the Nzime,
individuals, household and the house play important roles in the access of field, fallow
land and agro-forestry land and control access to wildlife and fish on their own
agricultural fields and plantations but the custodianship of this land can be said to rest
with the local descent group in general. Private property of rights exists in cash crop
plantation such as coffee and cocoa since such land can be alienated (Burnham et al,
1998).
In the hunting areas all the members of the village access and user rights. Knowledge
of the forest, social and demographic pressure, as well as the type of hunting together
with frequency and duration, are the factors delimiting the hunting area and create sub-
units more directly associated with one or more specific families. These same factors also
influence the degree to which rights of access become relatively more restricted
(Burnham et al, 1998). For instance, hunting with a rifle is, by and large, permitted to
anyone, while setting traps, which fix the activity in a specific location for a relative
longer period, imply more selective and restricted rights to that location for the duration
of the activity.
Among the Nzime user or property rights associated to NTFPs varies according to
different land categories and specific NTFP trees species and also depends on how the
land was acquired (Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004). NTFPs are obtained by
inheritance, discovery and spontaneous planting. In plots were ancestors has been
harvesting, access rights is automatically obtained by the present generation. Their
exploitation is always done by the whole family and user rights are obtained from the
family head. The family head is responsible for allocating user rights and control access.
In the natural undisturbed forest individual, groups or families appropriate trees but not
the land on which the trees are found. Legitimate user rights or property rights belong to
the individual or group or family who first discovered and marked the NTFP tree species.
While in the field and fallow land, the NTFP trees species and the land are all property of
the occupant. In situation where the occupant lend the land to another individual, this
individual is not allowed to use the trees located in the land field and he/she is also not
allowed to plant new trees since tree planting in this area is a form of land appropriation
70
(Geovic Cameroon, 2007; Hubert et al, 2004). When NTFP trees grow on the cocoa field
and home garden, the trees belong to the individual or family who occupy the land.
There are many different institutions handling conflicts among the Nzime over the
use of land and forest resources. The family council, the customary village court,
religious authorities, the Gendarmes, the District officers and the Court of first instant at
the district capital as well as higher judiciary levels. The first three deal with all sorts of
matters, including land issues and rights to other forest resources. Matters that cannot be
solved at these levels are brought to the attention of any of the alternative institutions.
Meetings held by the family council mainly aim at reconciliation and the restoration of
social harmony, and this also hold true for tenure matters (Burnham et al, 1998).
4.1.7. The Studied Villages
4.1.7.1. Location and Accessibility

As mention above, this study was carried out in three village communities: Eschiambor,
Bapile and Djenou in Lomié sub division. Eschiambor is located about 35km east from
Lomie town and is one of the largest village of Lomie sub-division (Figure 4.8.1.1). It is
boarded to the west by Payo a large Baka camp, to the north by the Palissco logging
concession which is just about 6km from the village. In the east is boarded by Kongo
village and the Lomie/Messok council forest while in the south is boarded by the
Koungoulou Baka camp and logging concession. The village is actually situated at the
junction between the roads leading to Kongo and Ngoyla. The village is made up of the
Nzime and a small Baka camp located some 3km from the village center toward the road
leading to Kongo.
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Figure 4.8.1.1: Map of the study area showing the three studied villages
72
Bapile and Djenou are located along the main road from Lomie to Abong Mbang. Bapile
is about 27km north from Lomie while Djenou is about 18km north from Lomie. Both
villages are boarded to the west by the Dja reserve, which is about 15km from these
villages and to the east by the Palissco logging concession. These villages have a linear
type of settlement located along the main road to Lomie. The majority of the population
is Nzime. A large Baka camp (Nomedjoh) containing about 1200 Baka is located some
3km from Bapile toward Lomie while a small Baka camp is situated at the entrance of the
Djenou village.
Accessibility in all the villages is very poor. The condition of the roads has a
seasonal character and sometimes the roads are impassable during period of high rainfall.
Accessibility to Baplie and Djenou is better compared to Eschiambor since Bapile and
Djenou are located to the main road that leads to the Abong Mbang, which usually
maintained by the logging companies. Since the livelihoods of the population of these
villages are based on agriculture, harvesting of NTFPs, hunting, fishing and cocoa
cultivation, they need a market to sell all these products. The nearest markets are Lomie
and Mindourou but the villagers lack means of transport, which prevents them getting
their produce to market, and they rely on passing minibuses and trucks or small
motorbikes, which serve as taxis for transport. Most of their NTFPs and agricultural
products are sold in front of individual households in the local communities or more
rarely are taken for sale to the market at Lomié although opportunities for the latter are
limited by lack of means of transport.
4.1.7.2. Local Economy

Like most of the rural areas of Cameroon, the population of Eschiambor, Bapile and
Djenou practice a multitude of activities amongst which agriculture is the most important.
The basic economic activities in the three villages are similar. Food crop and cash crop
cultivation has the highest input in time for both men and women in all the villages. Food
crops include cassava, coco yams, yams, groundnut, cucumber, maize and variety of
vegetables. This agriculture is practiced using mainly traditional methods and directed
toward household consumption while surplus are sold to strangers who pass through
these villages or to Lomie and Mindourou. Some of the men in these villages are
73
involved in cash crop cultivation although many women support their husband in many
occasion but the recent prices at world market for these products have reduced their level
of involvement. Wages labor is considerably low in these villages with some contribution
from the logging companies, community forest and the present mining company Geovic
Cameroon in the area. Hunting is also a significant economic activity in these villages
involving mostly the men especially the Baka while the women mostly take part in
harvesting of NTFPs although some men and women are flexible in terms of these
activities. Hunting has been quite profitable for household consumption, as it has served
as a source of meat to most of the families for a long time. Small commercial activities
such as small provision stores and clandestine beer parlors are also found in these villages
and quite often, small traders from the nearby towns visit these villages with foreign
products.
4.1.7.3. Social Infrastructures

Apart from the towns of Abong Mbang, Lomie, and Mindourou that offer medical
facilities, portable drinking water, electricity and schools, the level of these facilities are
very poor in the three villages studied. There is no health care center in these villages.
There is one abandoned non-functional health post house in Djenou village. The local
population relies on traditional herbal remedies since the hospital at Lomie are too far
away coupled with the roads and transportation situation of the area. All the three villages
have a government primary school created by the ministry of Basic and Primary
Education of Cameroon. Once the school is created, is the parent teacher association most
often carry the burden to construction the school building. In these villages we found
uncompleted school structures with limited staff and teaching materials. The situation
was different in Djenou with no primary school and the children had to work for about
7km to the neighboring village to attend primary school. The secondary schools and high
schools are found in Lomie and Abong Mbang. There is no electricity in these villages.
Only a few households possess small power generators, which are use occasionally. The
source of water to the households in these villages is from small streams, springs and
water boreholes that are not of good quality. There are abandoned water projects in these
villages, which were envisaged from the forest revenue fund. The houses in these villages
74
are typical traditional made from red mud and sticks with the walls and floor harden with
red clay soil and the roofs constructed from mats and grass. Modern house structures also
exist in these villages made of cement blocks and red brick blocks with windows and
door protectors and roofed with iron rods and zinc. The Baka houses in these villages are
made up of sticks, leaves and grass. They use palm tree branches as their doors with no
protectors.
4.2. Methodology
4.2.1. Data Collection Procedure
Prior to the research, a reconnaissance survey was conducted at the Centre pour
l’Environment et le Developpement (CED) Cameroon together with two research
assistants hired and my local supervisor. The purpose was to get acquainted with the
study area and to obtain the list of all the villages in Lomie sub-division and to select the
research villages from the list. The criteria used in selecting these villages were based on
accessibility, hospitality at the village level, the size of the village and the villages that
has a Baka Pygmy camp. Following these criteria, these three villages were chosen
(Bapile, Djenou, Eschiambor) for the research. From the reconnaissance survey, a total of
90 questionnaires were expected to be administered.
4.2.2. Data Collection Techniques

4.2.2.1. Household Questionnaire Survey
Questionnaires were used to collect data from households. Two types of questionnaires
were addressed.
 Precise and closed questions with a list of possible answers to each question
 Broad and open ended questions giving the respondent an opportunity to express
views freely
The questionnaire addressed to the household was structured into five sections with each
of them designed for measuring the following points (See appendix).
a) Livelihood activities, local people’s access and use of forest resources
b) Local people relationship with other actors or agents in regard to access and use of
forest resources
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c) Local people attitudes, perception and views toward other forest users
d) Local people benefits, utilization, rights and participation toward forest
exploitation and management
e) Local people ways of claiming and securing their user property rights over forest
resources with other users or actors.
The questionnaires were in French. a total of 84 questionnaires were administered with
the help of two research assistance. In each village an interpreter was hired that speak
both the Nzime and Baka languages that assisted to translate some of the question to their
languages where necessary for better understanding although French was often used
throughout the household survey. The research team was properly trained and tested on
the objectives and methods of the survey before it started. On arrival on each village, a
meeting was held with the village chief to explain the nature and purpose of our stay in
their community. A tentative list of all the households in each village was collected from
the village chief and the household were selected from this list through a simple random
sampling technique (Brymman, 2004) and the total sample size was 84 households. The
questionnaires were addressed to the head of the household, but some of the adult
household members were involved.
4.2.2.2. Focus Group Discussions

The focus group discussion was another method used to collect primary data. On arrival
in each village, a focus group discussion was organized with the members of the
community (see appendix). The focus group discussion was a sort of participatory rural
appraisal in order to grasp information on their community about history, community
profile, livelihoods activities, resources accessibility, constraints and problems, local
institutions, relation with other forest users and existing conflicts. The focus group
discussion was organized in a form of a deliberative forum where the research team asked
the questions to the villagers and several answered were given which was then
deliberated upon to have the most reliable answers. The focus group discussion took
place in the evening period so that large number of the villagers could attend after
returning from their daily activity and it lasted for about four hours in each village. The
76
deliberation was in French since everybody in the study area understood and speaks
French except some of the Baka who understood very little French.
4.2.2.3. Key Informant Interview

Due to the fact that the household survey and focus group discussions are only as good as
the quality of the information which is collected and depend totally on the presumed
responses, key informants were used whereby, informal interviews and discussions with
the village chief and elders, the members of the community forest management
committee, some government officers, some researchers and other resource persons in the
area.
4.2.2.4. Field Observation

This method was additionally used and concerned information gathered during the stay in
the study areas. Observations such as availability and quality of infrastructure such as
roads, schools, health care and community project, traditional use of resources, illegal
activities, poaching and damages were taken into consideration. The already logged
portions of the concession and operation sites of the logging companies were visited, and
observations on damage on NTFPs were noted. We also visited the area of conflict within
the boundary between the community forest and the Palissco concession at Eschiambor.
4.2.2.5. Secondary Data

Secondary data were obtained from the existing reports and records. These data were
based on text study and case study done in the study area. General data on the study area
and results from other related studies were also included
 This method provided us information about the law(s) and policy documents of
forest exploitation and use in Cameroon.
 Files, records and reports on CED and CIFOR projects in the study areas were
assessed
 Relevant data in relation to the research where also gathered from other NGOs
working in the studies areas.
77
4.2.3. Limitation of the Survey Method
The main limitation of the survey was that most of the household questions were the
recall type, requiring respondents to remember activities they performed during the year,
how much was harvested, what was the price per unit of each product, during the course
of the year. The quality of the data will therefore depend partly on the local people’s
ability to recall and to estimate. As many members of the household as possible was
involved in the interviewing session as an attempt to reduce the problem.
Another limitation was that it was very difficult to get access to information on
forest management systems in the country and policy documents at the level of the
Ministry. Due to the complexity of the administrative system, it was very difficult to get
in touch with most of the officials for interview.
4.2.4. Data Analysis

The responses given in the questionnaires were analyzed using appropriate data analysis
Computer packages (SPSS) and MS Excel. The following statistical tools were used.
 Descriptive statistical tools such as means and standard deviation were used.
 Frequency distribution tables and computation of proportions in percentage to
investigate the most dominant responses amongst several choices given by
respondents or getting from them
 Chi-square: some frequency distribution data were cross tabulated into
contingency tables and subjected to chi-square analysis to control the degree of
dependence between independent variables and the selected dependent variables,
question which have alternative answers on a continuum scale were tested using
Chi-square tests to evaluate opinions of the users. The chi-square tests were also
used to determine significant relationships between some of the variables.
 Regression analysis: the source of variation of the GOV was estimated by the use
of multiple regression analysis with resource endowments as independent
variables.
78
CHAPTER FIVE - RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This chapter presents and discusses the results of the study under each of the five research
questions:
1. Livelihood activities, local people’s access and use of forest resources
2. Local people relationship with other actors or agents in regard to access and use
of forest resources
3. Local people attitudes, perception and views toward other forest users
4. Local people benefits, utilization, rights and participation toward forest
exploitation and management
5. Local people ways of claiming and securing their user property rights over forest
resources with other users or actors.
Details about the contents of each section are given at the beginning of that particular
section. Within each section, the variation in the result between the ethnic groups in the
study area will be presented and discussed. At the end of each section, a summary of
main findings is drawn.
5.1. Traditional knowledge, access and use of the forest and forest
resources by the local people
This section describes how local people in the three communities of the study area relate
and use the forest and forest products under the present forest legislature. The resource
endowments and entitlements in these communities are outlined. The different
livelihoods activities of the local people, resources use and outputs are also analyzed. The
key livelihoods constraints, the diversification and the social differentiation patterns are
discussed. Furthermore, the variation of the livelihood activities and constraints between
the ethnics groups (Nzime and Baka) are also discussed.
5.1.1. Household resource endowment and adaptation
The basic household production factors and endowments in the study area comprises of
land, labour, and the forest. In the livelihood framework model, these are called assets.
79
Household’s access to these livelihood assets leads to achievement of livelihood
outcomes as presented by Scoones, (1998). Livelihood security is an ongoing process that
is shaped by household’s access to assets. Economic decisions of households are made
based on their access to resources or endowments, which again are influenced by external
factors.
5.1.1.1. Access to land

A hundred percent of the sample population had access to land for agriculture.
Comparable accessibility to land has also been documented in the moist and humid
Savannah zones of Cameroon (Degrande et al, 2007). Land acquisition for cultivation
was not different amongst the households in the study area (Table 5.1.1). Although the
state is the sole owner and guardian of land as stipulated in the new forestry law (Van den
Berg and Biesbrouck, 2000), land acquisition for cultivation and construction within the
study communities is controlled by the customary law. From the household survey, all the
household in the study area acquired land for cultivation and construction by clearing the
forest which then became their private land although land. Land was not bought or
rented. This could be due to the low population density in the study area. Only 47.6% of
the household acquired land by inheritance. Land holdings were larger in Eschiambor
which is more populated compared to Bapile and Djenou.
Table 5.1.1: Land acquisition for cultivation and construction and mean land
holding (mean±SD) in the study area
Villages Inherit Clear forest Rent Buy Mean land Holding (Ha)
Bapile (N=26) 13 26 0 0 2.3±1.9
Djenou(N=28) 11 28 0 0 1.6±1.4
Eschiambor(N=29) 15 29 0 0 3.4±3.9
All (%) 47.6 100 0 0 2.4±2.7
These methods of land acquisition observed are different from those of other parts of
Cameroon. Land ownership in the Western highlands is determined by traditional
institution, buying, renting and inheritance (Ngwa and Fonjong, 2002). This could be as
due to high population density in this region.
80
The distribution of land holdings amongst households was uneven (Table 5.1.2)
within the study area with some communities having larger land holdings than others.
Table 5.1.2: Distribution of land holdings within the study communities in the study
area
Class of Land holding Bapile (%) Djenou (%) Eschiambor Tolal (%)
(ha) (%)
0-1 46.2 57.1 32.1 45.1
1-2 19.2 25.0 25.0 23.2
2-3 15.4 10.7 7.1 11.0
3 and above 19.2 7.1 35.7 20.7
Most of the households in the study area occupied land size between 0-1ha (45.1%) while
few households land holding sizes are above 3.5ha (20.7%).
There was variation of land holdings between the ethnic groups in the study area (Figure
5.1.1). Seventy percent of land holdings smaller than 2 ha was occupied by the Baka
while land holding larger than 2 ha were all occupied by the Nzime.
81
120
100
80
Percentage of household (%)
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
0--1 1--2 2--3 >3
Figure 5.1.1: The Distribution of land holdings between the ethnic groups in the
study area
Hence there is a significant different between ethnicity and land holding (X2 =37.13, P =
0.00, df =3) in the study area. This greatly revealed that the Nzime are more involved in
agriculture than the Baka.
5.1.1.2. Access to Labor

The size of the household often determined the labor force, the larger the household, the
more availability of labor supply. The age group distribution in the study area shows that
a considerable proportion of people fall within the working age group (53.6%), (between
15 and 50 years) (Table 5.1.3). Although the study questionnaires excluded age group of
1-15years, from field observations, and the focus group discussion, members of this age
group contributed substantially to the household labor in the study area.
82
Table 5.1.3: Age and sex structure of the sampled population of the study area
Agegroup Bapile Djenou Eschiambor All
M F M F M F M F Total %
16-30 6 1 9 1 5 1 20 3 23 27.4
31-45 7 1 6 0 6 2 19 3 22 26.2
46-60 3 3 6 2 9 5 18 10 28 33.3
>61 5 0 4 0 2 0 11 0 11 13.1
Total 21 5 25 3 22 8 68 16 84 100.0
Mean 3.6±1.1 3.2±1.1 3.4±0.9 3.32±1.02
There are few elderly people in the study area (Table 5.1.3). The elderly people also
contribute substantially to the household labor force. About 33% of all the members of
the surveyed households belong to the age group of 46-60years. In Eschiambor, a
significant number of the respondents (46.7%) belong to the age group of 46-60years.
There was however a significant difference between the sex and age group of the sampled
population in the study area (X2 =8.59, p=0.04, df =3).
All the households’ sampled maximized household labor (Table 5.1.4) although
labor was also hired (37%) during farming season for activities such as clearing, tilling,
weeding and harvesting. Most of the hired labor was supplied by the Baka in exchange of
food stuffs or 650 FRS CFA (1 EURO) per day or even less.
Table 5.1.4: Labor supply within the study communities in the study area measured
per household
Village Household labour Hired labour Others labour
Bapile (N=26) 26 12 6
Djenou (N=28) 28 7 1
Eschiambor (N=30) 30 12 0
Total (%) 100 36.9 8.3
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5.1.1.3 Access to capital
To build capital, people need cash income that can be accessed. This cash was acquired
either through loans, credits or other cash generating activities such as wage labor and
sales of agricultural and forest products. There are some NGOs and micro financial
institutions in the study area which encourage the local people with appropriate
agricultural projects by providing them with capital and farm implements in the form of
loans. Most of the cash crop producers (cocoa and coffee) receive pesticides and other
forms of implements as subsidies from cash crop buying companies or individuals. A few
local people have benefited from these projects although most are reluctant to take such
loans due to lack of adequate information concerning the price and the interest rate on
these inputs.
5.1.1.4. Access to forest products (NTFP)

All households surveyed were dependent on forest products although the degree of
dependency varied amongst ethnic groups. The local people collect fuel wood, thatch
grass, stakes and other products from the forests. Access to forest resources is the main
source of conflict in the study area. This will be discussed in details later under resource
use in the study communities.
5.1.1.5. Summary
The main resource endowments in the study area are land, labor and forest. Land and
labor are used for agriculture. Access to land is free; labor is provided by household as
well as hired from Baka camps. Access to capital vary amongst household and is not
always accessible to the local people.
84
5.1.2. Livelihood strategies and resource use in the study communities
This sub section presents and discusses the different types of activities carried out by the
local people within the study communities to achieve their livelihoods outcomes.
According to the Scoones (1998), livelihood is the term used to categorize the range and
combination of activities and choices that people make in order to achieve their
livelihood goals.
Activities were ranked by respondents in relation to the importance of the use of
resource endowments. All households used the forest for agriculture, hunting, fishing and
the collection of NTFP as shown in (Table 5.1.5).
Table 5.1.5: Number of household using resources in the study area
Resource use by households Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Land for agriculture 26 28 29 98.8
Collection of NTFPs 26 28 29 98.8
Hunting 22 23 21 78.8
Fishing 22 22 19 75.0
Others 9 11 6 31.0
Livelihood activities varied between the ethnic groups in the study area (Figure 5.1.2).
Whereas the Nzime are more involved in agriculture and collection of NTFPs, the Baka
are more involved in hunting, fishing and other uses.
85
70,0
60,0
Percentage of Household involved in the activity
50,0
40,0
Nzime
Baka Pygmies
30,0
20,0
10,0
0,0
Agriculture NTFP Hunting Fishing Others
Figure 5.1.2: Resource use between the ethnic groups in the study area
However, almost all the households were involved in more than one activity. Some
household uses the forest for others activities (31%) such as spiritual and cultural
purposes. The study also revealed that the Baka are strongly attached to the forest for
other uses rather than just hunting, fishing and collection of NTFPs.
5.1.2.1. Agriculture
Crop production is central to improving livelihood and remains an important sector for
income generation and rural growth in sub-Saharan Africa (Ellis, 2000). Results from this
study show that agriculture is not only the main activity but also the main source of cash
income for most of the households. All the surveyed households are involved in
agriculture and all the household members agreed that they have access to land for
agriculture. The main crops produced include cassava, groundnuts, cucumber, maize,
plantain and vegetables (Table 5.1.6). A few households (14.5% and 2.4%) were involved
in cash crop production such as cocoa and tobacco respectively.
86
Table 5.1.6: Principal agricultural crops produced in the study area
Principal Crops Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26 (N=28) (N=29)
Cassava 25 28 29 98.8
Groundnut 15 14 25 65.1
Cucumber 16 18 20 65.1
Maize 20 14 18 62.7
Plantain 10 11 12 39.8
Cocoa 2 3 7 14.5
Others 5 5 11 25.3
Vegetables 1 0 2 3.6
Tobacco 0 1 1 2.4
Crop production did not vary much between the study communities. All the surveyed
households cultivated the above mentioned crops. Cassava, cucumber, maize and
groundnut represent the most important food crops in the study area.
The study revealed that 45% of all the surveyed households cultivated farms land ranges
between 0-1 hectares. The smallest farm sizes belonged to the Baka while the biggest
farm sizes belonged to the Nzime.
All the surveyed households used hoes and cutlasses to prepare their land (Table 5.1.7).
Other implements such as hatchets were also used by some. Very few households owned
engine saws while the rest of the villagers rented from them to prepare new agricultural
lands.
Table 5.1.7: Farm implements used in the study area
Farm Implements Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26 (N=28) (N=29)
Cutlass 26 28 29 100.0
Hoe 25 28 29 98.8
Hatche 18 23 21 74.0
Engine saw 0 1 0 1.2
A significant number of respondents (76%) complained of reduced access to agricultural

implements over the last five years (Table 5.1.8). Reasons given for this decrease were
87
high market prices of farm implements; fall in market prices of agricultural products and
poor state of farm to market roads, especially in the rainy season when roads are
inaccessible. Similar studies in other sub-Saharan African countries have also revealed
similar results (Ellis, 2006).
Table 5.1.8: Local people’s view on access to farm implements in the last five years
in the study area
Access to farm implements Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26 (N=28) (N=29)
Have access 5 6 9 24
Limited access 21 22 20 76
5.1.2.2. Collection of non timber forest products (NTFP)

Forest is an important natural capital and a main source of livelihood (Vedeld et al, 2004;
Warner, 2000). The forest reduces vulnerability (safety net) of most natural population in
sub-Saharan Africa, increase income and improved food security (Warner, 2000).
Findings from this study show that the extraction of forest products is an
important livelihood strategy for the local people. All the sampled households had access
to forest products. The most important forest products were fuel wood for cooking and
poles to build houses. There is no alternative source of fuel in this area. Other products
were also extracted from the forest to improve household cash income and food security.
Some of these products include Eru (Gnetum africanum), Njansang (Ricinodendron
heudelotti), Bush mangoes (Irvingia gabonensis), bush spices and medicinal plants
(Table 5.1.9). The extraction of these products varied within the study communities.
88
Table 5.1.9: Non timber forest products (NTFPs) collected from the forest by the
local people in the study area
NTFPs Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Fuel wood 26 27 28 97.6
Poles 26 27 28 97.6
Moabi (Baillonella toxisperma) 25 27 27 96.4
Bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis) 25 27 27 95.2
Leaves 17 20 17 65.1
Bush spices 20 12 16 57.8
Others (mushroom, termites, etc) 5 21 19 54.2
Medicinal plants 12 12 8 38.6
Njangsang (Ricinodendron 9 5 17 37.3
heudelotti)
Eru (Gnetum africanum) 3 0 11 16.9
No household in Djenou collected Eru (Gnetum africanum) while only 11.5% in Bapile
collect Eru (Gnetum africanum) compare to 37.8% in Eschiambor.
However, Moabi fruits (Baillonella toxisperma) 96.4% and Bush Mango (Irvingia
gabonensis) 95.2% were the most important products collected by respondents in the
study area. It should be noted that the Moabi tree is a timber species with important
economic and cultural value to the local people. Cooking oil is extracted from its fruit
and this oil has very high economical and nutritional values thus is a source of income
and food security. This timber species has been a centre of conflict between the local
people and logging companies (Angerand, 2007; Samndong, 2007). Details of this will be
discussed in the later part of the thesis. Other products collected from the forest of
economic importance (54%) are fruits canes and ropes for art works and to produced
traps for hunting and fishing, mushroom, caterpillars and termites.
Collection of NTFP also varied between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.1.3). The
Baka were more involved in this activity than the Nzime; most especially in the
collection of medicinal plants, Leaves and Bush spices. The Leaves are used by the Baka
89
to construct their houses. This can be attributed to the fact that the Baka being more
involved in hunting, spent more time in the forest.
120,0
100,0
80,0
Percentage of households
Nzime
60,0
Baka Pygmies
40,0
20,0
0,0
Fuel wood Poles Eru Bush Njangsang Moabi Medicinal Leaves Bush Others
mango plants spices
Figure 5.1.3: Distribution of NTFPs between the ethnic groups in the study area
This activity was also gender related with the females more involved than the males. The
Baka females went into the forest with their husbands and collected NTFP while their
husbands hunt. There is thus a positive correlation between hunting and NTFP collection.
The survey revealed that only 12% of the respondents walked for less than 1km to collect
NTFP while 30% of the respondents walk for more than10km to collect NTFPs (Table
5.1.10). From to the result, most of these products are collected within the logging
concessions, protected area and the community forest area (the logging concession is just
about 8km from the villages while the protected area is about 10-15km from Bapile and
Djenou and 30km from Eschiambor).’
90
Table 5.1.10: Estimated distance to collect NTFPs from their homes in the study
area
Distance (km) Bapile (N=26) Djenou Eschiambor (N=29) Total (%)
(N=28)
0-1 2 4 4 12.0
1-5 10 8 11 34.9
5-10 5 4 10 22.9
>10 9 12 4 30.1
These findings are similar to those of other research on NTFP carried out in other villages
around the rainforest in Cameroon (Ntenwu, 2000; Ndoye et al, 1997). There was a
significant difference (X2 =62.57, P =0.00, df =3) in the distance to collect NTFPs
between the Nzime and the Baka in the study area. The Baka walk for longer distance to
collect NTFPs than the Nzime (Figure 5.1.4).
90
80
70
Percentage of Household (%)
60
50
Nzime
Baka Pygmies
40
30
20
10
0
0-1 1--5 5--10 >10
Distance (Km)
Figure 5.1.4: Estimated distance to collect NTFPs from the forest between the ethnic
groups in the study area
This could also explain the lifestyle of the Baka as they are more involved in gathering
and go far in the forest to collect NTFPs and hunting (Wæhle, 1986; Lewis, 2001; CED et
al, 2003).
91
A significant number of the respondents (82%) acknowledged that all the NTFPs
collected from the forest was for their subsistence only surplus are sole in exchange of
money to buy other household needs (Table 5.1.11).
Table 5.1.11: Local people view on how they use the NTFPs in the study area
Uses Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Household consumption 2 2 7 13.3
Sales 1 2 1 4.8
Both 23 24 21 81.9
Information from the focus group discussion and field observation revealed that there is
high commercialization of NTFPs in the study area. There is large influx of “buyam” and
“sellam” from the urban towns trading these products. Due to poor state of the roads and
the inaccessibility of the area, they buy these products at very low prices and sell them in
the urban towns very expensive. The households’ surveyed questionnaire did not take
into consideration the price per each product but an estimated annual income from
collection of NTFPs was given by the respondents. However, most of the respondents
compliant of the poor state of their roads which hinder them to transport these products to
the urban markets and from the collecting points.
5.1.2.3. Hunting
Bush meat hunting is another important livelihood activity for the local people in the
study area. Among all the surveyed households (81.9%) are involved in hunting. It should
be noted that hunting is gender orientated with only the males highly involved.
The degree of involvement in hunting also varied, with the Baka more involved than the
Nzime. The Baka are typical forest dwellers and hunting has become part of their culture
and lifestyle (Betti 2004). The Nzime mostly hunt around their agroforestry areas. There
is a significant difference of the degree of involvement in hunting between the Nzime and
the Baka (X2 =6.44, p =0.01, df =1).
The most common wildlife species hunted in the study area include, Hedgehog, Rats,
Hare, Duikers, Porcupines, Monkeys, Chimpanzee, Gorilla, Snakes, Birds (Table 5.1.12).
92
Table 5.1.12: Reported wildlife species hunted by the local people in the study area
Wildlife species hunted Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Porcupine 22 24 22 81.9
Hare 22 24 22 81.9
Duikers 22 24 21 80.7
Hedgehog 16 23 21 72.3
Rats 18 21 21 72.3
Tiger Cat 17 22 16 66.3
Monkey 13 21 15 59
Snakes 14 20 14 57.8
Chimpanzee 10 21 12 51.8
Gorilla 10 20 12 50.6
Birds 10 21 11 50.6
Others 9 9 0 21.7
The wildlife species hunted varied much between the ethnic groups (figure 5.1.5) and
depended on the proximity of the village to the logging concessions and protected area.
This also explains the fact that hunting is the main livelihood activity of the Baka.
Hunting frequency per week also varied between the ethnic groups. The average hunting
frequency per week was 2 times although the Baka hunted more than 3 times a week.
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka Pygmies
40
20
0
ee
es
ne
s
rs
at
s
e
s
s
ke
ke
er
ird
at
ar
ill
ke
rc
nz
op
pi
or
R
th
H
na
on
B
cu
ui
ge
pa
el
O
S
D
M
nt
or
Ti
m
A
P
hi
C
Figure 5.1.5: Distribution of Wildlife species hunted between the ethnic groups in
the study area
93
Rodents (Hedgehog, Hare, Rats, Porcupine), Duikers and Monkeys (Primate), were the
most common wildlife species hunted in quantity in the study area while Chimpanzee,
Gorilla and Birds amongst other are the least of the wildlife species hunted (Table
5.1.13).
Table 5.1.13: Estimated number of wildlife species hunted in the study area in 2007
Wildlife species hunted Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Hare 206 177 335 718
Porcupine 134 149 152 435
Rats 181 111 93 385
Duikers 72 93 168 333
Hedgehog 87 142 103 332
Monkey 74 44 156 274
Birds 20 8 74 102
Tiger Cat 29 25 35 89
Snakes 28 23 25 76
Chimpanzee 13 5 17 35
Gorilla 7 0 15 22
Others (pangolin) 6 0 5 11
The hunting methods used in the study area varied among the study communities with
traps and guns being the most common (Table 5.1.14). These traps were made of cable
snares and the guns; locally made fire arms. Guns were usually used to kill tree dwelling
animals (primate) and other large animals. The Cameroon forestry law prohibits the use
of these fire arms and cable snares (Egbe, 2001; Samndong, 2005). Evidence from field
observation shows that although the majority of the Nzime do not hunt deep into the
forest, they often hired the Baka and furnished them with gun and cartridges, and send
them to hunt large primates like chimpanzee and gorilla. This evidence also confirms the
servant-master relationship that exists between the Baka and the Nzime as presented from
other studies (Colchester, 2006).
94
Table 5.1.14: Local people’s hunting methods use in the study area
Hunting Techinques Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Traps 21 21 22 77.1
Gun (firearm) 6 20 11 44.6
Dogs 4 9 1 16.9
Others 1 3 0 4.8
The households surveyed also show a great variation in the hunting methods between the
two ethnic groups (Figure 5.1.6). The Nzime and Baka use guns and traps for hunting but
the Baka also uses dogs and other methods. All the guns used by the Baka are being
supply by the Nzime since they are more exposed to the external society compared to the
Baka A chi-square test of dog and ethnicity show a significant difference between the two
ethnic groups (X2 =9.55, p =0.002, df =1).
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka Pygmies
40
20
0
Traps Gun Dogs Others
Hunting techniques
Figure 5.1.6: variation in hunting methods between the ethnic groups of the study
area
The hunting distance from home per km did not vary between the communities, with the
average distance 12.7 km. From the surveyed, only 24% of the household hunt within 2
km from their homes while 45% of the household hunt above 11km from their homes
95
(Table 5.1.15). The result reveal that most of the hunting is done within the protected area
and logging concessions.
Table 5.1.15: Estimated hunting distance to the forest by the local people in the
study area
Hunting distance (Km) Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
0-2 6 5 9 24.1
3-10 12 5 9 31.3
>11 8 18 11 44.6
There was a great variation in the hunting distance between the ethnic groups (Figure
5.1.7). The Baka went much further into the forest than the Nzime since there is a
significant difference in the hunting distance between the Nzime and the Baka (X2
=12.27, p =0.002, df =2) and spent a few days or week in their hunting camps. The
Nzime usually hunt within the community forest and their agroforestry area. Hunting is
done to supply the household with protein and cash income.
70
60
50
Precentage of household (%)
40
Nzime
Baka Pygmies
30
20
10
0
0-2 3--10 >11
Hunting Distance
Figure 5.1.7: Variation of hunting distance between the ethnic groups in the study
area
Hunting frequency per week did not demonstrate any variation between the ethnic groups
(Figure 5.1.8) and there is no significant difference (X2 =0.44, p = 0.8, df =2).
96
None of the respondents owned a hunting permit. These local people saw hunting as a
part of their lifestyle. All the respondents were aware of the fact that there are protected
zones around their village as well as protected species. However, results from distances
covered to do hunting testified that most of the hunting is done within forbidden areas,
thus illegal. The law classifies species into three categories; those that can be hunted for
consumption, vulnerable and endangered species. From the list of species caught by the
respondents, it can be seen that protected species such as chimpanzee and gorilla were
hunted (Table 5.1.13).
60
50
precentageof household(%)
40
Nzime
30
Baka Pygmies
20
10
0
1--2 3--4 >4
Frequency of hunting per week
Figure 5.1.8: The frequency of hunting per week between the ethnic groups
5.1.2.4. Fishing
Fishing is another livelihood activity in the study area. The women are more involved in
fishing. The household surveyed show that 74% of the household in the study area were
involved in fishing and this activity varies between the ethnic groups with a significant
difference(X2 =15.45, P =0.00, df =1) between the Nzime and the Baka.
All the Baka were involved in fishing. The result shows that there is a strong
positive correlation between hunting and fishing and collection of NTPF among the Baka.
The most common species caught were Silure (Channa, obscurus), Carpe (Matapterururs
electricus) and Shrimps (Table 5.1.16). The distance for fishing from the home per km
also varies between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.1.9) with a significant difference of (X2 =
19.22, p =0.00, df =2). The average to where they go fishing 1.6km.
97
Table 5.1.16: Fish species caught by the local people in the study area
Fish species Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Silure 21 22 18 73.5
Carpe 21 21 18 72.3
Shrimps 21 19 16 67.5
Crabs 0 1 5 7.2
The Baka walk for a longer distance to fish than the Nzime. It therefore shows that most
of the fishing done by the Baka is either within the logging concessions or the protected
area.
80
70
60
Percentageof household(%)
50
Nzime
40
Baka Pygmies
30
20
10
0
0-1 2--4 >4
Distance for fishing (Km)
Figure 5.1.9: The Distribution of fishing distance between the ethnic groups in the
study area
The most common method used for fishing in the study area were dam fishing (60.2%)
and line and hook fishing (45.8%) (Table 5.1.17).
98
Table 5.1.17: Fishing method use by the local people in the study area
Fishing method Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Nets 0 0 1 1.2
Dam1 16 19 15 60.2
Line& hooked 14 11 13 45.8
Basket 11 5 7 27.7
1
Dam fishing is a method of fishing where the stream is prepared in the form of a dam and only one outlet
is created for the fish to concentrate just in a confined area
All household involved in fishing confirmed that access to fishing in the forest has not
changed within the last five years. Fishing is carry out in this study area for household
consumption and only few seldom surplus is sold for cash exchange.
5.1.2.5. Non-Farm Activity

Apart from Agriculture, collection of NTFP, hunting and fishing, most of the household
were also involved in non-farm activities. The most common non-farm activities were
working in the logging companies, the community forest, trade, the mining company
(Geovic), odd jobs and errands. These activities vary greatly within the study area due to
their population dynamics and the infrastructures available.
Some wage employment is offered by the Catholic Mission (employing both Baka
and Nzime as animateurs and teachers; salaries between 15,000 and 20,000 FCFA per
month). The local NGOs such as PERAD, also recruit the more educated youth. The
state administration and the educational sector also offer some employment at the local
level. Economic operators like a mining company (Geovic) recently established in the
village of Kongo, timber companies, and cocoa traders (seasonal) also recruit local
manual labor on a temporary basis and, often, under unsafe working conditions with
minimal health coverage. (At the mining company, salaries depend on the level of danger
involved in the work and the number of hours, and can vary between 2,000 and 10,000
FCFA per day.) At village level, paid manual labor is employed in house construction.
Baka are also largely employed in these activities often on unfair terms.
99
5.1.3. Resource Output
According to the livelihood framework (Scoones, 1998), livelihood outcomes which is
represented by resource output in this section are those the achievements or output of
livelihood strategies or activities and include the following categories more income,
increased well-being reduced vulnerability, improved food security and more sustainable
use of the national resources base.
The results of the household surveyed reveal that agriculture, collection of NTFP
and hunting are not the only main activities in the study area but are also the main source
of cash income. Non farm activity also contributed huge amount (43%) of the household
income (Table 5.1.18). Due to social relations, there is a material flow in the form of
informal exchange (remittances) made between households. These informal exchanges
are grouped under reciprocity, trust, reputation, altruism and demand sharing which are
the exchange of goods and services neither through the market nor through
administratively known channels. Informal exchanges concern the barter trade of
agricultural produces, foreign products (salt, knives, clothes, kerosene, firearm, trap
implements, radio, palm oil etc).
The local people are also involved in market exchanges of goods and services based on
market prices and bonded rationality. The annual gross output value (GOV in FCFA)
from various income generated activities per study community was estimated (Table
5.1.18).
100
Table 5.1.18: Annual GOV1 (FCFA) from reported income generating activity in the
study area and number of household involved (#HH)
Activity Bapile (N=26) Djenou (N=28) Eschiambor (N=30) All (N=84)
#HH GOV #HH GOV #HH GOV #HH GOV of total %
Agriculture 26 4413000 28 3722000 29 6755000 83 14890000 34
NTFPs 26 2208100 28 1973350 29 1872500 83 6053950 14
Hunting 22 1000000 23 1531000 21 832000 66 3363000 8
Fishing 22 87000 22 39000 19 135000 63 261000 1
Non Farm 9 6896000 11 5318900 6 6559500 26 18774400 43
Total per village 14604100 12584250 16154000 43342350 100
(FCFA)
Average per 139086.7 112359.4 155326.9 521973.9
village (FCFA)
1
The GOV is computed from reported income generated through access to resources and according to
different level of output between households. These are gross estimated figures and costs are not included.
(1Euro = 650 FCFA).
The overall average GOV is 521 974 FCFA (795.744 Euros). It is higher than the official
minimum wage level in the country which is 282 168 per year independently of the
activity sector or the place as stated by the Decree No.: 95/099/PM of the 17 February
1995. This average GOV would have been more without the constraints such as the
presence and the limit of the logging concessions, wildlife damage, inadequate
transportation facilities and more access and use of resources. The highest GOV comes
from Eschiambor and Bapile. Possibility of non farm activities is very high in these
communities (present exploitation of the community forest, more people employed in the
logging and mining companies, and more trade). Non farm activity was the main
contributor in the annual GOV in all the studied communities while fishing was the least
activity that contributes in the annual GOV. The contribution made from collection of
NTFPs and hunting was higher in Bapile and Djenou due to the presence of large Baka
camps within these studied communities (Figure 5.1.10).
101
50 %
45 %
40 %
Percentage of each activity in the total GOV
35 %
30 %
Agriculture
NTFPs
25 % Hunting
Fishing
Non- Farm
20 %
15 %
10 %
5%
0%
Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total
Figure 5.1.10: Contribution of each activity in the annual GOV in the study area
Overall, non-farm activity was the main source of income in the study area and
contributed for 43% of the total GOV. The decrease in access and use of forest resources
today due to the presence of the logging concessions, protected area and the forest
legislation have forced the local people to be more involved in non farm activity as an
alternative livelihood strategy and source of household income. Crop production also
contributed 34% of the total GOV. The inadequate farm implements, wildlife damage and
inadequate farm to market roads decreases household income from crop production
(Figure 5.1.10). The result here is different from other studies in the rainforest of
Cameroon and in the northern part of the country in which crop production is the main
source of household income (Degrande et al, 2007; Weladji, 1998). Fishing was the least
source of income in the study area and contributed only 1% of the total GOV. Fishing is
however, done as a supplement to the household consumption. Hunting and collection of
NTFPs contributed for 8% and 14% for the total GOV respectively. However, because of
102
the reluctance to give figures by respondents especially the Baka, the contribution of
hunting and collection of NTFPs could have been underestimated.
5.1.3.1. Household GOV distribution

The uneven distribution of resource endowments has also led to an uneven distribution of
the GOV among households (Table 5.1.19). From the result 26.5% of the total
households received the highest reported GOV while 12% of the total households
received the lowest GOV in the study area. This variation among households in the study
area could be explain by the land holding sizes of the households, labor, capital, distance
to hunt and collects forest products and access to market.
Table 5.1.19: The distribution of GOV (%) in the number of households in the study
area
Output Level Bapile (%) Djenou (%) Eschiambor (%) Total (%)
0-5000 19.2 7.1 10.3 12
5001-30000 7.7 35.7 20.7 21.7
30001-50000 15.4 14.3 6.9 12
50001-100000 30.8 10.7 13.8 18.1
100001-150000 3.8 3.6 20.7 9.6
>150001 23.1 28.6 27.6 26.5
Total 100 100 100 100
The distribution of GOV between the ethnic groups was uneven (Figure 5.1.11). The
Nzime received the highest reported GOV while the Baka received the smallest thus there
was a significant difference (X2 = 45.9, p =0.00, df =5).
103
60
50
40
Nzime
30
Baka
20
10
0
0-5000 5001-30000 30001-50000 50001-100000 100001-150000 >150001
Figure: 5.1.11: The distribution of GOV between the ethnic groups in the study area
5.1.3.2. Source of variation in Gross Output Value

The source of variation in the GOV is estimated by the use of multiple regression analysis
where the level of GOV was hypothesized as being dependent upon the livelihood
activities and important household resource factors endowment for production. These
were the independent variables and were used to test for relationship with the GOV.
A multiple regression was performed to explain the variability of the GOV with the
different livelihood activities and the resource endowment factor of production (Table
5.1.20)
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Table 5.1.20: Source of variation in the GOV in the study area
Variables Coefficient T-value P-value
Constant 25.11 67.485 .000
Ethnicity -.054 -.827 .411
Paid labor -.014 -.409 .684
Income from Agriculture 5.486 9.639 .000
Land size .015 2.309 .024
Distance to NTFPs -.004 -.834 .407
Income from NTFPs 1.637 7.215 .000
Hunting distance 1.654 3.661 .000
Hunting frequency .017 1.660 .101
Income from hunting .000 -.600 .550
Income from fishing 6.495 .034 .973
Income from off farm activity 8.194 13.969 .000
R2 = 0.89, F = 48.15, P = 0.000
The F ratio associated with the multiple regression model is significant in the study area
(R2 = 0.89, F = 48.15, P = 0.000). Overall, income from agriculture, land size, income
from NTFPs, hunting distance and income from off farm activity were significantly
related to the annual gross output value (GOV). Income from hunting and fishing had no
significant effect to the annual GOV. So far in the text we have tried to identify the
importance of ethnicity, but the multiple regression models revealed that ethnicity and
paid labor are not significantly related to the annual GOV. the logic behind this different
is that both ethnic groups are involved in all the activities but the income generated by the
Baka is smaller to that of the Nzime.
105
5.1.4. Constraints on Livelihoods Activities
This section looks at different constraints on livelihood activities to ameliorate the use of
the endowment towards increasing their livelihood outcomes. This section is related to
the vulnerability context of the livelihood framework (DFID, 1999). According to this
framework, people’s livelihoods are fundamentally affected by criteria trends
(populations, resources, economic, governance, technology) as well as shocks. (human,
health natural, economic, conflict, crop/livestock health, sustainability of prices,
production, health or employment opportunities) over which the have limited or no
control.
In this study each of the potential endowments, there was a question on what was seen as
important limiting factors to increase household condition through the use of that
resources.
5.1.4.1. Constraints on Agriculture

The main factors limiting agricultural production is the study area are wildlife damage,
insects, farm implements the limit of the logging concessions (Table 5.1.21). These
factors did not vary among the study communities except at Djenou where some of the
respondents perceived the protected area as a limiting factor. Wildlife damage was the
most prominent factor in the three communities (96.4%). Details on the main crops
affected and the most problematic animals were not taken into account.
Table 5.1.21: Local people’s responses on factors limiting agricultural production in
the study area
Responses Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Wildlife damage 25 27 28 96.4
Insects and pests 20 15 21 67.5
Farm implements 17 15 17 59.0
Forest concession 15 11 10 43.4
Forest legislation 19 5 10 41.0
Seeds 5 6 4 18.1
Others 4 4 5 15.7
Fertilizer 0 2 7 10.8
Protected area 0 4 1 6.0
106
The limit of the logging concessions was also important (43.4%) but also depends on the
proximity of the community to the logging concessions. Most of the respondents in
Bapile village testified that they do not have access to their agricultural land within the
Palissco logging concession which is about 8km from the village. Since shifting
cultivation was the main traditional agricultural practice in this area the limit of the
logging concession also affect this practice. The limit of the concession will have a
greater influence of agricultural production with increase population in the future. Insects
and pests (67.5 %) are also mentioned as an important limiting factor. Farm implements
and fertilizer are also important limiting factors. Accordingly, most people till their plots
with hand hoe and cutlasses only. This certainly has an impact on the output from the
plots. The inadequate farm implements and fertilizer is due to the inadequate
transportation facilities to the urban areas and increase in market price. Indeed, for them
there is no point in producing more since they will be unable to transport their products
home or to any market. Land scarcity and labor availability were not mentioned as a
constrained to agricultural production. Land is easily acquired by clear forest and labour
from the Baka. This case is different from other studies carried out in the humid forest
and most savannah zones of Cameroon (Degrande et al, 2007; Brown and Lapuyade,
2001). The legislation is also seen as a factor limiting agricultural production (41%)
because of the unequal land use pattern in this area.
Possible solutions to these problems are assistance from NGOs (65.1%) which
include supply of agricultural implements, creating awareness and sensitize the local
people on method to combat insect pests, wildlife damage, preservative methods and
negotiation with the logging companies (Table 5.1.22).
Table 5.1.22: Household responses on possible solutions to agricultural limitations in

the stud area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Aids from NGOs 15 20 20 65.1
Others 8 8 12 33.7
Compensation 0 1 5 7.2
Other possible solution is the money received from community forest management and
the royal forestry tax but is usually received with mix feelings by the local people since
107
the distribution is not transparent. The compensation granted by the logging companies
was not enough to be perceived as a solution to agricultural limitation (7.2%). Most of the
compensation from the logging companies comes at the end of the year usually during the
X-Mas period in the form of cooking oil, rice, chickens and other foreign products. Field
observation shows that the distribution of these products is not transparent and the Baka
are usually cheated.
5.1.4.2. Constraints to Collection of NTFPs

Access to non timber forest products (NTFP) has declined in the last 10 years (Figure
5.1.12). From the households’ survey, 40% of the respondents in the study area
confirmed of limited access to NTFPs. There were several factors limiting access to the
collection of NTFP according to the respondents (Table 5.1.23).
70
60
50
40
Access
Limited access
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.1.12: Households responses on limited access to NTFPs in the study area
The logging concession was mentioned as the major constraint (59.0%). All the study
communities were just about 5 to 8km from the logging concession. Access to NTFP
within the logging concessions is restricted by the logging companies for conservations
reasons. Most of the NTFPs around the communities have been over exploited so the
local people need to walk some distance to collect forest products for their household.
108
Table 5.1.23: Households responses on factors limiting access to NTFPs in the study
area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Logging concession 17 16 16 59
Others (restriction, 8 6 8 26.5
harassment etc.)
Forest Legislation 5 6 3 16.9
Increase population 1 0 2 3.6
The Moabi tree is a conflict timber species in this area. The logging companies want it for
its economic value while the local people need it for their subsistence. Because of its high
economic value, it is also rare to find a Moabi tree around the communities. Most of the
local people walk for more than 10km to harvest the fruits and bark of the Moabi tree.
This result is similar to other studies in this region and in Central Africa (Brown and
Ekoko, 2001; Rainforest Foundation and Forest Monitor, 2007). The forest legislation is
also an important limiting factor (16%) due to the unequal land use pattern in the study
area. The local people are not involved in decision making concerning land use and user
rights and belief are being cheated in favor of the logging companies. Other factors (26%)
such as restriction and harassment by Ecofac guards, scarcity and distance, lack of
transportation facilities are also mentioned as limiting factors to access to NTFPs.
According to the respondents (Table 5.1.24), some NTFPs such as Bush mangoes,
Gnetum and Moabi are now been restricted to be collected or harvested by the logging
companies, wildlife authority and Ecofac guards for conservation reasons.
Table 5.1.24: Households responses on restricted NTFPs in the study area
Restricted products Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis) 9 6 10 30.1
Moabi (Baillonella toxisperma) 8 6 9 27.7
Eru (Gnetum africanum) 4 7 5 19.3
They believe these products are food for some wildlife species and over exploitation
could reduce the population of these wildlife species. Gnetum is now been restricted for
its economic importance by the forest and wildlife authority. Gnetum is largely consumed
in the urban areas thus large extraction of this product requires a permit from the wildlife
109
and forest Authority. This is becoming a conflicting issue in the study area because the
local people are totally against it. They believe that they need to sell some of these
products to purchase other household goods which cannot be collected from the forest.
Some of the respondents mentioned some solutions to these constraints (Table
5.1.25). Of all the solutions mentioned, community forest was the most perceived
solutions (48.2%). All the study communities have been allocated a community forest
and there is no restriction in the collection of NTFP within these community forests.
Table 5.1.25: Households responses on possible solutions to factors limiting access to
NTFPs in the study area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Community forest 15 11 14 48.2
Employment 4 5 4 15.7
Royal forestry tax 4 3 5 14.5
Also the royal forestry tax distributed to the communities was also seen as a solution to
these constraints by some of the respondents. Those who did not think of any solutions
hold strong view that the forest is the main source of their livelihood thus they have the
right to access and use any products within the forests.
5.1.4.3. Constraints to hunting

Access to hunting has greatly decline within the last 10 years. All the respondents
reported that they have limited access to hunting. Among the factors mentioned (Table
5.1.26) as constraints to hunting, the logging concession (74.7%) are the major constraint
because hunting within the logging concessions is prohibited. The forest legislation
(72.3%) and the protected area (38.6%) are also important constraints to hunting.
110
Table 5.1.26: Household responses on factors limiting access to hunting in the study
area

(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Logging concessions 22 22 18 74.7
Forest legislation 21 22 17 72.3
Increased population 10 9 6 30.1
Others 6 6 4 19.3
Most of the animals escape the noise from the logging machines into the protected area
and hunting inside the protected and restricted by the state. The legislation restricts
hunting for commercial purpose and made provision of different category of animals that
should be hunted for subsistence (Egbe, 2001). All the respondents were aware of the
species restricted to hunting by the state and some by their tradition. Population increased
(30.1%) is also recognized as a constraint to hunting because of influx of poachers and
bush meat traders from the cities. Some of these poachers and traders supplies firearm to
the local people to accelerate the hunting activity. Though 100% of the respondents
mentioned that there are zones around the village where hunting is prohibited, from the
data one could presume high illegal hunting due to increase commercialization of bush
meat and lack of alternative sources of protein. This evident support other research
carried out in the rainforest of Cameroon (Brown, 2003; Elkan and Crowley, 2001;
Samndong, 2005). From field observations, increase commercialization of bush meat and
illegal hunting is driven by some top government officials who feel they are above the
law of the state to satisfy their personal interests.
Very few respondents thought of a solution to these constraints (Table 5.1.27).
Among the possible solutions mentioned, employment (28.9%) and the provision of other
sources of protein (28.9%) such as livestock and poultry farm are very significant to solve
these constraints.
111
Table 5.1.27: Household responses on possible solutions to factors limiting access to
hunting in the study area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Other sources of protein 6 6 12 28.9
Community forest 8 5 9 26.5
Royal Forestry Tax 1 2 4 8.4
Some respondents thought the presence of a community forest (26.5%) could be a

solution but the size of the community forest, the increase commercialization, noise from
logging have lead to the disappearance most of the wildlife species who have migrated
far into the forest. Betti (2004), also found similar results in this paper. The forest
legislation made provision for community hunting zones in the rainforest under the
decentralized forest model but no community hunting zone is found in this study area.
5.1.5. Household Diversification

Household diversification is not a new phenomenon in the livelihoods pattern of most
rural communities in the tropics. Household diversifications always depend on two main
factors, risk and seasonality (Ellis, 2006). This study reveals that households in this study
area diversify and have different sources of income. All the households are involved in
agriculture but other activities were registered as being practice by most of them. These
include collection of NTFP, hunting, fishing and non farm activity. While some of these
activities provide a bulk of the income to some households involved, others were just
contributing through providing part of the consumption requirements of the households.
Most of these activities in the study area were controlled by the seasons while others were
taken upon to improve the livelihood income and wellbeing (Table 5.1.28). On average,
there were two activity types per household. The less diverse household performed at
least two activity types while the more diverse performed five different activities.
112
Table 5.1.28: Calendar showing the seasonality of the main activities
Activities Jan Feb Mar April May Jun Jul Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
Cash
Crops
Cocoa - - - + + + + ++ ++ ++ ++ +
Tobacco - - - - + ++ ++ ++ + + + -
Food
crops
Cassava ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++
Cucumber - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
(egussi)
Groundnu - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
t
Maize - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
Plantains + + + + + + ++ ++ ++ + + +
NTFP
Fuel wood ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++
Moabi - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
Bush - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
mango
Njansang - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
Bush ++ ++ ++ + - - - - - - + +
spices
hunting + + + + + ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ + +
Fishing ++ ++ + + - - - - - + + ++
++ = High season, + = medium season, - = low season
Diversification was also found within crop production. In average, three types of crops
were grown by respondents, ranging between one and six crops. The diversification in
crop production depends on the availability of farm implements and accessibility to the
market and the capacity to get cash from the crop types.
The study reveals that household diversification is a function of risk and
seasonality but seasonality is more pronounced here although non farm activity
contributed 43% of the total GOV in the study area (Table 5.1.18). The level of
livelihood assets strongly influenced household diversification. Similar results have been
perceived from other studies in the tropics. (Degrande et al, 2007; Weeldji 1998; Ellis,
1998).
113
4.1.6. Social Differentiation
There is high degree of social differentiation in the study area which is embedded in
inequalities of power, status, and wealth and has influenced the allocation of resources
and opportunities within the communities. The study revealed that there was an unequal
distribution of wealth among the respondents. On the one hand there is a group of low
income people adopt what Ellis (2006), called the simple reproduction strategy. On the
other hand, there is a group of high income people who have more assets and hence more
outputs. These people are able to invest and to secure surplus.
Ellis (2006), perceived some factors causes social differentiation such as the
institution of private property in land, the different adoption of improved cultivation
practices by different individual farmers, the enforced abandonment of their holding by
peasants unable to compete with their more advanced neighbors, the foreclosure by
creditors or farmers who have run into debts and the increasing employment of wage
labor by those farmers who are successful. In this study none of these reasons were
encountered. Social differentiation in this study was based on the ethnicity (Nzime and
Baka). This differentiation is caused by their lifestyle, the level of exposure, education
and the ability to hire labor and the capacity to clear the forest to acquire more land for
agriculture.
Historically, the Nzime are more educated and exposed to the external society
thereby controlling the wealth and power. Whereas the Baka have been more undermined
and depend much on their neighbors through the supply of proteins and labor in exchange
of foods, foreign products and cash (Lewis, 2001, Burnham, 2001). This client patron
relationship will be described in detail in the next section.
5.1.7. Summary
The forest and its resources represent the foundation of local people’s subsistence and
economic activities. Resource endowments were unevenly distributed so were the
entitlements produced by different households.
Agriculture and the collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) represent
the most widely practiced activities, each engaging over 95% of the households in the
study area. Hunting and fishing are the third and fourth most widely practiced activities,
114
reported by more than three-quarter of the sample populations. The Nzime are more
involved in agriculture while the Baka are more involved in collection on NTFPs and
hunting. Household involvement in other activities such as artisanal work, commerce,
traditional medicine and temporary jobs and off farm activities further enhance their
dependence on natural resources.
In terms of income generation, 90% of households identified agriculture as the principal
source of income among their five principal sources of earnings. Non timber forest
products represented the second most important income source of earnings. Hunting
constituted a significant source of income while fishing constituted a supplementary
source of income in the households. Another important source of income of the
households is the non-farm activities.
Principal crops produced by the households include cassava, maize and cucumber (egusi)
and plantain. Some household are involved in cash crop production such as cocoa. The
principal products collected from the forest include Eru (Gnetum africanum), Njansang
(Ricinodendron hendelotti), Bush mangoes (Irvingia gabonensis), Maobi (Baillonella
toxisperma), Bush species and medicinal plants. The principal species hunted includes
Hare, Rats, Porcupine, Duiker and monkeys while Silure (channa obscurus), Carpe
(matapterururs electricus) and Shrimps were the main fishing species.
Key constraints to improve livelihoods were the present and the limit of logging
concessions, wildlife damages and pests. The forest legislation was also identified as a
major constraint on the collection of NTFPs and hunting. Due to these constraints and
other external factors such as the imperfect markets for local crops, transport limitation,
the relative remoteness of the area, there is a situation of massive entitlements and
exchange failures and resulted to decreased production. Production is further hindered by
inadequate access to appropriate implements as well as technical capacity necessary to
increase yields, combat plant diseases and control destruction of crops by wild animals.
Local perceived changes are the decreasing availability of NTFPs and wildlife species
primarily linked to the transformation of the forest by logging and increase
commercialization. There is also currently restriction on the exploitation of some NTFPs,
hunting of some wildlife species and hunting within certain zones in the areas.
115
Access to forest resources has reduced tremendously due to the presence of the
logging concession and partly the protected area. In face of these constraints the local
people adapt differently. There is a diversification process taking place both in term of
crop types (seasonality) and in terms of activity types due to these constraints hence most
household are involved in non farm activity and exploit the forest illegally. The presence
of high income group and a low income group couple with a more powerful ethnic group
to a marginalized ethnic group in terms of decision-making has created social
differentiation in the area.
5.2. Relationship, attitudes, awareness and perceptions of the local people

towards other forest users in the study area
This section presents and analyzes how local people interact, relate and view other forest
users in regards to access and use of forest resources. Relationship in this context
measures the feeling and behavior of the local people toward other forest users while
perception in this context measures their inner belief, awareness, view and ability to
notice and understand changes. Cases of conflicts especially between the local people and
logging companies will be presented and discussed. This section is divided into four
different subsections. The first section will examine the relationship between the ethnic
groups while the subsequent subsections will examine the relationship between the local
people and the logging companies, the state and protected area. The ethnic group’s views
(Nzime and Baka) about these relationships will also be presented and discussed in the
various sections. The perceptions, views and awareness of the local people towards the
forest law, the logging companies and protected area will also be assessed and discussed
and the difference in these perceptions between the ethnic groups will be analyzed.
116
5.2.1 Relationship between the Baka Pygmy and Nzime
According to the household survey, a significant number of respondents 69% confirmed
that there is a positive relationship between the Nzime and the Baka while 29.8% of the
respondents confirmed negative interactions (Figure 5.2.1).
100
90
80
70
60
Positive
50
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.1: Relationship between the Baka and Nzime within the studies
communities in the study area
The positive relationship between the Baka and Nzime at Eschaimbor village, (90%) was
high while low in Djenou. Information gathered from field observation confirmed that the
Baka in Eschiambor village cooperate and interact more with the Nzime and the chief
always invite them in decision making meetings of the village whereas this situation was
different in the other villages. There was great variation in the relationship between the
Nzime and the Baka (Figure 5.2.2), whereas the Nzime confirmed a positive relationship
(100%) the Baka confirmed a strong negative relationship (86%) with a significant
difference of (X2 =1.51, df =4, p =0.00). A situation like this could demonstrate a
potential for social change in the sense that such negative attitudes and interactions might
change for a better relationship in the study area.
117
120
100
80
Positive
60
negative
40
20
0
Nzime Baka Pygmies
Figure 5.2.2: How the Baka and Nzime view and relate to each other in the study
area
The variation in the relationship between the Nzime and Baka stem from the emergence
of the community forest management and the distribution of forest revenue and the
parafiscal compensation in this area. The Baka confirmed that they are not involved in the
decision making concerning the community forest management and have not benefited
from any forest revenue in the study area. All these have constrained the user right of the
Baka and impacted their livelihood making them more as servants to their neighbor and
prone to poverty and illegal exploitation of forest products. This inequality in power,
decision making rights and benefits are attributed to the fact that the Nzime are more
educated with wealthier and influential elites controlling the local institutions and partly
their perception of the Baka.
However, from the focus group discussions it was revealed that there is an
interdependent relationship between the Nzime and the Baka in the study area that has
existed before the pre colonial period and after the post-colonial period. This historic
relationship has been greatly interrupted today by the presence of the logging
118
concessions, the new forestry law and the emergence of community forestry in the study
area and the distribution of forest revenue.
Historically, the relationship was based on the frequency, quality and quantity of gifts and
counter-gifts exchanged, assistance and services provided and other forms of partnership.
The relationship between the Nzime and the Baka varies from one Pygmy clan to the
other.
From information gathered in the focus group discussions, it is widely believed in
the study area that the Baka led their Nzime neighbour across the Dja reserve (primary
forest) to their present location. Most of the oral tradition of their relationship was not
discussed in the focus group. It was apparent that the Nzime were more exposed to the
first Europeans in the region. In their need to prosper through the sale of ivory to
Europeans, they began to barter iron objects for elephant tusk and game meat with Baka
since the Baka were skilled hunters. Some of the Nzime notables colonized and
controlled the Baka as their possession, family or clan members to regulate the supply of
game meat and labor in exchange of starch food and iron for them to hunt more elephant
tusk. Most of these notables were proud to own the Baka and satisfied them socio-
economically (Kohler, 2005; Lewis, 2001). Some even paid bride prizes and made
marriage negotiation with other Bakas and Nzimes, provided material needs, food,
clothing, and foreign products and promoted their culture by organizing the jengi dance
(the god of the forest) at village ceremonies. They in turn received what they needed from
the Baka (game meat, ivory, labor and spiritual protections). This type of exchange,
cemented these relationships. A similar relationship was also reported in the southern part
of the rainforest of Cameroon other regions in Central Africa (Ngima, 2001; Wæhle,
1989; Daou, 2003; Kohler, 2005).
It was also revealed from the focus group discussions that trade between the
Nzime and the Baka was based on barter until few years ago. Commercial exchange was
mainly by barter. For instance, a porcupine was exchanged for 10 tubers of cassava, a rat,
or hare for 4 tubers of cassava and a quarter of duiker for 20 tubers of cassava. Today,
trade between the Nzime and the Baka has been diversified due to the increasing demand
of game meat and forest products in the urban towns. The Baka has become more
exposed to monetary exchange which has modified their relationship with the Nzime.
119
Prices of game meat and forest products have become fixed in the Baka’s camps as in the
Nzime’s villages. Despite the introduction of monetary exchange in the area, exchange by
barter of consumer goods is still predominant. This gives the Nzime more advantage in
their relationship with the Baka since they are more involved in agriculture producing
more foodstuff than the Baka who are predominantly forest dwellers. Apart from this, the
Nzime are more involved in trade of foreign products such as soap, rice, kerosene,
alcohol, cigarette, batteries, hunting implements which they usually exchange for labor
and game meat. Sometimes even when the Baka received money as wages for labor, they
squandered these moneys on alcohol and cigarettes.
Today, these relationships have changed tremendously due to increased
commercial logging and policy reformed that also encourages the Baka to establish
permanent settlements. These changes have produced a negative relationship where the
Baka are seen more like a servant and the Nzime as a master. The Baka now rely more of
their labour supply in exchange of cash and foodstuff since access to hunting and
collection of forest products are limited. In this light, they have been treated as servant
since their livelihoods have been altered although some Nzime elites today still maintain
the traditional type of relationship with the Baka. These changes from the reform have
given some freedom to most of the Baka from the Nzime domination. The Baka now sell
their game wherever, whenever and to whom they wish and even buys manufactured
goods anywhere at market prices.
However, the presence of the community forest management, the payment of
forest royalty to the local community around logging concessions has also influenced
theses relationships to benefit the Nzime more than the Baka.
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5.2.2. Relationship, awareness and perception of the local people towards the
logging companies
All the households in the study area were aware of the existence of the logging
concessions and the logging companies. They were informed of the existence of the
logging concessions and logging companies through village meetings. The household
survey demonstrated that 88% of the respondents had a negative relationship with the
logging companies (Figure 5.2.3) while only 12% of the respondent accepted that they
have a good relationship with the logging companies.
100
90
80
70
60
Positive
50
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.3: Relationship between the local people and the logging companies in the
study area
The positive relationship was due to the fact that some of the local people are employed
by the logging companies so there are some direct benefits. The studied communities had
a similar relationship with the logging companies. There was a significant difference (X2
=6.11, p =0.01, df =1) of this relationship between the ethnic groups (Nzime and Baka) in
the study area. All the Baka confirmed a negative relationship with the logging
121
companies while 18.5% of the Nzime confirmed a positive relationship with the logging
companies (Figure 5.2.4). It should be noted that this 18.5% were those employed in the
logging companies with direct benefits.
120
100
80
Positive
60
Negative
40
20
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.2.4: Relationship between the ethnic groups and the logging companies in
the study area
The reasons for this negative relationship were also examined. From the survey, 86.9% of
the household confirmed that the impact of logging activity was the main reason of their
negative relationship. Other reasons attributed for this negative relationship were limited
access to the concessions, no compensation, no employment and restricted user rights
within the concessions (Table 5.2.1)
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Table 5.2.1: Local people’s reasons for the negative relationship with the logging
companies in the study area
Reasons for negative relationship Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29) (%)
Impact of logging activity on their 22 25 26 86.9
livelihoods
No employment 21 24 20 77.4
Restricted user rights within the 19 23 19 72.6
concession area
Limited access to forest resources 19 20 17 66.7
No compensation for their activity 15 16 11 50
As mentioned in chapter two, the new forestry law make provision for the local people to
access the logging concessions for forest resources for their subsistence and for the
logging companies to pay compensation per cubic meter of timber felled to the local
municipalities. The household survey confirmed that this access is limited and the user
right is restricted by the logging companies and the compensation is not distributed
accordingly by the municipal authorities in the study area. The logging activity is viewed
by the local people with mixed feelings. They believe that logging destruct most of their
important forest products and affect their livelihoods. It should be noted that the logging
method carry out in the study area is conventional logging with more damage compared
to reduced impact logging which is more ecological friendly (Jonkers and Foahom,
2004).
The reasons for this negative relationship with the logging companies were not very
different between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.2.5).
123
120
100
80
percentage of Household (%)
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Limited Access No compensation Impact of Logging No Employment Restricted user rights
Figure 5.2.5: Ethnic groups’ reasons for the negative relationship with the logging
Both ethnic groups confirmed that the impact from logging was most important. Apart
from this, the Baka also saw lack of employment opportunities, restricted user rights and
limited access to forest resources within the concession area as important reasons for the
negative relationship. This also supports the fact that the Baka depend more on the forest
and its resources than the Nzime.
These negative relationships that exist between the local people and the logging
companies have instilled to them a negative perception towards the logging companies as
demonstrated from the household survey. The survey revealed that, 13.3% of the
respondents had a positive perception of the logging concessions while 86.7% of the
respondents had a negative perception of the concessions in the study area. There was a
great significant difference between positive and negative perception towards the logging
concessions and logging companies in the study area (X2 = 44.83, df = 1, p = 0.00). This
high negative perception towards the logging companies is due to the relationship
negative that exist between the local people and logging companies in the study area as
noticed in the previous section.
124
The household survey also demonstrated that, 18.5% of the Nzime had a positive
perception of the logging companies while only 3.4% of the Baka had a positive
perception with a significant difference of (X2 = 8.0, df = 1, p = 0.005).
Some factors were identified from the survey which influenced local people’s
perception towards the concessionaires (Table 5.2.2). Limited access to forest resources
within the concessions (86.7%), restricted user’s right (75.9%) and destruction of NTFP
by the logging activities (65.1%) were the most important factors influencing the local
people’s perception. These factors did not vary between the ethnic groups.
Table 5.2.2: Local people’s responses on factors influencing their perception
towards the logging concessions and logging companies in the study area
Factors Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Limited access to resources within 23 23 26 86.7
the concessions
Restricted user rights within the 21 21 21 75.9
concessions
Destruction of NTFPs 19 18 17 65.1
Not involved in their activity 11 16 19 55.4
Limited benefit from the logging 12 9 12 39.8
companies
However, there have been some solutions to ameliorate the relationship and solving
conflicts that exist between the local people and the logging companies in the study area.
From the survey it was revealed the NGOs (86.9%) both international and national has
been the main negotiator to reduce this conflict. Most of these NGOs include PLAN
International, PERAD local NGO working with CED, Rainforest foundation UK, Forest
Peoples Programme, IUCN, WWF, CIAD, SNV. In recent years most of these NGOs
have been struggling to secure the user rights of the local people especially the Baka by
negotiating with the logging companies (Lewis, 2007). Other solutions included
negotiation by the traditional institutions and the state (Table 5.2.3).
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Table 5.2.3: Local people’s responses on the solutions to ameliorate their
relationship with the logging companies in the study area
Solutions Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Negotiation by NGOs 22 25 26 86.9
Traditional Institutions 5 10 20 41.7
The Government 4 6 7 20.2
The traditional institutions are quite strong in Eschiambor in resolving conflicts with the
logging companies while it is very weak in Bapile and relatively strong in Djenou.
During the fieldwork we noticed a conflict in Bapile village concerning the traditional
ruler. This conflict was very strong and has divided the village into two camps disrupting
the effectiveness of the traditional institutions in this village for the past two years.
Negotiation by the state is not very effective because the state in most situations favor the
logging companies. The Baka are more comfortable with the solution of the NGOs
(100%) as shown in the (Figure 5.2.6) below. They believe these NGOs protect their
interests.
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
NGOs negotiation Traditional Institution The Government
Figure 5.2.6: Ethnic group’s responses on the solutions to ameliorate their

relationship with the logging companies in the study area
126
The focus discussions also demonstrated that the local people have a strong negative
relationship with the logging companies in terms of access and use of forest resources.
The local people believed that their rights and access to forest resources has been greatly
reduced or altered by the logging companies and they have difficulty in negotiating and
claiming these rights since the states strongly favor the logging companies. From field
observation, this strong negative relationship has developed to local level conflicts
between the local people and the logging companies in the study area. This negative
relationship stem from unclear boundaries between the logging concessions and the
community forest area or agroforestry area within the villages in the study area, restricted
access and user rights within the concessions, lack of compensation and employment by
the logging companies, unequal power distribution and the overall negative consequences
of the logging activity on their livelihoods. Field observation revealed that the Baka are
greatly affected from the negative impact of logging compared to the Nzime due to their
land use pattern. Similar results has been documented in this region (Lewis and Nelson,
2006, CED et al, 2003; Rainforest Foundation and Forest Monitor, 2007; Samndong,
2007).
During the fieldwork we noticed a case of conflict at Eschiambor village between
the logging company (Palissco) and the local people over the village community forest. It
was alleged that the logging company has logged into their community forest some
valuable timber species (sapelli, Entandophragina cyclindricum and moabi Baillonella
toxisperma). It should be noted that these species are very important to the livelihoods of
the local people and also has strong economic value to the logging company. The
ownership of that part of the forest was unclear since the logging company argued that it
is part of their logging concession while on the other hand the local people believe it is
within their community forest. This unclear boundary problem resulted from improper
zone planning by the state which leads to this conflict in this village and many others that
have also been documented in this region (Bigombe and Dabire, 2003; Lescuyer, 2007).
As a means to enforce their claim, the villagers harassed and block the road for the
Palissco personnel. They went as far as to disrupt the logging activity of the company in
that part of the concession area. As a means to resolve this conflict, the logging company
organized a meeting with the executive of the community forest management committee,
127
some village elites and local administrative officials (municipal authorities, forest
officials and civil administrators). It was resolved that the logging company actually
logged into the community forest after a very long deliberation with maps of the area.
During the resolution meeting the company was requested to compensate financially to
this loss which it has done.
Another problem that escalated was how the money will be used. Most of the
villagers wanted the money to be distributed to each household while the committee
wanted to save the money and use for any village development project. The money was
finally distributed to each household following their family lineage and was squandered
in alcohol and cigarettes. A common characteristic of conflict was noticed in the field. It
comprises of interactions between opposing actors; the logging company and local people
and a second level cause by logging activity which is between the Baka and their
neighboring Nzime villagers. The Baka Pygmies are greatly affected by the logging
activity because their livelihoods and cultural identity is deeply bounded in their daily
interaction with the forest.
The forest legislation makes provisions for the logging companies to take into account the
local population and to carry out socio-economic studies to accommodate and negotiate
with the local population their user rights within the forest when establishing their forest
management plan (GOC, 1994). From the focus group discussion, it was revealed that
these consultations and negotiations between the logging companies and the local people
has been proven not inclusive or productive and is perceived as a constraint on the
logging companies (more costly) rather as a means to benefit the local population. A
similar situation has been documented by Lescuyer (2003), in the rainforest of Cameroon.
The local people revealed to us that this negotiation usually takes place during village
meetings where the villagers gather together with the logging companies’ personnel and
administrative authorities. In most cases the discussion about the social infrastructures,
access and user rights comes at the end of the meeting. The meeting is usually to inform
the local people of the presence of the logging concessions around their community.
Whatever the local people say is not very important since the forest has already been
allocated to the logging companies. The local people do not longer have the power to
deny them access to the timber in the forests. Most meetings as perceived by the local
128
people as merely to reach an agreement on how the gifts provided by the logging
companies will be shared. Such negotiations are usually inbalance as the right to the
forest resources has been conferred to the logging companies by the state and secondly
the local people do not know anything about the commercial value of the timber
(Bigombe and Dabire, 2003; Ndoye and Chupezi, 2004). During such meetings as
mentioned from the focus group discussion, there is a sort of informal agreement between
the logging companies and the administrative authorities which intercept the local people
to express their views since they believe these administrative represent the state and have
the power to decide and impose their view to them. This unequal power relation between
the local people and the logging companies has a strong negative consequence on the
local people since they have very little leverage to influence the activities of the logging
companies. Most studies in the rainforest of the Congo basin have also demonstrated
similar results (CED et al, 2003; Rainforest Forest and Forest Monitor, 2007; Lescuyer,
2003; Lewis and Nelson, 2006; Samndong, 2007).
Moreover, logging activities have greatly reduced the abundance of many forest
resources that are important to the livelihood of the local people either through direct
removal or through the impact of logging on non-timber forest products. In addition to
this, the loss and restricted access to forest products within the concessions could be
associated with loss of cultural identity and traditional knowledge of the local people
especially the Baka. The impact of logging also have a broader social and cultural
dimension through changes in local social dynamics, land use and settlement patterns.
From the focus group discussion, we could envisage two distinct causes of the
negative relationship and conflict between the local people and the logging companies.
Conflict as a result of direct impact on non-timber forest products and conflict as a result
of indirect impact on resource use (social and cultural dimensions). In terms of indirect
impact, we were told that the logging activity increase local pressure on forest resources
both by attracting immigrants and skilled external poachers and through the constructions
of logging roads which create access to new areas in the forest. Since logging jobs are
temporal and seasonal the influx of migrants and poachers as an alternative to improve
their livelihood competes with the local people for local resources. The over-exploitation
of bush meat in the study area could be partly explained by the establishment and
129
maintained logging roads into the concessions providing poachers greater access to
relatively unexploited areas of wildlife in the forest and lowering the cost of transporting
the game to the urban markets. Moreover, we were told that most of the poachers from
the urban areas are in strong alliance with the drivers of the logging companies which
make it easier for them to transport their game coupled with the corrupt practice that exist
between the poachers, drivers, Ecofac guards and wildlife authorities in the region. This
practice continues in spite of that it is prohibited to transport bush meat with the vehicles
of the logging companies as part of a conservation strategy. Increase social conflicts,
alcoholism, health problem and prostitution caused by exposure of the society by the
logging companies have greatly disrupted the social and cultural identity of the local
people most especially the Baka.
The direct impact of logging on non-timber forest products could be address
through three mechanisms: restriction of access, logging of timber species which are
important non-timber forest products and logging method destroying non-timber forest
products. In the first section of livelihood, we saw that the presence of the logging
concession greatly constraint the livelihood of the local people through this direct impact
of non-timber forest products and hunting. We were told that most of the commercially
valuable timber species are also of great economic and cultural importance to the local
people. Examples of such species include moabi, bubinga and sapelli. The extraction of
these timber species have greatly altered the livelihood of the local people and also
destroyed the cultural identity of the Baka. We were concerned with the conflict
surrounding the Moabi tree which is widely used by the local people. The Moabi play a
significant role in the cultural dance of the Baka (jengi). During hunting the Baka use the
Moabi tree as markers to guide them through the forest. The bark of the Moabi tree is
used to produce some concoction by the Baka which they cover their bodies during
hunting so that they can go undetected through the forest. Above all, the Moabi is well
known and appreciated by the local people for the oil produce from the seeds which is the
most popular cooking oil in the study area. The seeds are crushed, boiled and pressed to
produce this delicious edible oil. The waste of the seeds because of its toxicity is used
during fishing to drunk the fish. The Moabi seeds are usually harvested during July and
August (rainy season). During this period, the men usually go and search for the fruiting
130
Moabi tree in the forest and clear the under to facilitate the harvesting. Most frequently,
the local people especially the Baka build a temporal camp close to the tree in the forest
during the harvesting period. It should be noted that, one who first discovers a moabi tree
in the forest may lay claim to it by clearing the under around the tree and placing marks
on the trunk of the tree. The selective logging of Moabi in this region by the Paliscop
logging company because of its quality of wood which is highly regarded in France has
provided no opportunity for the local people to reconcile their economic, social and
ecological interests in this tree. It is very difficult to find a Moabi tree near the village
today said the local people and they have to trek for about 15-30km to find the closest
Moabi tree.
It should be noted that since all the logging companies practice conventional
selective logging rather than reduced impact logging which is ecologically friendly, the
felling of the timber species destroy potential non timber forest products in the forest.
Moreover, collection of non timber forest products is usually the women’s job.
Restriction of access into the logging concession by the logging companies pushes the
women to seek alternative sources of income and can lead them into prostitution around
the logging camps exposing them to serious health risk (HIV). Most of the evidence of
this research has also been documented by other studies carried out in the region and the
entire Congo basin (CED et al, 2003; Rainforest Foundation and Forest Monitor, 2007;
Betti, 2004).
The focus group discussions also revealed that the high negative perception of the
Nzime towards the logging concessions and logging companies were as a result of
competing use of certain valuable timber species which is a source of conflict between
the logging company and the local people. These species include maobi (Baillonella
toxisperma), bubinga (Guibourtia tessmannii) and sapelli (Entandrophragma
cylindricum). The timber from these woods are highly valuable for the concessionaires on
the one hand and for the local people on the other hand who use it for either spiritual
purposes or a source of cooking oil and income generation (the seed of moabi is used to
produce cooking oil, which also has high economic value). Another source of negative
perception of the Nzime towards the logging concessions and companies is the fact that
since some of their food crop fields and cocoa plantations are within the logging
131
concessions and thus now belong to the concessionaires, timber extractions often damage
these crop fields. This situation was common in the village of Bapile as many Nzimes
complained in the focus group discussions. Moreover, the presence of a large group of
laborers in the concession creates social disputes such as gossips, hatred, and
discrimination and thus influences the perception of the Nzime towards the logging
concessions and companies.
According to the Baka, the impact of the logging activity was their main reason
for their negative perception as revealed from the focus group discussions. Logging is
thought to destroy or waste the forest on which they rely for their livelihoods. From the
focus group discussions, a striking difference in the perceptions held by the Baka men
and women was identified. The men attributed their negative perception on hunting
which is their main activity. They complained that the noise made by the logging
machineries had repercussions for the availability of large game. Furthermore, pathways
and points of orientation are destroyed as well as areas where honey bees and some
wildlife used to hide out. They also perceived the job opportunities related to the presence
of logging companies with mixed feelings since only a few men manage to get a job and
their experience are usually short-lived and underpaid.
The Baka women, on the other hand, condemn the damage done to valuable
NTFPs especially trees providing fruit, kernels and medicinal barks leaves. Moreover, the
presence of the concessions and companies has greatly affected negatively, the traditional
and cultural values of the Baka. The life of every Baka is linked to the forest, with their
sacred places rich in valuable timber species being intruded or even destroyed by the
logging companies. Some uses of these sacred places include keeping a new born who is
destined to become a great and influential hunter within the sacred place for 3-4 nights to
be fed and blessed by the ancestors. The clan and individual totems animals laid down by
their ancestors are still respected by most (they do not eat their totem) and their
traditional values form the basis of their moral values in society. This cultural
significance of the forest has been greatly tempered by intense logging, producing a
negative perception of the Baka towards the logging companies. Today, food
procurement by the Baka has undergone certain modifications linked not only to presence
of changes in their environment but also to the increasing economic relationship with the
132
external society. Most of the Baka have now become more sedentary, cultivate fields and
adopt new agricultural and synergetic1 techniques. If the forest remained sacred and
provided an inexhaustible source of foodstuffs, way of life and social system as in the
pre-colonial days, no Baka would think of this endogenous development of their life and
society. A similar result was documented in the Tropenbos Cameroon project area in
Southern Cameroon between the Bagyeli and Bakola Pygmies and the Bantu population
(Berg Van den, 1998; Berg van den and Biesbrouck, 2000; Ngima, 2001).
5.2.3. Relationship, awareness and perception of the local people towards the state
and the forestry law
In order to examine the relationship and perception of the local people towards the state
and the forestry law an assessment of the local peoples’ awareness about the existence of
the new forestry law of January 1994 was made from the household survey. According to
this survey, 100% of the residents were informed on the existence of the forestry law.
How they were informed about this law varied across the study area. Information about
the new forestry law was either through local village meetings or through the Ministry of
Forest and Fauna (MINFOF) officials (Figure 5.2.7).
70
60
50
Percentage of respondents (%)
40
Local village meetings

MINFOF Officials
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.7: Local people’s awareness towards the new forestry law in the study
area
133
Information about the awareness of this law did not however, vary between the ethnic
groups. The survey revealed that, 57.4% and 55.5% of the Nzime and Baka respectively
were informed through the MINFOF authority while 42.6% and 44.8% respectively were
informed through village meetings.
The level of awareness as demonstrated from the household survey revealed that
79.5% of the respondents in the study area had a negative relationship with the state
while only 20.5% had a positive relationship (Figure 5.2.8). The positive relationship
could be explained by the fact that some of these respondents have relatives working with
the state holding prominent positions that exact power at their advantage. Some of these
relatives are also politicians with the CPDM the ruling party of Cameroon giving them an
edge to exact more power at the local level creating a “client patron” relationship.
90
80
70
60
50
Positive
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.8: Relationship between the local people and the state in the study area
The relationship with the state varies between ethnicity (Figure 5.2.9). The survey shows
that 30.2% of the Nzime had positive relationship while 96.6% of the Baka had a
134
negative relationship with a great significant difference (X2 =8.49, p =0.01, df =2). This
different is due to the fact that the Baka does not have any relatives working with the
state or politician with the CPDM party that could at least influence their relationship
with the state or bring them some goodies from the state.
120
100
80
Positive
60
Negative
40
20
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.2.9: Relationship between the state and the ethnic groups in the study area
Also the Baka depend entirely on the forest for their livelihood compared to the Nzime
who also depend on agriculture and off farm activity (See table 5.1.5). All state affairs at
the local level are controlled by the Nzime since the Baka are not educated or have
experienced or exposure to external society compared to the Nzime. A similar
relationship has also been documented in the southern part of the rainforest of Cameroon
(Ngima, 2001).
The reasons for this negative relationship were examined in the survey (Table
5.2.4). From the survey, limited access to the forest and its resources (77.1%) and
corruption (71.1%) were the most important reasons behind this negative relationship.
Lack of ownership (31.3%) and no compensation (33.7%) were not very important
135
reasons explaining their negative relationship with the state. The local people are aware
of the annual forestry fees and the parafiscal community compensation which is a sort of
compensation from the state but the problem is how these benefits are distributed which
there is always corruption and embezzlement. It should be recalled that from the analysis,
the local people do attribute their limited access to forest resources to the state and that
most of the forest and administrative officials at the local level are highly corrupt and
usually implement the law to satisfy their own motives.
Table 5.2.4: Local people’s reasons for their negative relationship with the state
Reasons for negative relationship Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29) (%)
Limited access to forest resources 19 20 25 77.1
Limited user rights within the forest 17 20 19 67.5
Corruption 18 20 21 58.5
Inadequate law enforcement 7 9 14 36.1
No compensation 11 6 11 33.7
Lack of ownership in the forest 9 4 13 31.3
The reasons for the negative relationship did not vary much between the ethnic groups
(Figure 5.2.10). From the survey, 41.4% of the Baka mentioned limited compensation
from the state as important reason behind their negative relationship with the state
whereas only 30.2% of the Nzime. This fact also support the uneven distribution and
embezzlement of the annual forestry fees and the parafiscal community compensation
that is very common in this region and the Baka are always undermine by these
compensation mechanisms (Oyono et al, 2006).
136
100
90
80
70
60
Nzime
50
Baka
40
30
20
10
0
lack of ownership Limited access Limited user rights No compensation Corruption Inadequate law
enforcement
Figure 5.2.10: Ethnic group’s reasons for the negative relationship with the state in
the study area
The Baka were also more concerned about the ownership of the forest (37.9%) compared
to the Nzime (26.4%). Inadequate law enforcement was not very important to the Baka
(17.2%) whereas the Nzime saw inadequate law enforcement (47.2%) as an important
factor for the negative relationship. The household survey also enumerated some
solutions that could ameliorate the local people relation with the state. It was revealed
that 91.6% of the respondents in the study area proposed regulate and secure user rights
as an important solution to ameliorate the relationship (Table 5.2.5). Alternative source of
income (38.6%) and compensation (36.1%) were also mentioned as solutions to
ameliorate the situation whereas dialogue with the logging companies (24.1%) was the
least solution mentioned by the respondents in the study area.
137
Table 5.2.5: Proposed solution to ameliorate the negative relationship of the local
people and the state
Proposed solutions to the negative Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total
relationship (N=26) (N=28) (N=29) (%)
Regulate and secure user rights 25 26 25 91.6
Alternative source of income 8 9 15 38.6
Dialogue with the logging companies 6 8 6 24.1
The negative relationships that exist between the local people and the state have
influenced their perception towards the forestry law. The household survey revealed that
19.3% of the respondents had a positive perception while 79.5% had a negative
perception with a significant difference between positive and negative perceptions (X2 =
83.71, df = 2, p = 0.00). There was a great variation in perception between the ethnic
groups While 27.8% of the Nzime had a positive perception, only 3.4% of the Baka had a
positive perception to the new forestry law, with a significant difference of (X2 = 7.96, df
= 2, p = 0.02). This variation in perception between the ethnic groups could be due to
their relationship with the state. A similar result has been documented from the
Tropenbos Cameroon project in the rainforest of Southern Cameroon around the Campo
man reserve (Berg Van den, 1998; Berg van den and Biesbrouck, 2000).
The factors influencing the people’s perception towards the new forestry law were
also assessed from the survey. Limited access forest resources (77.1%), restricted user
right within the forest (67.5%) and corruption practices (61.4%) were the most important
factors (Table 5.2.6). These factors did not vary across the study communities likewise
between the ethnic group
Table 5.2.6: Factors influencing local people’s perception toward the new forestry
law in the study area
Factors Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Limited access to forest 19 20 25 77.1
resources
Restricted of user rights within 17 20 19 67.5
the forest
Not involved in the law 11 20 18 59
Limited benefit from the law 11 4 12 32.5
Lack of ownership 9 4 13 31.3
138
The proposed solution also did not vary much between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.2.11).
Alternative source of income was not very important to the Baka (24.1%) compare to the
Nzime (47.2%). This is because the Baka lifestyle is embedded in the forest and they find
it very difficult to adapt to livestock rearing, plantation agriculture and other income
generating activity.
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
compensation regulate and secure user rights Alternative source of income Dialogue with logging
companies
Figure 5.2.11: Proposed solutions to ameliorate the relationship between the ethnic
group and the state in the study area
Dialogue with the logging companies was not considered by the Baka (10.3%) as a
solution compare to the Nzime (32.1%). This is due to the strong negative relationship
and perception the Baka have toward the logging companies. They perceive the logging
companies as agent of destruction who destroy their forest their source of life which they
have live with for ages.
Information from the focus group discussions indicated that the educational level, the age
and sex had no effect on the local people’s perception. Instead, their relationship with the
state was the main determinant of their perception towards this law. The local people
told us that before the introduction of the “so call” new forestry law in 1994, they had no
problem with the state since there was little or no logging in the area. According to them,
access to forest resources and customary law governing their uses of forest resources
139
were exercised without any problem. Today the state does not make enough effort to
recognize and respect their user rights and access over forest resources. The government
is issuing logging concessions today without informing the local people and without
proper monitoring how the logging activity is actually carried out. Timber species are cut
without proper selection (conventional logging) and many unused logs are piled along
roadsides in the forest for years. From the focus group discussion and field observation,
we identified three main factors behind this negative relationship and which have caused
local level grievance among local people in the study area. These factors include; limited
user rights and access to forest resources, conflicting dual legal stands (legal pluralism)
where the state law (new forestry law) and the customary law of the local people (norms
and unwritten laws) intersect and the land use pattern.
The most important of these factors is the imbalance of the double legal standards
that exists in the forest, that is the coexistence of a statute law colonially inspired as
“modern” law known as the new forestry law of Cameroon and the multitude of
unwritten laws and norms known as “customary” law that mingled with occasional
private titling rights (logging concessions). According to the new forestry law (GoC,
1994) and the 1974 land tenure act (Fisiy, 1992), the state is owner of all the land and the
forestry resources. The local people are only granted user rights where necessary to take
care of their livelihoods. On the other hand, the customary law of the local people
recognizes community property rights of land and forest resources which are being
undermined by the new forestry law. Furthermore, the local people have little information
about the new forestry law since they were not involved in the decision making process.
This new forestry law and its implementation granted precedence over the customary
tenure and provide no incentive for the local people to conserve the forest and also result
to the local people being marginalized during the allocation of logging rights. This
imbalance of legal pluralism has also been reported by many researchers in the rainforest
of Cameroon (Colchester, 2006; Burnham and Graziani, 2001; Van den Berg and
Biesbrouck, 2000; Diaw, 2005).
The introduction of the forest zoning system (land use pattern) under the new
forestry law has further undermined the customary law and reduced local people access
and user rights over forest resources as we noticed in the field which has lead to a
140
negative relationship with the state. The local people in the study area have challenged
this forest zoning system because it do not take into account the way they have used the
forest traditionally and placing vast areas of the forest under concession and under special
protection known as “permanent forest”. This new distribution of the land use pattern
have relocated local people activities to forest areas which are not as rich as the
permanent forest and which are subject to restriction. A similar result has been reported
by Van den Berg and Biesbrouck, (2000) and Lescuyer, (2003), Alison, (2007).
Other common factors behind this negative relationship noticed in the field and
from focus group discussion are poor governance, inadequate law enforcement,
corruption and illegal activity. Poor governance in the forestry sector of Cameroon
resulted from governance failure and lack of commitment by government officials and
policy makers to effectively enforce and implement the law. Most of the bureaucrats and
politicians both at the centre and the local level in the forestry sector and the government
in general think more on economic growth and profits with government policies that
strongly promote the expansion of logging operations and the maximization of profits
from timber exploitation (Ekoko, 1999; Siebock, 2002). This new forest policy has failed
to provide incentive and recognized customary rights held by the local people creating
tensions, confrontation and unrest atmosphere between the logging companies and the
forest dependent communities. The monitoring and enforcement of the law is generally
very weak in the study area since the local forestry officials’ benefits from bribes paid to
them by the logging companies. Moreover, the inadequate motivation and incentives
from the MINEF to the forestry officials has also promoted inadequate law enforcement
and monitoring as pointed out by (Global Forest Watch, 2000). Because of the bribes
paid to them by the logging companies, most of these forest officials always favor the
logging companies to the detriment of the local people when negotiating for the limits of
the concession over agricultural lands.
Corruption and illegal activities are the underlying consequence of poor governance and
inadequate law enforcement experienced in the study area. It should be noted that, in
Cameroon, most of the politicians, bureaucrats and government officials exert real
powers (Cleuren, 2001; Siebock, 2002). Most of these officials manage their power for
their own benefit as indicated by a popular saying in Cameroon that “the goat grazes
141
where it is tied” (Forest monitor, 2001 p.14). As a result, most of these officials benefit
from the timber exploitation and cannot implement the law correctly. Another crucial
factor of corruption in the forest sector in Cameroon experienced from the field is the
complexity and the centralized administrative system in which many administrative
sectors are involved in the forest policy. This complexity and centralized administrative
system regulating forest resources in Cameroon has also been highlighted by Ekoko
(1999). This has lead to the ineffective execution of the forest policy and in most cases,
the logging firms pay bribes at all level to keep the business going. Consequently, the
logging companies don’t care about the livelihood of the forest dependent communities
and tend to exploit the forest to maximize profits (Bigombe and Dabire, 2003; Ndoye and
Chupezi, 2004).
Since the new forestry law in Cameroon fails to recognize the customary law of
the local people as experienced in the field, they are therefore obliged to operate in ways
that are technically illegal to secure their livelihood. Most often, as noticed in the field,
these illegal activities are propagated since most of the illegal operators and traders are
protected through their connections with powerful political elites and military officials as
indicated by a popular Cameroonian saying “unless you have brother at the top of the
plum tree you can’t eat black plum” (Cleuren, 2001 p.145). Similar results have been
documented in the rainforest of Cameroon (Nguiffo, 1998, CED et al, 2003; Forest
monitor, 2001; Brunner and Ekoko, 2000; Graziani and Burnham, 2001).
5.2.4. Relationship, awareness and perception of the local people towards the
protected area (Dja Reserve)
All the local people in the study area were aware of the existence of the Dja reserve
which is the only protected area within the study area (see chapter three). The household
survey revealed that 67.5% of the respondents in the study area had a negative
relationship with the protected area while 32.5% had a positive relationship (Figure
5.2.12). There was a great variation in this relationship between the study communities.
In Eschiambor, 60% of the respondents mentioned a positive relationship. This is due to
the fact that the village is about 30km away from the protected area and the respondents
142
there does not experience the immediate impact except the Baka living in this village that
walk for longer distances to hunt.
100
90
80
70
60
Positive
50
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.12: How local people view and behave towards the protected area (Dja
reserve) in the study area.
On the other hand, 76.9% of respondents in Bapile and 88.9% of the respondents in
Djenou respectively mentioned a negative relationship with the protected area. This is
because these villages are just about 10-15km from the protected area and could
experience the immediate impact of the ECOFAC project. The relationship also varies
between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.2.13). All the Baka (100%) in the study area had a
negative relationship with the protected area while 49.1% of the Nzime had a positive
relationship with the protected area with a significant difference of (X2 =22.65, p =0.00,
df =2). This is because the Baka livelihoods depend mainly on hunting, collection of
forest products and fishing while the Nzime depend mainly on agriculture and off farm
activities. The ECOFAC project in the Dja reserve has a great impact on the livelihoods
of the Baka compared to the Nzime.
143
120
100
80
Positive
60
Negative
40
20
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.2.13: How the ethnic groups in the study area view the protected area
The reasons behind this negative relationship were also examined. According to the
survey, 67.5% of the respondents in the study area mentioned the presence of the
ECOFAC guards as the main reason behind this negative relationship while 39.8% of the
respondents mentioned wildlife damage (Table 5.2.7). Limited access (41%) was also an
important reason for this negative relationship.
Table 5.2.7: Local people’s reasons for their negative relationship with the protected
area in the study area
Reasons for negative Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
relationship (N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
Presence of ECOFAC guards 20 24 12 67.5
Wildlife damage 13 17 3 45.3
Limited access 12 15 7 41
This result is different from related studies on local people protected area relationship in
Cameroon and other parts of sub Sahara Africa in which wildlife related damage is
recorded as the main factor behind local people’s negative relationship with protected
144
area (Weladji, 1998; Weladji, 2001; Tchamba, 1996; Parry and Campbell, 1992;
Balakrishnan and Ndohlovu, 1992). The reasons behind this negative relationship also
vary between the ethnic groups in the study area (Figure 5.2.14). According to the survey
100% of the Baka mentioned the presence of the ECOFAC guards while 45.3% of the
Nzime mentioned wildlife related damage as the reason of their negative relationship
with the protected area. Limited access (86.2%) to the protected area was also very
important to the Baka as a reason of their negative relationship compared to the Nzime
(17%). This variation in limited access to the protected area could also be explained by
their livelihood strategies.
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Limited access Presence of ECOFAC guards wildlife damage
Figure 5.2.14: Variation of the reasons of the negative relationship with the
protected area between the ethnic groups in the study area
Despite the negative relationship that exists between the local people and the protected
area, it did not influence their perception towards the protected area. Their perception
towards the protected area was different compared to that of the new forestry law and the
logging companies. From the survey, 77.1% of the respondents had a positive perception
while 22.9% had a negative perception towards the protected area. There was a
145
significant difference between positive and negative perceptions in the study area (X2 =
24.4, df = 1, p = 0.005). There was no variation in perception among the study
communities and between the ethnic groups. Those with positive perception mentioned
conservation and income to the state as their main reasons (Figure 5.2.15) while those
with a negative perception mentioned restricted access and no direct immediate benefit as
their reason behind such perception.
90
80
70
60
50
Conservation
Income to the State
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.2.15: Factors influencing people’s perception positively towards the

protected area study area
The distance to the protected area, ethnicity, age, educational level and wildlife damage
had no significant on the local people’s perception. This finding is similar to that of
Weladji (1998) in the Benoue wildlife conservation area, North of Cameroon where the
local people mentioned conservation as the main factor for their positive perception
toward the Park. In Ecuador, Fiallo and Jacobson, (1995) demonstrated that educational
level; age of the respondent had a significant effect on people’s perception and attitude
toward protected area. In the Boumba Bek/Nki national park of Eastern Cameroon, no
direct benefit, restricted users rights and access to forest and undefined boundary with the
park had a significant effect on the perception of the Baka towards the protected area
(Ndameu, 2001).
146
It should be noted that the term conservation is complex but from field
observation conservation by the local people meant protecting some important wildlife
species with cultural significance from extinction. According to them, indeed, if these
areas were not protected, wildlife would have been destroyed and hence, their children
would have experienced a loss of knowledge which is related also to their culture. The
local people in the study area have traditional attachment to some animals and will like to
see their children enjoy this knowledge too. Without conservation, poaching activity and
human settlement will probably take place at a high rate and both wildlife and their
habitat will be destroyed.
From the focus group discussions, it was noticed that the local people had no
grievance with the protected area. Their grievance started with the advent of the
ECOFAC project in the early 1990s. Despite this, the local people are aware of the
importance of conservation. According to them, it is a means to conserve wildlife most
especially certain species of traditional value for the future generations thus preservation
of knowledge and their culture. Without conservation, poaching and human settlement
will probably take place at high rate and both wildlife and their habitat will be destroyed.
The local people identified some solutions that could ameliorate their relationship
with protected area. Among the solutions examined, 67.5% of the respondents in the
study area indicated that NGO intervention and negotiation could be the most important
solution to ameliorate this relationship (Table 5.2.8). This is because the local people in
the study area have some positive experience with the current activities of some
international and national NGOs in the area; Rainforest Foundation UK, Forest Peoples
Program, Netherlands Development Organization (SNV), World Wide Fund for nature
(WWF), International Union for Nature Conservation (IUCN), Centre pour
L’environnement et le Developpement (CED) Cameroon, Plan International just to name
a few. Another important proposed solution was an alternative source of income (38.6%).
Most of the respondents mentioned other livelihood activities as alternative sources of
income that could be promoted in the area such as livestock keeping, palm plantation,
cash crops production like cocoa, coffee, tobacco and poultry farming.
147
Table 5.2.8: Local people’s responses on the proposed solutions to ameliorate their
relationship with the protected area in the study area
Proposed solutions Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=29)
NGO intervention and negotiation 20 24 12 67.5
Alternative source of livelihood 15 13 4 38.6
Traditional institution intervention 4 9 6 22.9
The state intervention 3 5 1 10.8
Intervention from traditional institution (22.9%) and the state (10.8%) were the least
proposed solution to ameliorate this relationship. According to the local people the state
does not support or recognized their activities but rather support and favor the activities
of the logging companies and the ECOFAC guards at their detriment. Moreover, most of
the state personnel at the local level are highly corrupt and think for their self-interest. On
the other hand we noticed that the traditional institution in the study area is very weak to
fight for the local people. There is often a quest for power propagated by some influential
elites and divergent of interests within this traditional institution makes it difficult for a
collective action. The proposed solution to ameliorate this negative relationship did not
vary much between the ethnic groups (Figure 5.2.16). All the Baka 100% in the study
area saw the NGOs intervention as the main solution to ameliorate their negative
relationship with the protected area. Apart from NGOs intervention (50.9%) mentioned
by the Nzime, they also proposed alternative source of livelihood (49.1%) compared to
the Baka 20.7% as a solution to this negative relationship.
120
100
ts(%
)
80
spone
dn
Nzime
fre
60
Baka
e
P e
rcn g
ta eo
40
20
0
Alternative source of livelihood NGO negotiation Traditional institution The state intervention
Figure 5.2.16: Variation in the proposed solutions to ameliorate local people’s

relationship with protected area between the ethnic groups in the study area
148
None of the Baka saw state’s intervention as a solution to this relationship whereas 17%
of the Nzime mentioned state’s intervention as a possible solution to this relationship.
The different in the solutions could be linked to the different land use pattern and lifestyle
demonstrated by these ethnic groups in the study area.
However, the focus group discussions demonstrated that the local people had a
positive relationship with the Dja reserve in the study area until the arrival of the Central
African Forestry Ecosystem (ECOFAC) project in 1992. As mentioned in chapter three,
the ECOFAC is EU funded program with the goal of safeguarding important tracts of
biodiversity in the face of exploitation of forest resource in the countries concerned. This
program has been supporting the establishment of a network of protected areas across
Africa (Nguiffo et al, 2003).
Before the arrival of the ECOFAC project, the local people confirmed that they
had access to the reserve for hunting and collection of forest products testifying a positive
relationship with the protected area. The arrival of the project in 1992 and its
implementation in 1994 coupled with the new forestry law altered this positive
relationship that has existed since the creation of the protected area in 1950. It was
revealed from the focus group discussions that the local people were not well informed
about the objectives and requirements of the ECOFAC program instilling a negative
relationship. The immediate impact of this project or program was the restriction of
access into the reserve, forbidden hunting and collection of forest products in the reserve
constraining the livelihood of the local people.
5.2.5. Summary
The local people were aware of the existence of the new forestry law, the logging
concessions and companies and the protected area. They were informed either through
village meetings or by the forestry officials. The relationship between the local people
and other forest users, actors or agent over the use of forest resources has created some
tension and local level conflicts in the study area. Most prominent of this is their
relationship with the logging companies, the state and protected area. The main reasons
for their negative relationship with logging companies were the impact of the logging
149
activity although limited access, restricted user rights within the logging concessions
were also important. Conflicts always arise when the limit of the logging concessions is
being contested by the local people. Limited access to forest resources and corruption
were their main reasons for the negative relationship with the state while the presence of
the ECOFAC guards was their main reason for the negative relationship with the
protected area. We also noticed that the relationship varies between the ethnic groups due
to the variation of their livelihood strategy and land use pattern. Since the Baka are more
involved in hunting and collection of non timber forest products they feel most of the
impact of the negative relationship since access and user rights to the resources are
limited. The situation is slightly different with the Nzime since there are more involved in
agriculture and off farm activities.
Though several factors influence the local people’s perception towards the
forestry law and the logging concessions, with limited access, restricted user’s rights,
corruption and destruction of NTFPs as the main factors, their relationship with these
actors or agents had a significant impact on their perception. The local people were more
negative about the law and logging concessions and more positive towards the protected
area. None of the factors had a significant effect on the people’s perception toward the
protected area. The local people perceive the protected area as a source of conservation.
The relationship between the local people and the other user groups are important factors
to take into account in case of any plan aiming at improving local people’s perception and
attitude towards forest exploitation and the new forestry legislation.
150
5.3. Local people’s rights, benefits and participation in forest exploitation
and management
So far, I have presented and discussed local people relationship, attitude and perception
toward other users (the state and the logging companies) in the study area. In the
following, I will present and discuss local people’s rights to use of forest resources and
their perception toward the forestry law regarding these rights to forest resources. The
benefits they receive from the forestry law, logging companies and protected area will be
examined and discussed. I will discuss the different types of benefits received and the
perception of the local people towards the benefits. The last part of this sub section will
assess local people views on their participation in forest exploitation and management. In
presenting and discussing these issues I will also examine the variation that exists
between the ethnic groups in the study area.
5.3.1. Local People’s rights to use forest resources

A significant number of respondents, (94%) agree that they have usufruct rights2 to use
forest resources while only 6% of the respondents disagreed (Table 5.3.1).
Table 5.3.1: Local people’s views on their usufruct rights to forest resources in the
study area
Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Agree 26 25 27 94
Disagree 0 2 3 6
2
Usufruct rights are given to local residents (especially original inhabitants) to harvest natural resources in
their surroundings for personal utilization only (subsistence) and not legal ownership. These rights are also
known as customary rights which are built from norms, values and practices.
Among those who agreed that they have rights to forest resources, 85.5% indicated that
they were not using those rights as shown in (Table 5.3.2). It is important to distinguish
here the difference between the laws (state and traditional) and what is practiced and also
what people say they do and what they actually do (rules and practices). The data
presented here is based on what the law actually stipulates (rules) and not what is actually
being practiced in the area. Based on this differentiation one could say that from the face
of the law the local people are to an extent illegal users of the forests but in practice
151
(customary rights or usufruct rights) they are legal users of the forest likewise other forest
users or actors or agents.
The existence of legal pluralism is very common in most countries in sub Sahara Africa
where what is actually practice is different from what is stipulated in the law
(Benjaminsen, 1997; Berge et al 2005; Diaw, 2005).
Table 5.3.2: Local people’s views on whether they are using their usufruct rights in
the study area
Bapile (N=26) Djenou (N=27) Eschiambor (N=30) Total (%)
Using the rights 4 3 3 12
Not using the rights 22 22 27 85.5
There was no significant difference (X2=7.94, df=4, p = 0.094) between the Nzime and
Baka with respect to using their usufruct rights over forest resources.
From the survey, the local people indicated the main reasons affecting their
usufruct rights over forest resources (Table 5.3.3). In ranking these reasons, the presence
of the logging concessions (81.92%) and the presence of Ecofac guard (62.7%) were the
main reasons affecting the local people’s rights over forest resources. The presence of the
protected area had an insignificant effect on using their rights over forest resources.
Table 5.3.3: Local people responses on the factors that affect their usufruct rights
over forest resources in the study area
Reasons for not using the rights Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
The presence of Logging 21 20 27 81.9
concessions
The presence of Ecofac guards 20 20 12 62.7
The presence of forest guards 7 10 12 34.9
It should be noted that the customary rights of the local people over forest resources and
the implementation of the state law (the new forestry law) has been highly contested
(Burnham and Graziani, 2001). The customary rights are embedded tenure institutions
that are now being interrupted by modern law (Diaw, 2005). The Cameroon forestry law
recognized customary rights to the local people to exploit forest resources only for
household consumption (CED et al, 2003). Such restrictions are in stark contrast to the
152
reality of the local economies in the study area where the local people sell some products
obtained from the forest (which they believe is within the context of exercising rights) to
buy other household needs. These customary rights over forest resources are exercised
only in the non-permanent forest estates (the community forest and agro-forestry area)
which are usually the areas around the village (5-10km). These rights are restricted in the
permanent forest estates due to the presence of logging concessions and protected areas.
The presence of the Ecofac project today has also greatly contributed in limiting the local
people’s rights over forest resources, most especially the Baka whose livelihoods solely
depend on the forest and its resources.
From the household survey, 45.8% of the respondents indicated that the forestry law is
not appropriate while 26.7% of them had no opinion about the appropriateness of the
forestry law (Table 5.3.4).
Table 5.3.4: Local people’s views on whether the forestry law is appropriate in the
study area
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Agree 10 5 5 24.1
Disagree 9 12 17 58.5
No opinion 7 10 8 20.8
There was a significant difference (X2 = 9.3, df = 2, p = 0.01) on the responses on the
appropriateness of the forestry law between the Baka and the Nzime (Figure 5.3.1).
153
70
60
50
Percentage of Respondents (%)
40
Nzime
Baka
30
20
10
0
Agree Disagree No opinion
Figure 5.3.1: Local peoples’ views on whether the forestry law is appropriate among
the ethnic groups in the study area
Corruption and inadequate law enforcement (48.2%) and lack of concern about the local
people’s interest (48.2%) were the main reasons indicated for the disagreement with the
forestry law (Table 5.3.5).
Table 5.3.5: Local people’s reasons for disagreeing with the forestry law in the study
area
Reasons for those who disagree Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
with the law (N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Interest not taking into account 10 12 18 48.2
We are not involved 10 12 18 48.2
Corruption and inadequate law 10 12 18 48.2
enforcement
Lack of ownership limited user 8 9 9 31.3
right
No legal compensation 4 4 8 24.1
mechanism
154
Inadequate law enforcement as noticed from the focus group discussions and field
observation was as a result of the fact that most of the forestry officials in the study area
benefit from bribes paid to them by the logging companies and thus always favor the
concessionaires to the detriment of the local people, especially when negotiating for the
limits of the logging concession over agricultural land. A similar result has also been
reported by other researchers in the rainforest of Cameroon (Nguiffor 1998, CED et al,
2003, Forest Monitor 2001; Ekoko et al, 2002; Global Forest Watch, 2000).
Corruption as noted from field observation and the focus group discussions is due
to the fact that most of the local level politicians (Mayors and Councilors), the forestry
officials as well as some influential elites in the study area exert real powers and use the
powers for their own benefits. Same situation has been documented by Cleuren (2001)
and Forest Monitor (2001). According to Ekoko (1999), corruption in the forest sector in
Cameroon is due to the complexity and the centralized administrative system in which
many administrative institutions are involved in the forest policy. This has led to the
ineffective execution of the forest policy and in most cases the logging firms pay bribes at
all level to keep the business going. Consequently, logging companies do not care about
the livelihoods of the forest dependent communities or the sustainability of their activities
and thus tend to exploit with a goal to maximize profit.
Since the interests of the local people are being undermined by the forestry law
following the non-recognition of their customary rights over the forest resources, the
local people mostly operate or exploit some of the forest resources in ways that
technically illegal, just to sustain livelihood. This is very typical in the study area and has
been reported as well in other areas in the rainforest of Cameroon (Colchester, 2006,
CED et al, 2003).
5.3.2. Local peoples’ benefits from the forestry law
All the local people in the study area accepted that they benefit from the forest law. They
type of benefit received was assessed by household survey. Community forest (100%)
and forest revenue (40.5%) (Forest revenue here includes annual forestry fees and Para-
fiscal compensation) were the most important benefits from the forestry law to the local
people (Table 5.3.6).
155
Table 5.3.6: Local people’s responses of the types of benefit receive from the forestry
law in the study area
Types of Benefit Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Community forest 26 28 30 100
Forest revenue 13 8 13 40.5
Rural development 4 4 8 19
User rights 2 0 9 13.1
Access to forest resources 0 0 3 3.6
Access to forest resources and user rights are the least benefits. It should be noted that the
three communities in the study area have community forests allocated by the state. Also,
as mentioned in chapter two, the forestry law makes provision for forest dependent
communities to benefit from the taxes paid by the concessionaires as forest revenue.
However, the distribution of this forest revenue as been a cause for concern, hence the
reason why only 40.5% of the local people indicated the presence of this benefit. There
was a significant difference in the types of benefits received from the law between the
Nzime and the Baka (X2 = 13.23, df = 1, p = 0.00). Both ethnic groups indicated the
presence of the community forest as benefit from the forestry law, but a significant
number of the Nzime (53.7%) accepted the forest revenue as opposed to only 17.2% of
the Baka (Figure 5.3.2). Employment and rural development projects are also important
benefits to the Nzime while the Baka have not received any such benefits.
156
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Employment Forest revenue User rights Community forest Access to forest Rural development
resources
Figure 5.3.2: Ethnic groups’ responses of the types of benefits received from the
forestry law in the study area
The perception of the local people towards these benefits revealed that 75% of the local
people had a negative perception towards the benefits (Figure 5.3.3) while 25% had a
positive perception.
157
90
80
70
60
50
Positive
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Figure 5.3.3: Local people’s perception towards the benefits received from the
From field observation, those that had positive perception were those that had direct
benefit or a member of their household. Such direct benefits included employment in the
logging companies or involved in some rural development project. There was no
significant difference (X2 = 0.843, df = 2, p = 0.67) of perception of the benefit from the
law between the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.3.4).
90
80
70
60
50
Positive
Negative
40
30
20
10
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.3.4: The perception of the ethnic groups of the benefits received from the
158
Corruption, mismanagement and embezzlement, lack of cooperation with the state were
the most significant reasons of the negative perception as indicated by the local people
(Table 5.3.7).
Table 5.3.7: Local people’s reasons for negative perception toward the benefits
received from the forestry law in the study area
Reasons for negative perception Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Corruption 26 28 30 100
Mismanagement 26 28 30 100
Lack of cooperation with the 19 22 25 79.5
state
No control and follow up 11 20 28 70.2
Tribalism 19 11 13 51.2
This evidence is supported by the focus group discussions which it was alleged that most
of the forest revenue paid to the local councils is being embezzled by the municipal
council authorities and influential village elites. This situation was highly observed in
Bapile and has created tension and division in the village. Tribalism as a reason for
negative perception was not very significant (51.2%) in the study area but was very
significant when compares the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.3.5).
159
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Corruption Mismanagement Tribalism No control and follow up Lack of cooperation
Figure 5.3.5: Ethnic groups’ reasons for the negative perception towards the
From the focus group discussion and field observation, the distribution of forest benefits
to the local people in the study area has created much tension. Similar findings has also
been documented by some researchers in CIFOR Cameroon (Oyono, 2003; 2004,
Assembe, 2003;; 2005; Kouna, 2001; Fomete, 2001; Bigombe, 2003; Oyono et al 2006
and Diaw et al, 1998).
5.3.3. Local peoples’ benefits from protected area

A significant number of the respondents (76.2%) indicated that they benefit from the
protected area (Table 5.3 8).
Table 5.3.8: Local peoples’ opinions about the benefits provided by the protected
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Benefit 22 (84.6%) 19 (67%) 23 (76.7%) 76.2
No benefit 4 (15.4%) 9 (32.1%) 7 (23.3%) 23.8
160
There was no significant difference (X2=1.47, df= 2, p=0.48) in views of the benefits
from the protected area between the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.3.6).
90
80
70
Percentageof respondents(%)
60
50
Benefit
No benefit
40
30
20
10
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.3.6: Ethnic groups’ opinion about the benefits provided by the protected
Conservation (76.2%) and income from tourists (28.6%) were the benefits local people
perceived the most from protected area (Table 5.3.9) from my observation could be seen
as indirect benefits since conservation by the local people means protecting some
important wildlife species with cultural significant from extinction. Only 22.6% of the
respondents indicated benefits in the form of access to resources and 6% indicated
employment benefit from protected area. Employment benefit was relatively high in
Djenou (10.7%) and very low in Bapile (3.8%) and Eschiambor (3.3%).
Table 5.3.9: Local peoples’ responses on the types of benefit receive from the logging
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Employment 5 11 10 31
Others(Gifts) 7 10 7 28.6
Access to resources 2 4 6 14.1
Rural development 3 1 0 4.8
Access to resources in the protected area as perceived benefits was high in Bapile
(26.9%) and Djenou (25%) than in Eschiambor (16.7%). This is because these two
161
villages are very close to the protected area (about 5-10km) than Eschiambor (20-30km).
Income and gifts from tourists were considered as direct benefits and more appreciable
since they go directly to the concerned household member.
According to Parry and Campbell (1992), perceived benefits from protected areas
were mainly based on utilitarian aspects. Utilitarian benefits were the most perceived
benefits by the local people in the Benoue Wildlife Conservation Area in North
Cameroon (Weladji, 1998). This result is different from those of the study area where the
most perceived benefit was based on ecological aspect (conservation). Benefits from
protected area should comprise of both utilitarian and other positive effects protected
might have on local people. There was no significant difference of the perceived benefits
from the protected area between the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.3.7).
90
80
70
60
50
Nzime
Baka
40
30
20
10
0
Conservation Employment Access to resources Income from Tourists
Figure 5.3.7: Ethnic groups’ responses about the benefit received from the protected
area
The local people awareness and interest on conservation was very remarkable in the study
area. From the focus group discussions we were told that this notion of conservation was
brought to them by IUCN wildlife project in the Dja reserve in the late 80s. Today the
Ecofac project has greatly intensify control in the Dja reserve especially concerning
hunting although collection of non timber forest products are sometime restricted by the
Ecofac guards. In my observation from the field, this intense control is to reduce the
162
opportunity for the local people to use the protected area as an alternate source of
livelihood since their livelihood is been threatening by the presence of the logging
concessions. In the 80s the local people could conserve biodiversity since there were no
logging concessions that restrict their access to forest resources (open access situation).
Today, with increase in population, the presence of logging concessions and increased
control and monitoring in the protected area, the local people especially the Baka are
caught in a dilemma and find it difficult to improve their livelihoods.
5.3.4. Local peoples’ benefits from the logging companies

A relatively significant number of the respondents (Table 5.3.10) indicated that they
benefit from the logging companies (47.6%). A significant proportion of the respondents
in Djenou (57.1%) confirmed that they benefits from the logging companies compared to
Eschiambor (46.7%) and Bapile (38.5%).
Table 5.3.10: Local peoples’ opinions about the benefits provided by the logging
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Benefit 10 (38.5%) 16 (57.1%) 14 (46.7%) 47.6
No benefit 16 (61.5%) 12 (42.9%) 16 (53.3%) 52.4
There was no significant difference in views about the benefits from the logging
companies (X2=1.75, df=2, p =0.42) between the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.3.8).
163
70
60
50
percentage of respondents (%)
40
Benefit
No benefit
30
20
10
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.3.8: Ethnic groups’ opinions about the benefits provided by the logging
Employment (31%) and gifts (28.6%) were the most perceived benefits from the logging
companies (Table 5.3.11). Employment was higher in Djenou (39.3%) and Eschiambor
(33.3%) than in Bapile (19.2%).
Table 5.3.11: Local peoples’ responses on types of benefit receive from the logging
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Employment 5 11 10 31
Others(Gifts) 7 10 7 28.6
Access to resources 2 4 6 14.1
Rural development 3 1 0 4.8
From the focus group discussion it was observed that the people from Bapile have
had a series of aggressive confrontations and harassment with the logging companies
which could be the reason of the logging companies not comfortable to employ people
from there. Forest revenue (20.2%) was also mentioned as a benefit from the logging
companies. It should be recalled that most of the local people in the study area are aware
of the forest revenue distributed to the local councils but the management of this money
164
is a call for concern. The distribution of gifts was perceived as direct benefits. Most often,
at the end of the year the logging companies usually distribute some basic household
needs (rice, soap, kerosene, and cooking oil) to the local people in the study area. Similar
evidence has also been reported in the rainforest of the southern part of Cameroon
(Samndong, 2007; Lescuyer, 2003).The local people views of benefit related to rural
development from the logging companies is very insignificant (4.8%). Access to forest
resources within the concessions as perceived benefits was higher in Eschiambor (20%)
than in Djenou (14.3%) and Bapile (7.7%).
There was a significant difference (X2 = 7.53, df =1, p = 0.006) in views of the
benefits receive from the logging companies between the Nzime and Baka in the study
area (Figure 5.3.9). While most of the Baka mentioned gifts (44.8%) as perceived
benefits, most of the Nzime mentioned employment as perceived benefit from the logging
companies. None of the Baka is employed in the logging companies and only 3.4%
indicated forest revenue as benefit from logging companies.
60
50
40
percentage of respndents
Nzime
30
Baka
20
10
0
Employment Access to resources Forest revenue Rural development Gifts
Figure 5.3.9: Ethnic groups’ responses on the types of benefit received from the
logging companies in the study area
165
For those who mentioned that they benefits from the logging companies, 26.2% had
negative perception about the benefits while 21.4% had positive perception (Table
5.3.12).
Table 5.3.12: Local peoples’ perception toward the benefits received from the
logging companies in the study area
perception Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

Positive 3 (11.5%) 7 (25%) 8 (26.7%) 21.4
Negative 7 (26.9%) 9 (32.1%) 6 (20%) 26.2
The positive perception comes from those households whose members are employed in
the logging companies. From the focus group discussion most of the local people where
not happy or felt dissatisfied with the benefits they receive from the logging companies.
They believe that the logging companies could contribute more in many rural
development projects (construction of schools, health care centers, water supply) and not
only construct roads that are useful to them. Other benefit which the local people
mentioned as important to their livelihoods is their access to forest resources within the
logging concessions. Today this access is restricted in most area in the concession
especially for hunting.
There was a significant difference (X2=10.46, df=2, p= 0.03) in the perception of the
benefits between the Baka and Nzime. Whereas most of the Nzime had a positive to
perception (31.5%) most of the Baka had a negative perception (37.9%) (Figure 5.3.10).
166
40
35
30
25
Positive
20
Negative
15
10
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.3.10: Ethnic groups’ perception toward the benefits received from the
logging companies
The head of the Baka community in Bapile told us in the focus group discussion that they
are usually excluded from most benefits because of their level of education interactions
with the external communities. Lack of cooperation with the logging companies (25.3%)
and corruption (22%) were the most important reasons mentioned by the local people for
their negative perception toward the benefits from logging companies (Table 5.3.13).
Table 5.3.13: Local peoples’ responses of the reason of their negative perception
toward the benefits received from the logging companies
Reasons Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Lack of cooperation with the 6 8 7 25.3
logging companies
Corruption 5 6 7 22
No control and follow up 3 1 2 7.2
167
5.3.5. Local people’s participation in forest exploitation and management
A significant number of respondents (98.8%) indicated that they were involved in forest
exploitation and management (Table 5.3.14).
Table 5.3.14: Local people’s views about their involvement in forest exploitation and
management in the study area
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Involvement 26 27 30 98.8
Not involvement 0 1 0 1.2
This situation is similar to other research carried out in this same study area (Oyono,
2005, 2004; Assembe, 2005; Mbile et al, 2007). Among those who agreed that they were
involved, 79.8% were involved in illegal exploitation by implementing their user rights
over restricted areas. All the villages in the study area have community forest and 75% of
the respondents were involved in forest exploitation and management through the
community forest (Table 5.3.15).
Table 5.3.15: Local people’s views about their types of involvement in forest
exploitation and management in the study area
Types of involvement Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)

(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
User rights (illegal) 19 20 28 79.8
Community forest 25 14 24 75
Involvement in current 0 0 4 4.8
activities
Others 0 0 0 0
Employment (31.3%) was also mentioned by the respondents as another type of

involvement in forest exploitation. This type of involvement was not significantly
different between the Baka and the Nzime. The willingness of the local people to
participate in forest exploitation and management was significantly high (82.1%) in the
study area (Table 5.3.16).
168
Table 5.3.16: Local people willingness to participate in forest exploitation and

(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Willingness to participate 23 20 26 82.1
Not willing to participate 3 7 4 16.7
The only reasons given by those who could not participate (16.7%) were the fact that they
were old and some women stressed that it was a male gender specific activity. There was
a significant difference (X2 = 9.63, df = 2, p = 0.008) in the willingness to participate
between the Baka and the Nzime (Figure 5.3.11).
120
100
80
willingness to participate
60
Not willing to participate
40
20
0
Nzime Baka
Figure 5.3.11: Ethnic groups’ willingness to participate in forest exploitation and

The willingness to participate in forest exploitation and management in the study area has
also been reported by CIFOR researchers in Cameroon (Oyono 2004, 2006; Assembe
2006 and Oyono and Assembe 2004). These major ways of participation were stressed by
those who were favorable to it (Table 5.3.17).
169
Table 5.3.17: Local peoples’ views about how they will like to participate in forest
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Involvement in current activities 1 0 7 9.5
Put some concession under our 0 0 2 2.4
control
Most local people would like to participate as employee (76.2%) while (9.5%) would like
to be involved in current activities such as control, monitoring, mapping and inventory.
All of the Baka (100%) indicated that they would like to participate as employee (Figure
5.3.12).
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Employment Involvement in current activities put some concessions under our control
Figure 5.3.12: Ethnic groups’ views about how they will like to participate in forest
Amongst those who are willing to participate in forest exploitation and management,
(46.4%) of the respondents had a negative perception towards the forestry law with
regards to forest exploitation and management while 39.3% had a positive perception
(Table 5.3.18).
170
Table 5.3.18: Local peoples’ perception toward the forestry law on their
participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area
Perception Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Positive 14 7 12 39.3
Negative 9 17 13 46.4
However, 14.3% of the respondents had no opinion as regards the perception towards the
law on participation. There was a significant difference (X2 = 9.23, df = 2, p = 0.01) in
perception towards the law on participation between the Baka and Nzime. From the
survey, 69% of the Baka had negative perception while 49.1% of the Nzime had positive
perception (Figure 5.3.13).
80
70
60
Percentage of respondents
50
Nzime
40
Baka
30
20
10
0
Positive Negative No opinion
Figure 5.3.13: Ethnic groups’ perception toward the forestry law on their
participation in forest exploitation and management in the study area
Three main reasons were stressed by the respondents for their negative perception
towards the law on participation (Table 5.3.19). These included corruption (32.1%),
restricted user rights (25%) and lack of cooperation with the state (23.8%).
171
Table 5.3.19: Local peoples’ reasons for their negative perception toward the
forestry law on their participation in forest exploitation and management in the
study area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Restricted user rights 5 9 7 25
No cooperation with the state 2 9 9 23.8
Tribalism 3 6 2 13.1
Inadequate law enforcement 1 2 6 10.7
Corruption and lack of transparency have been mentioned as the major setbacks in The
Kongo community forest management, a village situated 10km away from Eschiambor
(Assembe, 2003; Oyono 2004; Oyono et al, 2006). The negative perception was quite
evident within the Baka community as opposed to the Nzime within the study area
(Figure 5.3.14).
60
50
40
Nzime
30
Baka
20
10
0
corruption tribalising inadequate law restricted user rights No cooperation with the
enforcement state
Figure 5.3.14: Ethnic groups’ reasons for their negative perception toward the
forestry law on their participation in forest exploitation and management in the
study area
172
Fifty seven percent of the Baka mentioned the restricted user right as the major reason for
the negative perception towards the law on participation. Some of the Baka also
mentioned corruption (44.8%) and lack of cooperation with the state (41.4%). Most
important was the fact that 31% of the Baka mentioned tribalism as a reason for their
negative perception towards the law on participation. This finding was supported by the
focus group discussions in which the Baka noted that they are being marginalized and
highly undermined in participating in the community forest activities and other forest
exploitation activities in the area. They are never given the same opportunity like the
Nzime. This discriminatory attitude has also been recorded in this study area at an earlier
stage (Nguiffor 1998, CED et al, 2003; Forest monitor et al, 2001; Oyono, 2004).
Despite the fact that all the studied communities in the study area have community
forest, a significant number of the respondents (47.6%) accepted that it was not difficult
for them to manage the community forest while 45.2% of the respondents acknowledged
that it was difficult for them to manage the community forest (Table 5.3.20).
Table 5.3.20: Local peoples’ views to whether it is difficult for them to manage a
community forest in the study area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Agree 13 14 13 47.6
Disagree 13 12 13 45.2
From the focus group discussion and field observation, the majority of the local people
mentioned that it was difficult for them to manage the community forest. This is why
Djenou and Bapile have not yet effectively commenced any viable management plan and
exploitation of their community forests.
Nevertheless, the local people will preferably manage their community forest with
the help of elected village committee (70.2%) while 33.3% prefer to lease the
community forest to a well qualify management team usually a logging company or NGO
(Table 5.3.21).
173
Table 5.3.21: Local peoples’ management strategy of their community forests
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Planning and management by 18 18 23 70.2
elected village committee
Leased to a management team 10 11 7 33.3
(NGO)
Planning and management by 1 2 0 3.6
appointed local committee
Planning and management 0 0 2 2.4
responsibility to village chiefs
Planning and management with 1 1 0 2.4
assistance from the forestry
administration
Only 2.4% of the respondents prefer the management of the community forest with in
collaboration with forestry administration. This confirmed the idea that local people are
well prepared to manage a community forest. In reality, it is an expensive business that
needs good infrastructures and qualified personnel which are not always available in
these communities. The difficulty for them to management the community forest as
revealed by the local people in the focus group discussions was the lack of capital and
good infrastructures. It should be noted that most planning and management of
community forests in the rainforest of Cameroon has been done with the assistance for
NGOs though the local people need to organize a management committee acting as a
legal entity as prescribed in the forest legislation. Usually these committees are elected or
appointed by the villagers but the democratic aspect of this process is usually not
transparent and is most often influenced by prominent elites to protect their interests
(Mbile et al, 2007; Brown et al, 2007; Oyono et al, 2006, Assembe, 2006, Bigombe,
2005; Oyono 2004; WWF, 2006). Since it difficult for the local people to manage the
community forest due to lack of capital and infrastructures, most often the elected
management committee sell exploitation rights to local and national timber operators and
sometimes to the logging companies. This was evident in the Eschiambor, where the
president of the management committee told us that they usually sell exploitation rights
to some logging operators who then exploit the forest with their infrastructures (Lucas
mill). The volume and types of timber species to be exploited is specified in the
exploitation rights. This situation has also been recorded in Bapile where some members
174
of the management committee illegally sold exploitation rights to one prominent business
magnet (Abong Mbang Express) who exploited the forest illegally without any
management plan (Lewis, 2007).
When it comes to what the generated income will be used for, the following
answers were given (Table 5.3.22). Ninety four percent of the respondents wanted the
generated benefits to be invested in rural development while only 29.8% wanted it to be
shared among the households. Sharing of the generated income among households was
common in Eschiambor (46.7%).
Table 5.3.22: Local people’s strategy for the management of the generated income of
the community forest in the study area
(N=26) (N=28) (N=30)
Invest in rural development 24 27 28 94
Save money to solve up coming 14 14 19 58.2
problems
Share benefits among household 5 6 14 29.8
Others 0 0 2 2.4
The Baka community in Eschiambor testified to us that they do not receive any income
from the community forest. This implies that this income is shared among the Nzime
households. The reaction to invest the generated benefits in rural development is not
surprising since none of these communities in the study are has adequate social
infrastructures such as health centers, proper schools, water supply and electricity. These
services were supposed to be the responsibility of the state, but most of these
communities through their development committees, are trying to claim or to initiate
some development investments by themselves. There is a need of capital if the local
communities rather than the state should do such investments. That is why they will like
to have such income and invest in their communities. On the other hand, the state should
try to provide communities with these services. Such action might ameliorate the attitude
and perception of local people toward the forestry law and logging companies. From the
focus group discussions and field observation, it was alleged that most of the income
generated from the community forest were misappropriated by some influential elites in
the management communities. This situation was quite evident in the management of
175
generated income from Kongo community forest beside the study area (Assembe, 2006;
Oyono et al, 2006).
5.3.6. Summary
The local people are strongly aware on their user rights over forest resources but in
practice they do implement these rights illegally from the face of the forest law. They
exercise their user rights based of their customary law creating a dual legal system over
forest resources. Their main reason for implementing these rights illegal is the presence
of the logging concessions. The new forestry law also has a fundamental setback for the
local people to exercise their customary rights over forest resources. Corruption was
mentioned as the main fundamental factor affecting the appropriateness of the law.
Community forest was the most important benefits the local people confirmed from the
forestry law. The most important benefit, the local people confirmed received from the
protected area was conservation. The local people testified that they don’t benefit much
from the logging companies. The most important benefit from the logging companies
were, employment and gifts. None of the Baka was employed in the logging company but
they usually received gifts from the logging companies during the end of the year. The
local people who accepted that they benefits from the logging companies had a negative
perception toward these benefits. The local people are illegally involved in forest
exploitation and management. They are willing to exploit and manage their community
forest but lack capital and good infrastructures. Their management strategy of the
community forest is impacted by corruption and highly influential elites who usually seek
to protect their individual’s interests. The local people had a negative perception of the
forestry law toward their participation in forest exploitation and management.
176
5.4. Formalization of customary rights over forest resources and
suggestions on policy improvement
This section is divided into two subsections. This first subsection presents local people
views on how to claim their customary rights over forest resources seen in relation to that
of the state legislation. The second subsection presents and discusses local people’s
suggestion for improving the forest policy and their cooperation with the state.
5.4.1. Local people ways in formalising their customary rights

The limited access to forest resources is seen as the major problem faced by local people
relative to the forest resources uses. In view on assessing how the local people claim their
customary rights, all respondents in the study area confirmed that the state is aware of
their existence. From the survey, 81% of the respondents confirmed that being involved
in illegal activities is the most important means of claiming their customary rights in
relation to that of state legislation (Table 5.4.1). Sixty nine percent of the local people
mentioned their local political institutions as another important channel to claim or
formalise their customary rights over forest resources.
Table 5.4.1: Local people’s views on how to regularize their customary law over
forest resources to that of the state legislation
Views Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Involved in illegal activities 19 25 24 81
Political institution 20 16 22 69
Assistance from NGOs 12 15 13 47.6
Traditional institution 11 11 18 47.6
Community based organization 6 6 4 19
These political institutions include village chairman, elected local village council and
radical movement groups (organise peaceful demonstration, strike action, harassment to
logging companies). These political institutions were paramount in Bapile (76.9%) and
Eschaimbor (73.3%) respectively. From the focus group discussions, most of the local
people mentioned that these political institutions are sometimes influenced from its
objectives by some top prominent elites in the study area. Assistance from NGOs and the
tradition institutions are also possible ways the local people use to formalise their
177
customary rights to forest resources. Most of the traditional institutions are also highly
influenced by these prominent elites in the study which make it weak to protect and
secure local people customary rights. This situation is quite different to that of the
western highland of Cameroon where the traditional institutions are very strong in
protecting and securing local people customary rights to resources (Fotso, 2006, Asanga,
2004). In this part of the country the traditional institutions are very difficult to be
influenced by politicians and prominent elites and their rules are highly respected by the
local people. NGOs activities in the study area have been quite remarkable in securing
local people customary rights over forest resources though these NGOs operate under
different ojectives (WWF, Rainforest Foundation, Forest People Program and CED).
Since 2000 these NGOs, especially Rainforest Foundation UK and Forest People
Program have carried out projects to help secure local people user rights over forest
resources which have generated some positive results (Lewis, 2007; Nelson, 2007;
Alison, 2007). There was a significant difference (X2=89.32, df=4, p=0.00) in views on
how to claim their customary law in relations to that of state legislation between the
Nzime and Baka in the study area (Figure 5.4.1).
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Traditional institution Political institution Community based Involved in illegal Assistance from NGOs
organization activities
Figure 5.4.1: Ethnic group’s views on how to regularise their customary rights to
forest resources to that of state legislation
178
Ninety six percent of the Baka confirmed that involved in illegal activity is the only way
to claim their customary rights to forest resources while 88.9% of the Nzime mentioned
the local political institutions as the important means to protect and secure their
customary rights to forest resources. A significant number of the Baka made mentioned
of the assistance of the NGOs (93.1%) as another important channel to protect and secure
their customary rights to forest resources. These results confirm the fact that the Baka
depend solely on the forest for their livelihoods and their lifestyle is deeply rooted in the
forest compared to the Nzime who are mostly agriculturalists.
The presence of the logging concessions (77.4%) and sanctions from local forest
officials (71.1%) where the two main problems affecting local people customary rights
(Table 5.4.2).
Table 5.4.2: Local people’s views on the main problems affecting their customary
rights over forest resources
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Presence of logging concessions 20 24 21 77.4
Sanction from local forest officials 21 26 12 71.1
Presence of protected area 14 14 4 38.1
No legal compensation mechanism 8 8 10 31
Lack of law enforcement 4 3 6 15.5
Some of the respondents mentioned the presence of the protected area (38.1%) as a
problem affecting their customary rights. This view was significant in Bapile (53.8%) and
Djenou (50%) and was less important in Eschiambor (13.3%). The main reason was that
Bapile and Djenou were 5-10km away from the protected area whereas Eshiambor is
about 25-30km away from the protected area. Moreover, the activity of the Ecofac project
is very intense in Bapile and Djenou.
179
120
100
80
Nzime
60
Baka
40
20
0
Sanction from local Corruption Presence of logging Presence of Lack of law No legal
forest officials concessions protected area enforcement compensation
mechanism
Figure 5.4.2: Ethnic group’s views on the main problem affecting their customary
rights in the study area
There was some variation in views between the Nzime and Baka (Figure 5.4.2). One
hundred percent of the Baka view sanction from local forest officials and the presence of
the logging concessions (86.2%) as the main problems affecting their customary rights.
The presence of the logging concessions was an important hindrance to the Nzime
(74.1%). The reason for this different is that since the Nzime livelihoods depend on
agricultural activity, they will need more land which is now occupied by the logging
concessions hence they cannot practice their traditional farming methods (shifting
cultivation and bush fallowing). On the other hand the since the Baka rely solely on the
forest for their livelihood they faces pressure from the local forest officials in during
hunting and collection of NTFPs. The Baka also view the protected area as an impact on
their customary rights. A similar result has been documented in the Southeast of
Cameroon where the Baka around the Dja reserve, Boumba-Bek and Nki national parks
view the protected area as a threat to their customary rights (CED, 2008; Nelson, 2007).
Other studies have confirmed the recognition of the Bagyeli Pygmies customary rights to
access and use of the park according to their traditional lifestyle in the government forest
management plan in the Campo Ma’an national park (CED, 2008).
180
4.5.2. Policy suggestions from local people
Local people suggested several options for possible changes that have to be brought into
the current forest policy in order to improve it for the well-being of the local people and
the state. Seventy five percent of the respondents would like the state to increase access
and user rights to forest resources (Table 5.4.3).
Table 5.4.3: Local people’s suggestion for policy improvement
suggestions Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Increase user rights and access to 20 22 21 75
resources
Direct benefits 18 22 22 73.8
Reduce the size of logging 21 19 21 72.6
concessions
Conflict management 13 11 12 42
Improve compensation mechanism 9 12 12 39.3
Seventy four percent of the respondents would like to see their communities benefiting
directly from income generated from timber exploitation while 72.6% of the respondents
wanted the size of the logging concessions to be reduced because non-timber forest
products around their communities are becoming scarce. Conflict management
mechanism (42%) and improve compensation mechanism (39.3%) were also other
important suggestion made by the respondents. Most of these conflicts are witnessed
between the local people and the concessionaires when defining the limits of the
concessions and access to forest resources within the concessions. Conflicts between the
local people and the local forest officials including the Ecofac guards are very prominent
and frequent the study area.
None of the Baka mentioned conflict management mechanism as a policy suggestion for
improvement (Figure 5.4.3). A significant number of the Baka demanded an increase in
access and user rights to resources (72.4%) and the reduction of the size of the logging
concessions (72.4%) as possible suggestion for policy improvement. This result also
confirms that the Baka are typical forest dwellers and need more access and user rights to
the forest and its resources.
181
90
80
70
60
50
Nzime
Baka
40
30
20
10
0
Increase user rights Improve conflict reduce the size of Direct benefits No opinion
and access to compensation management logging concessions
resources mechanism
Figure 5.4.3: Ethnic group’s suggestion for policy improvement
Whereas 83.3% of the Nzime wanted their communities to benefit directly from income
generated from timber exploitation. The importance for local communities to benefit
directly from income generated from timber exploitation has also been emphasized in
other reports from the rainforest of Cameroon (Oyono, 2004; Bigombe, 2006; Bigombe
and Dabire, 2003).
Since user rights and access to forest resources were the main problem affecting local
people livelihood in the study area, the local people made suggestions on some
possibilities to improve the situation from the household survey (Table 5.4.4). Eight two
percent of the respondents wanted free access to resources while 71.4% of the
respondents wanted the size of the logging concessions to be reduced as a means to
improve access to resources.
182
Table 5.4.4: Local people’s suggestion to problem of user-rights and access to
resources
suggestions Bapile Djenou Eschiambor Total (%)
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Free access to resources 21 23 25 82.1
Reduce the size of logging 17 20 23 71.4
concessions
Alternative source of livelihood 13 23 21 67.9
Sensitization 8 11 13 38.1
Effective law enforcement and 8 10 14 38.1
combat corruption
Alternative sources of livelihood (67.9%) was also mentioned by the respondents. This
suggestion was highly recorded in the Djenou (82.1%) and Eschiambor (70%) as a
solution to the problem of access and user rights to resources. Most of the respondents in
these communities mentioned animal husbandry, creation of palm plantation and cash
crop plantation as alternative source of livelihood. This is because these activities are
relatively easy to be achieved in the study area and could easily improve their livelihoods.
100
90
80
70
60
Nzime
50
Baka
40
30
20
10
0
Sensitization Free access to Reduce the size of Effective law Alternative source No opinion
resources logging concessions enforcement and of livelihood
combat corruption
183
Figure 5.4.4: Ethnic group suggestion to problems of user rights and access to
resources
None of the Baka thought of sensitization as a solution to the problem of user rights and
access to resources (Figure 5.4.4).While sensitization (59.3%) and effective law
enforcement (55.6%) were quite important suggestion mentioned by the Nzime to
improve access and user rights to resources in the study area.
5.4.3. Local people’s suggestion for the improvement of their cooperation with the
state and logging companies
The relationship between the local people and other forest users (state and logging
companies) has been one of the underlying problems in the study area. In the household
survey, local people were asked to suggest possible ways to improve their cooperation
with the state and logging companies (Table 5.4.5).
Table 5.4.5: Local people’s suggestion to improve their cooperation with the state
and logging companies
(N=26) (N=27) (N=30)
Involved in decision making 16 21 25 73.8
Free access to resources 18 22 22 73.8
Aids and subsidies 19 21 21 72.6
Information and sensitization 11 11 15 44
Fight corruption 5 6 5 19
Free access to resources (73.8%) and involved in decision making (73.8%) where the
most important suggestion made by the local people to improve their cooperation with the
state and logging companies. A significant number of the respondents (72.6%) mentioned
aid (technical support) and subsidies to agriculture activity as factors that could improve
their cooperation with the state and logging companies. Employment (45.2%) and
communication and sensitization (44%) were also important suggestion mentioned by the
respondents. Communication and sensitization (3.4%) was not important to the Baka as a
means to improve their cooperation with the state (Figure 5.4.5). In my observation,
creating employment of the youths in the study area will help minimizes their grievances
184
with the state and logging companies. Effective communication and sensitization in
which the local people are well educated about the new forestry law and its
implementation and the various activities of the logging companies will improve their
cooperation with the state and the logging companies.
90
80
70
60
50
Nzime
Baka
40
30
20
10
0
Aids and Information Compensation Free access to Fight Involved in Employment No opinion
Subsidies and resources corruption decision
sensitization making
Figure 5.4.5: Ethnic group’s suggestion to improve their cooperation with the state
and logging companies
The Baka thought free access to resources (79.3%) will improve their cooperation with
the state and logging companies where as, 83.3% of the Nzime believe to be involved in
decision making will improve their cooperation with the state.
Taking into account the views of the local people it appears that the current forest policy
is fairly good but lack consideration of local people customary rights and need
improvement and should be strictly enforced. Part of the income should be invested in
these communities and measures should be taken so as to ameliorate the relationship
185
between users and to reduce conflict between users. A new policy involving local people
and the use of existing local institutions should be set up and implemented.
Local people are almost bound to illegal activities because there is no legal and
affordable framework for local people to have access to forest resources The illegal
activities in this context is seen is relation to the state law and not their customary law.
Local people have their cultural beliefs and traditional practices especially the Baka
related to the use of forest resources. These beliefs and practices should be taken into
consideration when setting up a new policy.
In order to involved local people, the existing local institutions might be useful.
Understanding the existing local institutions will need a model that incorporates both the
existing local institutions of the Nzime and Baka. Unfortunately, these local institutions
are often in opposition with the existing state legislation in the study area. There are
nevertheless possibilities for communication and sensitization especially once the
existing local institutions (customary laws) are understood. Also, local people are willing
to cooperate with external bodies such as NGOs.
Based on Pretty’s (1997), typology of participation, passive participation and
participation by consultancy have been the most used in the area to involved the local
people and the current forest policy have been established based on such approaches. If
forest resources are to be kept for the future generation, interactive participation and self
mobilization are more appropriate.
5.4.4. Summary
The lack of general access to forest resources is the major problem faced by the local
people in the study area. Apart from this sanction from local forest officials and the
presence of the logging concessions great affect local people for exercising their
customary rights. Being involved in illegal activities is the only way the local use to
exercise their customary rights over forest resources in the study area. Though local
political institutions and the traditional institutions their objectives are mostly influenced
the prominent elites in the study area. In recent years the presence of many International
and national NGOs in the study area have greatly contribute to protect and secured the
customary rights of the local people. Field observations also revealed that most of the
186
local forest officials, municipal authorities and some prominent elites in the study area
are not very happy with the activities of the NGOs and most often react antagonistically
to these contributions in favor for their interests.
Among the policy suggestions made by the local people, direct benefit from forest
exploitation and reduction of the size of the logging concessions were the most
appropriate by the local people. Most of the local people also wanted free access to
resources and alternative sources of livelihood as solution to the problem of access and
user rights in the study area. The local people believe that free access to resources and
being involved in decision making concerning the forest resources will go a long way to
improve their cooperation with other forest users in the study area.
187
CHAPTER SIX – CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.1. Conclusion
The main theme of this research was to examine and analyze traditional ways of using the
forest under the new forest law of Cameroon and how local people participate and benefit
from the use of the forests, their relationship with other actors and how local people strive
to secure their customary rights over forest resources.
Using the livelihoods framework and Sen’s Entitlement and endowment approach, the
socio-economic aspects and the livelihood activities of the local people in three
communities of Lomie sub-division of the rainforest of Cameroon have been analyzed.
The study revealed that the main resource endowments in the study area are land, labor
and forest. Land and labor are used for agriculture. Access to land is free; labor is
provided by household and for the Nzime also hired from Baka camps. Different
households in these communities face a number of constraints and experience different
types of endowment and entitlement failures. There are endowment failures linked to
access to forest and its resources.
The forest and its resources constituted the foundation of local people’s subsistence and
economic activities. Agriculture and the collection of non-timber forest products
(NTFPs) represent the most widely practiced activities, each engaging over 95% of the
households in the study area. Hunting and fishing are the third and fourth most widely
practiced activities, reported by more than three-quarter of the sample populations. The
Nzime are more involved in agriculture while the Baka are more involved in collection
on NTFPs and hunting. Household involvements in other activities such as artisanal
work, commerce, traditional medicine and temporary jobs and off farm activities further
illustrate their dependence on natural resources. Principal crops produced by the
households include cassava, maize and cucumber (egusi) and plantain. Some households
are involved in cash crop production such as cocoa. The principal products collected from
the forest include Eru (Gnetum africanum), Njansang (Ricinodendron hendelotti), Bush
mangoes (Irvingia gabonensis), Maobi (Baillonella toxisperma), Bush species and
medicinal plants. The principal species hunted includes Hare, Rats, Porcupine, Duiker
188
and monkeys while Silure (channa obscurus), Carpe (matapterururs electricus) and
Shrimps were the main fishing species.
In terms of income generation, 90% of households identified agriculture as the principal
source of income among their five principal sources of earnings. Non timber forest
products represented the second most important income source of earnings. Hunting
constituted a significant source of income while fishing constituted a supplementary
source of income in the households. Another important source of income of the
households is the non-farm activities. Though not a significant number of households
were involved in non farm activity, it accounted for the largest annual gross output value
(GOV) of the study area. The highest GOV comes from Eschiambor and Bapile since
possibilities of non farm activities are very high in these communities (present
exploitation of the community forest, more people employed in the logging and mining
companies, and more trade). Income from agriculture, land size, income from NTFPs,
hunting distance and income from off farm activity were the main sources of variation
related to the annual gross output value (GOV). Ethnicity was an important variable in
the analysis but was not, insignificant in the source of variation of the GOV. This could
be due to that fact that both ethnic groups are involved in all livelihood activities but the
income generated from these activities by the Baka are smaller compared to the Nzime.
Key constraints to improve livelihoods were the present and the limit of logging
concessions, wildlife damages and pests. The forest legislation was also identified as a
major constraint on the collection of NTFPs and hunting. Due to these constraints and
other external factors such as the imperfect markets for local crops, transport limitation,
the relative remoteness of the area, there is a situation of massive entitlements and
exchange failures and resulted to decreased production. Production is further hindered by
inadequate access to appropriate implements as well as technical capacity necessary to
increase yields, combat plant diseases and control destruction of crops by wild animals.
Local perceived changes are the decreasing availability of NTFPs and wildlife species
primarily linked to the transformation of the forest by logging and increase
commercialization. There is also currently restriction on the exploitation of some NTFPs,
hunting of some wildlife species and hunting within certain zones in the areas. In face of
these constraints the local people adapt differently. There is a diversification process
189
taking place both in term of crop types (seasonality) and in terms of activity types due to
these constraints hence most household are involved in non farm activity and exploit the
forest illegally. The presence of a high income group and a low income group couple
with a more powerful ethnic group to a marginalized ethnic group in terms of decision-
making has created social differentiation in the area.
Exploring the institutional and participatory approaches, the relationship and perception
of the local people toward other forest users, actors or agents has created some tension
and local level conflicts. Most important of this, is the relationship and perception
towards the logging companies, the state and protected area. The findings indicate that
88% of the local people indicated a negative relationship towards the logging companies
The main reasons for their negative relationship with logging companies is the impact of
the logging activity on NTFPs although limited access, restricted user rights within the
logging concessions were also important. Conflicts always arise when the local people
are contesting the limit of the logging concessions. Seventy eight percent of the local
people confirmed a negative relationship towards the state due to limited access to forest
resources and restricted user rights; corruption and inadequate law enforcement and the
presence of conflicting dual legal stand (legal pluralism). The findings also indicate that
67% of the local people had a negative relationship towards the Dja reserve due, presence
of Ecofac guards and wildlife damage but this negative relationship did not influence
their perception toward the Dja reserve as 77% had a positive perception towards the Dja
reserve for conservation and cultural reasons.
We also noticed that the relationship varies between the ethnic groups due to the variation
of their livelihood strategy and land use pattern. Since the Baka are more involved in
hunting and collection of non timber forest products they are heavily affected by the
presence of the logging companies and their activities, the Ecofac guards and the
presence of the local forest officers. The situation is slightly different with the Nzime
since there are more involved in agriculture and off-farm activities.
The local people are strongly convinced about their user rights over forest
resources and a significant number (94%) agree they have usufruct rights to forest
resources but 85% indicated they don’t use the rights legally due to the presence of the of
the logging concessions, local forest officials and the ECOFAC guards. The new
190
forestry law is the fundamental setback of the local people in exercising their customary
rights over forest resources. Corruption was mentioned as the most important factor
affecting the appropriateness of the law. The main benefits received from the forest law
are the community forest and forest revenue, which is subjected to corruption,
embezzlement and mismanagement. Conservation and income from tourists are the main
benefits receive from the protected area while unskilled employment and gifts are the
main benefits receive from the logging companies. None of the Baka is employed in the
logging company in the three communities but they usually received gifts from the
logging companies during the end of the year. Ninety eight percent of the local people
indicated that they are involved in forest exploitation and management through Illegal
exploitation, Community forest management and employment in the logging companies.
The findings also confirmed that 82% of the local people are willing to participate but
have a negative perception of the forest law toward participation due to corruption and
restricted user rights. For those who are willing to participate, 47% indicated it is difficult
for them to manage the community forest because of high transaction costs. Their
management strategy of the community forest is impacted by corruption and highly
influential elites who usually seek to protect their individual’s interests. The local people
have a negative perception of the forestry law toward their participation in forest
exploitation and management. Local participation is perceived by the local people as a
means of the state to achieve its political and policy goals and not as a right to initiate
mobilization for local and collective action, empowerment and institution building.
The lack of general access to forest resources is the major problem faced by the local
people in the study area. Apart from this, sanctions from local forest officials, the Ecofac
guards and the presence of the logging concessions greatly affect local people for
exercising their customary rights. Being involved in illegal activities village political
institutions and radical movements and assistance from NGOs and research organizations
are the only ways the local people believe they could claim and secure their user rights
over forest resources.
Though the objectives of local political institutions and the traditional institutions
in the study area are mostly influenced by the prominent elites, the presence of many
international and national NGOs and research projects in the study area have greatly
191
contribute to protect and secure the customary rights of the local people. Field
observations also revealed that most of the local forest officials, municipal authorities and
some prominent elites in the study area are not very happy with the activities of the
NGOs and most often react antagonistically to these contributions in favor for their
interests.
6.2. Research issues

The contribution of the forest law and commercial logging activities to rural livelihoods
is a new and politically sensitive issue. Many aspects of this problem have not been
thoroughly investigated. Besides the current gaps in the available information some
issues could be research in relation to the impact of forest law and commercial logging
activity on rural livelihoods.
Firstly, in this study, we focus almost entirely on the socio-economic impact of
the forest law and commercial logging activities toward the local people. The ecological
consequences and environmental effects are of significant importance as regards the
quantity and quality of forest resources in the long run. To complement this study would
be to consider the relationship of the law, commercial logging activity and forest health.
Such analysis will provide an opportunity to examine the relevance of the law and
logging activities for sustainable forest management. It will also provide a framework
through which the relationship between local institution, local adaptation owing to
climate variability and change and livelihood of the local people could be viewed and
possible ways of integrating the clean Development mechanism (CDM) strategy.
Secondly, in implementing the law, more flexible means should be investigated
following the legal pluralism that exists within the institutional structure of forest
management in Cameroon. Such analysis will provide a legal framework with sufficient
plasticity in implementation of work in differing context. Such approach would require
the state to establish an institutional structure that is flexible and could be adapted to local
circumstances and realities and supervision of decentralized authorities.
Thirdly, the need of devolving forest management to local stakeholders requires
further research. The recent trend towards decentralized forest management have
constituted a new opportunity of procuring part of the forest revenue rather than
192
providing a powerful means of defining and implementing convenient management of the
forest. Closely monitoring these decentralized forest management initiatives by
establishing democratic local representative through deliberative institutional
mechanisms will give some insight into this fundamental issue.
6.3. Policy Recommendations

The compilation of the heterogeneous impact of the forest law and commercial logging
activity on rural livelihoods varies from relatively positive (the decentralized taxation
system) to more negative (restriction of user rights and limited access to resources). The
analysis of this study recommend for adaptive application of the law which give rooms
for arrangement and negotiation between actors and agents than strict implementation
which would have a real net negative impact on rural livelihoods.
Firstly, strict implementation of the law would alter the local people traditional
economic activities hence would significantly impair their livelihoods. In consequence,
many of the regulatory measures are violated by the local people and could promote
illegal practice.
Secondly, the administrative procedures of the decentralized forest management
mechanisms are undoubtedly too complex in relation to the financial, training and logistic
means of the stakeholders concerned. This complexity of the administrative procedures
gives rooms for corrupt practices. This has also created an opportunity for elite capture
whereby the more influential elite dominate and command power giving rise to a client
patron relationship. A model should be established to monitor the amount of transaction
cost and to mitigate all these corrupt practices.
Thirdly, conservation projects in the study area such as the ECOFAC project
around the Dja reserve should underscore the livelihoods of the local people. Such
projects should incorporate the local people by designing and implementing a
communicative approach in a dialogical manner that enable the local population to
become actors and beneficiaries of the projects activities and establish partnership with
other local stakeholder’s organizations around the reserve’s perimeter.
Fourthly, one of the fundamental issues of the forest law and commercial logging
activity on rural livelihoods is the regulatory framework of the law and the national forest
193
management plan which is currently the main policy instrument for management of the
forest and land use. This regulatory framework has been laid over complex socio-legal
settings with little regards of the reality on the ground. In my judgment, there is a need to
establish a mechanism that could accommodate the policy instrument and the ground
reality by providing opportunity and means for the local people to secure their user rights
and access to resources in the national forest management plan.
194
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APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Household Questionnaire

QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE HOUSEHOLD SURVEY
Village : Name of interviewer : Questionnaire # :

District/Ward : Date : Day :
Subdivision: Starting time : Finishing time :
Division: Name of respondents :
A. Demographic Data
Section A: Household characteristics and composition
Q Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q Q7 Q8 Q9 Q10 Q11 Q12

1 6
I Na Sex Relatio Marita A Educa Ethni Relig Occup Origina Househ
D me (M/ nship to l status ge tion city ion ation tion old
F) head of (MAST level (RE (OCC (ORIG labour
househo AT) (EDU LI) U) NAT) (LABO
ld C) UR)
Code for Cod Code Code for Code for Code for Code Code Code Code
Q4 e for Q3 Q7 Q10 Q5 for Q11 for for Q8 for Q9
1=Head of for 1=mal 0=none 1=agricu 0=single 1=indig Q12 1=Ban 1=Chris
household Q6 e 1=primar lture 1=marrie ene 1=fro tu tian
2=wife 1=1 2=Fe y 2=forest d 2=migr m 2=Pyg 2=Musl
3= child -15 male 2=secon use 2=divorc ant househ my im
4= in-laws 2=1 dary (NFTP) ed old 3=other
5=cousin/ne 6- 3=high 3=huntin 3=separa 2=hire speicfy
phew 30 school g ted d
7= Other 3=3 4=Unive 4=fishin 4=wido 3=
(specify) 1- rsity g wed other
45 5= 5= other 5=cohabi specify
4=4 others specify ting
6- specify
60
5=6
0
and
abo
ve
213
B. Traditional knowledge, Access and use of forest resources
How do you use the forest?

1. agriculture 2. collection of 3. hunting 4. fishing 5. spiritual 6. other (specify)
NTFP purpose
C. Agricultural production and income
List five main Problem limiting Suggested solution to the Estimated annual income from
crops agricultural problems identified each crop (in Quantity)
cultivated production
Q12 Q13 Q14 Q15
Code for Q12 Code for Q13 Code for Q14

1=cocoa 1=Limit of a 1= compensation
2=tobacco protected area 2=subsidies from
3=maize 2= concession limit Gov’t or NGO
4=Beans 3= government 3=others
5=groundnut policy
6=vegetables 4=seeds
7=fruits 5=fertilizer
8=tubers 6=pests
9=millets 7=disease
10=others 8=natural disaster
9=wildlife damage
10=others
D. Land and capital ownership
How do you acquire the land use for agriculture?

1. Inheritance 2. Bought 3. leased 4.Cleared forest 5. others
(specify)
Do you have access to forest land for agriculture? Yes……………No………..
If yes, what is the size of your agricultural land?...................................
How would you classify your land?
1. private 2. communal 3. both 4. state land 5. others
(specify)
How do you till your land?
1. Tractor 2. hand hoe 3.Ox plough 4. others (specify)
-own -own -own -own
-hired -hired -hired -hired
Where do you get the labour for agriculture production?
1. household 2. hired 3. others (specify)
Do you have more implements today than five years ago? Yes…………. No……………
Is it easier to get new land today than five years ago? Yes…………. No……………
If no, what has limited your access to forest land? Please rank them.
1. gov’t policy 2. protected area 3. Logging 4. Increase 5.
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concession population Others
(specify)
E. Forest use and constraints
Are you If yes, list If allowed, Of what Which Reasons Estimated

allowed to five main where do use is each products for not annual
access products you get of the are not allowing, income
products collected products product allowed to for each obtained
from the in Q17 mentioned be product from sale
forest in Q17 collected mentioned of each
use code in Q19 products
for Q17 in Q17
Q16 Q17 Q18 Q19 Q20 Q21 Q22
Code for Q16 Code for Q17 Code for Q18 Code for Q19
1=Yes 1=firewood 1=Natural forest 1=consumption
2=No 2=poles 2=community forest 2=selling for cash
3=timber species area 3=both
4=medicinal plants 3=protected area 4=others (specify)
5=thatching grass 4=logging
6=fruits and nuts concession
7=charcoal 5=buy from the
8=bamboo market
9=mushroom 6=others (specify)
10=forest leaves
11= others (specify)
Do you have more access to forest products than five years ago? Yes………. No……….
If no, what do you consider to be the most important problem limiting your access to forest
product? Please rank them.
1. gov’t policy 2. protected area 3. Logging 4. Increase 5. Others
concession population (specify)
Has there been any solution to the problem identified of limiting your access to forest
products? Yes………….. No……………….
If yes, what is the solution?
1.compensat 2. 3. rural 4. 5.Subsidies(tax 6.Others
ion community development employment return) (specify)
forest project
F. Hunting activity
215
Do you do hunting? Yes / No
Especes Quantité Prix par Unit time Quantité Quantité

unité 1= Jour consommée vendue
2= Semaine (%) (%)
3= Mois
4= Année
Hérisson
Rat
Porc-épic
Lièvre
Biche
Water
biche
Sitatunga
Singes
Chimpanzé
Gorille
Chat
Serpent
Oiseau
1. Quelles techniques utilisez vous/votre Techniques et nombres
ménage pour faire la chasse? 1= Pièges……………………
2= Fusil……………………...
3= Chiens……………………
4= Autres (préciser)………….
2. Combien des jours faire vous la chasse jours

par semaine?
3. Distance parcourue pour faire la chasse m/km
4. Quelle est la haute saison pour la
chasse?
5. Quelle est la saison bas pour la chasse?
6. Avez-vous un permit de chasse? Oui / Non
7. A-t-il des zones autour de village ou Oui /Non
cést interdit de chasser ?
Si oui, a quelle distance ?
8. A-t-il des espèces qui sont interdit de Oui / Non
chasser ?
8. b. Par qui ? 1= Gouvernement
2= Tradition
Do you have more access today in hunting than in five years ago? Yes…….. No………
If no, what do you consider to be the most important problem limiting your access to hunting?
Please rank them.
Has there been any solution to the problem identified of limiting your access to hunting ? Yes
No
216
If yes, what is the solution?
1.compensat 2. 3. rural 4. other 5. 6.Subsidie 7.Others
ion community development source of employm s(tax (specify)
forest project protein ent return)
available
G. Fishing activity
1. Faites-vous la pêche? Oui / Non
2. Citez les espèces que vous pêcher
3. Quelle est la distance parcourue ?
4. Quelles techniques utilisez-vous ? 1= Filet
2= Barrage
3= Ligne ou hameçon
4= Nasse
5. Quelle est le revenu de la pêche ? 1=
Jour, 2= semaine, 3= mois, 4= année
6. Pour quelle but faites-vous la pêche ? 1= manger, 2= Vendre, 3= Les deux
Do you have more access today to fishing than in five years ago? Yes…….. No………
If no, what do you consider to be the most important problem limiting your access to fishing?
Please rank them.
Rank your activities in relation to the use of the natural resources

activities Subsistence (Yes/No) If commercial, give income
1. agriculture
2. forest products
3. hunting
4. fishing
5. others (specify)
What are the other sources of income for the household?

Other sources Estimated income
1. Remittances
2. shop business
3. art work
4. odd jobs
5. errands
6. others (specify)
H. Relationship and interaction between the local people and other forest users or actors
How do you relate, feel, behave and view your neighbours

1. very good 2. good 3. bad 4. very bad
If bad or very bad, what are the reasons? Please if many rank them.
How do you relate, behave, feel and view the logging companies
217
If bad or very bad, what are the reasons? Please if many rank them
1. limited access
2. no compensation
3. impact of logging activity
4. no employment
5. restricted user rights
6. others (specify)
Do you think there is any solution to ameliorate your relationship with the logging
companies?
If Yes, What are they?
1. The state
2. traditional Institutions
3. NGO
How do you relate, behave, feel and view the state and the forestry law
1. corruption
2. limited access to resources
3. restricted user rights
4. lack of ownership
5. no compensation
6. inadequate law enforcement
7. others (specify)
Do you think there is any solution to ameliorate your relationship with the state?
1. regulate and secure user rights
2. compensation
3. alternative source of income
4. dialogue with the logging companies
5. others (specify)
How do you relate, behave, feel and view the Dja reserve
1. limited access within the reserve
2. wildlife damage
3. the presence of Ecofac guards
Do you think there is any solution to ameliorate your relationship with the Dja reserve?
4. The state
5. traditional Institutions
6. NGO intervention
’
218
I. Awareness, attitude and perception of local people toward the forestry legislation (state),
logging companies and protected area as regards the use of forest resources
Awareness, attitude and perception

Are you aware about the existence of the new forest legislation? Yes……… No………..
If yes, how were you informed?
1. from local village meetings 2. By the MINFOF Officials
If yes, how do you perceive it?
If bad or very bad, why is it so? If more than one reason, please rank them
1. corruption
2. not involved in the law
3. limited access to forest resources
4. restricted user rights within the forest
5. lack of ownership
6. limited benefit from the law
7. others (specify)
Do you have usufruct rights on forest and wildlife products around your community?
1. strongly 2. agree 3. no opinion 4. disagree 5. strongly
agree disagree
If strongly agree and agree, are you using it? Yes……………… No…………………
If no, why is it so?.................................................................
If you are aware about the existence of the new forestry legislation, is the new forestry
legislation appropriate?
1. Strongly 2. Agree 3. No opinion 4. 5. Strongly
agree Disagree disagree
. If you disagree, why is it so? If more than one reason, please rank them
a) Not profitable to us
b) Our interest are not taking into account
c) We are not involved
d) No legal compensation mechanism
e) Lack of ownership and user rights
f) Corruption and inadequate law enforcement
g) Others (specify)
Are you aware about the existence of a logging concession and logging company around your
community? Yes……….. No……………
1. destruction of NTFPS
2. Limited access to resources within the concessions
3. restricted user rights within the concessions
4. not involved in their activities
5. limited benefit from the logging companies
6. others (specify)
Are you aware bout the existence of a protected area around your community? Yes… No….
1. wildlife damage
219
2. Limited access to resources within the protected area
3. restricted user rights within the protected area
4. limited benefit from the protected area
5. others (specify)
Are you aware of any ongoing rural development projects in your community Yes… No…
If good or very good, what activities does it for you?.........................................

If bad or very bad, why?
a. we are not involved
b. there is no benefit
c. we have not been told properly about their activities
d. no cooperation
e. others (specify)
J. Benefit and Utilisation
Do you get any benefit from the forestry legislation? Yes................... No.................
If yes, what are these benefits? If more than one, please rank them
a. employment
b. income from the state
c. user rights
d. community forest
e. rural development
f. access to forest resources
g. others (specify)
How do you perceive the forest legislation in term of sharing of benefits of forest resources?
1. Very good 2. good 3. bad 4. very bad
If very bad and bad, why is it so?
a. Corruption
b. Embezzlement
c. Tribalising
d. Ineffective monitoring and control of law enforcement
e. No cooperation with the state
f. No legal compensation mechanism
g. Other (specify)
Do you get any benefit from the protected area around your community? Yes....... No.......
If yes, what are these benefits?
a. Employment
b. Recreation
c. Access to resources
d. Income from tourist
e. Rural development
f. Others (specify)
How do you perceive the benefit received from the protected area?
220
a. Corruption
b. Embezzlement
c. Tribalising
e. No cooperation with the park staff
g. Other (specify)
Do you get any benefit from the logging companies around your community? Yes....... No.......
If yes, what are these benefits?
a. Employment
b. Access to resources
c. Income from the company
d. Rural development
e. Others (specify)
How do you perceive the benefit received from the protected area?
a. Corruption
b. Embezzlement
c. Tribalising
e. No cooperation with the company staff
g. Other (specify)
K. Participation
Do you think local people are involved in forest exploitation? Yes............ No............
If yes, what are the instruments set in placed by the state to involved the local people, please
rank them
a. Community forest
b. Employment
c. User rights (illegal exploitation)
d. Involvement in current activities
e. Other (specify)
If no, are you willing to participate in forest exploitation? Yes........... No..........
If yes, how?
1. Employee
2. Involved in current activities
3. Put some logging concession under our responsibility
4. Others (specify)
If no, why is it so? ........................................................................................
How do you perceive the forest legislation in term of local people participation in forest
exploitation?

a. Corruption
b. Tribalising
221
c. Inadequate law enforcement
d. Lack of user rights of forest resources
e. No cooperation with the state
f. Other (specify)
It is difficult to local people to manage a community forest
1. Strongly 2. Agree 3. No 4. disagree 5. strongly
agree opinion disagree
If you were given a community forest, how will you manage it?
1. Responsibility to an elected local committee
2. Responsibility to an appointed local committee
3. Responsibility to the chief
4. Leased it to a qualified management team (NGO)
5. Others (specify)
If you earn some money from a given community forest, how would you use it?
1. Sharing income among community’s members
2. Invest benefit (rural development)
3. Finance micro-project source of employment and development in the community
4. Others
L. Formalisation
Is the state aware about your existence, numbers and livelihood? Yes........... No..............
If no, why is it so...............................
If yes, how do you regularise your customary law of forest resource use to that of the forest
legislation?
1. Traditional institution (traditional chieftaincy)
2. Political institution (village chairman, elected council, radical movement group)
3. Community-based organisation (farmers group, hunters group, credit association,
social/religious organisation).
4. Involved in illegal activities
5. With the help of an NGO
6. Others (specify)
What are the main problems affecting your customary right of forest resources?
1. Sanction from local forest officials
2. Corruption
3. The present of a logging concession
4. The present of a protected area
5. Lack of law enforcement
6. No legal compensation mechanism
7. Others (specify)
Suggestion
If there is a policy reform, what would you like to be changed in priority?
What do you suggest will solve the problem of user rights and access to resources?
What do you suggest would help regularise the customary right of the local people to that of
the forest legislation?
What do you suggest would improve your cooperation with the state?
222
Appendix 2: Focus Group Discussions Guide
Focus Group Discussion
Village : Nom de l’enquêteur: Questionnaire # :

Quartier: Date : Jour:
Arrondissement: Heure de début: Heure a la fin:
Département Nom des enquêtes :
A. Village livelihood, past and present

what are the main sources of income in the village now?
Is this the same as five years ago? Yes /No
If no, what is the main reason behind it?
Are those sources of income as important now as they were five years Yes / No
ago?
If no, what is the main reason behind it?
What new activities are commonplace now that were rare or did not
exist before? Activities that have started in the last five years?
How important are these new activities now for the incomes of people
in the village?
What activities have stopped?
What do villagers consider to have got worse in the last five years?
For those whose standard of living has deteriorated, what are the main
things that have caused their livelihoods to go down in the last five
years?
What do villagers consider to have improved in the last five years?

For those whose standard of living has increased, what are the main
things that have got better in the last five years?
What have been the main agricultural problems in the village over the
past five years?
What has been happening with food crop (both production and
marketing can be discussed here)?
What has happened to people access to forest and forest products,

access to land for cultivation, access to hunting?
How has the status of women changed in this village over the past five Yes / No
years?
If yes, in what ways?
If no, why has it being liked this?
Are there more women that are heads of households than before?
Are there activities that women do now that they did not usually do Yes / No
before?
If yes, what are those activities?
What livelihood activities are women still not permitted to do in this
223
community?
B. Effect of institutions on livelihoods

Are there particular activities in the village that require special
permission or a license in order to be allowed to do that thing?
(make list of such activities)
For these activities, what person, or organisation or institution grants

permission or issues licenses? (link this to the relevant activity).
What is the cost of getting permission, or obtaining a license to start-

up this activity? Probe here both for official and unofficial cost e.g.
gift payment to traditional authorities or to local officials
Are there particular activities that individuals in the group would like
to do, but are unable to do because of the costs that are imposed on
starting up the activity?
Are there any restrictions on moving produce (crops, forest products, Yes / No
bush meat) from the village to the town for sale?
If yes, what are these restrictions? Are payments required to any
person or institution in order to move goods from one place to
another?
Amongst the village organisations and institutions, which ones are

the most helpful for improving people’s standard of living? (list in
order of priority as given by people in the group)
What is it that these organisation do that help people to gain a better

living?
Are there people in the village who are excluded for some reason Yes / No
from benefiting that these organisations can provide?
If yes, which group of people?
Amongst the village organisations or institutions which ones are

least helpful, or even block, people from doing things to improve
their standard of living (make list of unhelpful organisations or
institutions).
What is it that these organisation do which hold people back from

gaining a better living?
Are there people in the village who are particularly disadvantaged by Yes / No
the way these organisations or institutions work?
If yes, which group of people?
Are there some activities in the village that require collective action? Yes / No
If yes, what are these activities?
- when do they collaborate?
- Who do they collaborate with
- How big is the group
- What are the incentives for collaboration?
224
How does the customary law regulate your access and use of
resources?
C. Question of farming
what have been the main changes affecting crop yield in the past five
years?
Overall has crop farming become more risky, stayed the same, or
become less risky over the past five years?
What has happened to prices of farm inputs (land rental, labour,

ploughing services, seed, fertilizers, pesticides, etc) over the past five
years?
For which inputs have purchase prices risen the most over the past five
years?
For which inputs have farmers reduced or stopped buying them due to
price rises in recent years? (make a list of current prices for farm
inputs).
What has happened to the sale prices of crop grown in this village over
the past five years? For which crops have sale prices risen the most
over the past five years?
Which crops are most profitable for farmers to grow now (in rank
order) how does this compare with five years ago? (make a list of the
current sales prices of crops).
What has happened to marketing institutions over the past five years?
- are new varieties introduced?
- Access to market (distance)
- Access to farm input
What has happened to credit institutions and availability over the past
five years?
Has the source of credit changed? Is it more difficult or less difficult to
obtain credit than before? (write down main current credit institutions).
Overall, would people say that farming had become more difficult,
stayed the same, become less difficult over the past five years?
If more difficult, what are the main reasons this has been so (ranked
list)?
If less difficult, what are the main reasons this has been so (ranked
list)?
At what time in the year are you involved in farming? And at what
time of the year do you make more income from the sale of crops?
What access do women have to land and fields?
How is this access obtained? (inheritance, purchase, customary

allocation, borrowed).
Under what circumstances do women control the income from sales of
crops?
Is this specific to certain fields or to certain crops? Yes / No
if yes, which fields or list crops for which this is normally true
225
D. Question on hunting
Overall importance of hunting for survival in this community?
Do most households have members that hunt, or are there some

families that specialise while others do not hunt at all? Obtain count
of households that hunt and households that do not hunt in this
village
How big is the hunting area by people based in the village? Do

village-based hunters move around and often hunt elsewhere?
(Include the distance)
Where are the main sites that village-based hunters go for hunting?
How has the importance of hunting changed compared to five years

ago?
Is it still possible in this village for people who were not hunting
before to take up hunting?
Is hunting seen as a good way to strengthen livelihoods? Yes / No
If no, What are the barriers for people who want to take up hunting?
What are the seasonal characteristics of hunting as an occupation?
What are the peak months for catches, and the lowest months during
the year?
What are the chief regulations about hunting and access that the
villagers understand to apply to their hunting activities?
Do people comply with these regulations Yes / No
If no, How are the regulations policed? And what is the penalty for
non-compliance?
Does the village have its own (community management) system for Yes / No
regulating seasonal access to game and permitted hunting methods?
If yes, how does this work?
Have either formal or village regulations changed over the past five Yes / No
years
If yes, how have they changed?
Are there conflicts between the way the village authorities would
like to manage access to hunting, and the rules that are imposed from
outside by the wildlife department?
Do the rules (whether village-based or imposed from outside) mean

that some individuals have permanent rights to hunt while others are
always excluded from hunting?
Do outsiders come and hunt in your village Yes / No

If yes, what effect have they had on the hunting activity?
E. Question on forest products

Overall importance of forest products for survival in this
community?
What kinds of forest products to members of the household collect 1
226
and use (rank them) 2
3
4
5
6
7
What each product is used for and why? Use Reasons
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
How and when each product is obtained? 1
2
3
4
5
6
7
What changes have there been in your use of each forest products 1
over the last five years? 2
3
4
5
6
7
How has this affected your household?
What are the seasonal characteristics of forest products 1

2
3
4
5
6
7
What are the chief regulations restricting access to products within
your community?
non-compliance?
regulating seasonal access to forest products
years
like to manage access to forest products, and the rules that are
imposed from outside by the forestry department?
that some individuals have permanent rights to forest product while
others are always excluded from it?
F. Question on fishing
Overall importance of fishing for survival in this community?
Do most households have members that fish, or are there some
227
families that specialise while others do not fish at all? Obtain count
of households that fish and households that do not fish in this village
Where are the main sites that village-based fishermen go for

hunting?
How has the importance of fishing changed compared to five years

ago?
Is it still possible in this village for people who were not fishing
before to take up fishing?
Is fishing seen as a good way to strengthen livelihoods? Yes / No
If no, What are the barriers for people who want to take up fishing?
What are the seasonal characteristics of fishing as an occupation?
What are the peak months for catches, and the lowest months during
the year?
What are the chief regulations about fishing and access that the
villagers understand to apply to their fishing activities?
non-compliance?
regulating seasonal access to game and permitted fishing methods?
years
like to manage access to fishing, and the rules that are imposed from
outside by the wildlife department?

that some individuals have permanent rights to fish while others are
always excluded from fishing?
Do outsiders come and fish in your village Yes / No

If yes, what effect have they had on the fishing activity?
G. Conflict over resource use

What are the main sources of conflict over your access and use of
forest resources
Do you have any conflict new forestry law Yes / No
If yes, what types of conflicts
Do your community have any conflict with the logging concession Yes / No
(company) around you community?
If yes, what types of conflicts
Do your community have any conflict with the protected area? Yes / No
If yes what types of conflicts
228
How has these conflict named above been managed
Do your community have any compensation from the government in Yes / No

relation to these conflicts
If no, why
If yes, what types of compensation and how is it manage
How is your relationship with the forestry legislation Good / Bad

If bad, why is it like that? And how can it be improved
How is your relationship with the logging companies Good / Bad

How is your relationship with the protected area Good / Bad

H. Changes in biodiversity
With effect of the implementation of the forestry and the present of the 1=Increased
logging concession and the protected, how is the evolution of the forest 2=Unchanged
products in term of their availability and consumption over the last 10 3=Decreased
years
Why?
Have there being any solution to improved the situation Yes / No

If yes what are some of the solutions
Which product are more available now and which are not? Products more available
Products less available
Why are these products more available and less available
With effect of the implementation of the forestry and the present of the 1= Increased
logging concession and the protected, how is the evolution of hunting 2= Unchanged
in term of their availability and consumption over the last 10 years 3= Decreased
Why

Which species are more available now and which are not? Products more available
Products less available
Why are these species more available and less available
229
With effect of the implementation of the forestry and the present of the 1= Increased
logging concession and the protected, how is the evolution of fishing in 2= Unchanged
term of their availability and consumption over the last 10 years 3= Decreased
Why

I. Calendar showing the seasonality of the main activities

activities Jan Feb Mar April May Jun Jul Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
Cash
Crops
Cocoa - - - + + + + ++ ++ ++ ++ +
Tobacco - - - - + ++ ++ ++ + + + -
Food
crops
Cassava ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++
Cucumber - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
(egussi)
Groundnu - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
t
Maize - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
Plantains + + + + + + ++ ++ ++ + + +
NTFP
Fuel wood ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ ++
Moabi - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
Bush - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + -
mango
Njansang - - - - + ++ ++ ++ ++ + + +
Bush ++ ++ ++ + - - - - - - + +
spices
hunting + + + + + ++ ++ ++ ++ ++ + +
Fishing
230
Appendix 3: Selected Field work pictures
Local made Brick for House Construction
Abandoned water project
Cross section of the Baka population in Eschiambor
231
Means of transportation in the region
The production of local cooking oil from moabi fruits
Our transportation means to the field
232
233
234

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FORESTRY LAW REFORMS, COMMERCIAL

LOGGING ACTIVITIES AND THEIR IMPACTS ON

RAYMOND ACHU SAMNDONG

Raymond Achu Samndong

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE

NORWEGIAN UNIVERSITY OF LIFE SCIENCES

Raymond Achu Samndong

Supervisors: Espen Wæhle and Prof. Arild Vatn

CHAPTER FIVE ………………………………………………………………………………….…79

5.2. Relationship, attitudes, awareness and perception

Table 2.2.1: Livelihood indicators on the household and community level…………………………...11

Appendix 1: Household survey questionnaire

ADELOM : Association de Developpement de Lomie

1.2. Problem Statement

1.4. Justification of the Research

CAPITAL FOREST RESOURCE

Hunting, fuel wood, land Law enforcement,

Profit, conservation Improved livelihood Revenues

Refer to actions Refer to interactions

VULNERABILITY LIVELIHOOD POLICIES LIVELIHOOD LIVELIHOOD

Figure 2.2.1: Livelihood Framework Adapted from Scoones (1998)

Land Labor Forest Capital Livestock Rivers Wildlife

ENTITLEMENT MAPPING PROCESSES

hunting, land clearing, fishing, NTFP, grazing,

Crop Off farm Collection of Hunting Livestock

Consumption Investments/ Savings

2.4. Social Movement and Network Theory

2.5.1.The New Institutional Economic (NIE) Perspective

2.5.2. The Classical Institutionalist Perspective

2.6. Participatory Approach

Table 2.6.1: A typology of participation

3.2. Institutional History and the Development of Forestry Legislation in Cameroon

3.3. The New Forestry Law and its Fiscal Framework

National Forest Estate

Permanent Forest Non Permanent Forest

Protected Areas for Private Forest

Figure 3.4.1: Classification of National Forest Estate in Cameroon

3.5. Concession Policy of the New Forestry Law

 complete the pre-inventory and sampling phase for the concession;

3.6.2. Community Forests

3.6.3. Annual Forestry Fees

4.1. The Study Area

Figure 4.1.1: Map of study area

4.1.1. Institutional Structures of the Study Area

4.1.2.2. Soil and Geology

4.1.2.4. Plant and Animal Life

4.1.5. Human Activities and Land use

4.1.6. Land and Forest Resource Tenure

4.1.7. The Studied Villages

4.1.7.1. Location and Accessibility

4.1.7.2. Local Economy

4.1.7.3. Social Infrastructures

4.2.2. Data Collection Techniques

4.2.2.2. Focus Group Discussions

4.2.2.3. Key Informant Interview

4.2.2.4. Field Observation

4.2.2.5. Secondary Data

4.2.4. Data Analysis

5.1.1. Household resource endowment and adaptation

5.1.1.1. Access to land

5.1.1.2. Access to Labor

5.1.1.4. Access to forest products (NTFP)

A significant number of respondents (76%) complained of reduced access to agricultural

5.1.2.2. Collection of non timber forest products (NTFP)