Chapter1: Introduction

Migration, as a phenomenon has been indispensable to human histories, cultures, and

civilizations, the origin of which can be traced to the origin of humankind. Therefore, human
migration in general has been considered one of the most important aspects of social science and
in particular of sociology because sociologists lay a lot of stress on the various consequences
(social, cultural, demographical, political, economic, etc.) arising out of such migration.
Migration, as defined by UNICEF and ICSSR (2011), is the act of people changing their place of
residence across specific administrative boundaries. This movement can occur for various
reasons, which may be either involuntary, voluntary, or a combination of both. The decision-
making process regarding whether to move, how to move, and where to move is complicated and
can involve multiple actors in different capacities.

The term migration originates from the Latin word 'migrare', which signifies "to alter one's place
of residence". Webster’s dictionary has defined migration as “the act or an instance of moving
from one country, region to settle in another”. Similarly, migration is ‘to move from one place
(country, town, or house) to another’, as defined by White and Woods (1980).
Furthermore, as per the UNMDD (2002) definition, migration is described as a type of
geographical or spatial mobility that involves relocating from one geographic unit to another one,
typically resulting in a change of residence from the initial place of residence to the destination.
As per UNESCO, migration refers to the act of crossing the boundary of a political or
administrative entity for a specific minimum duration. It include the migration of refugees,
internally displaced persons, stateless individuals, as well as individuals seeking better economic
opportunities. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has defined migration as the
act of individuals relocating from one geographical region to another. Migration refers to the act
of relocating from one country to another, leading to a temporary or permanent alteration in
place of residence. Similarly, according to the Census of India (2001), a migrant is defined as an
individual who has experienced a "change in the usual place of living... in relation to their
previous usual residence". As per the NSSO (2007-08), a person is considered a migrant member
of a household if their last usual place of residence (UPR) was different from their current place
of enumeration. The UPR is defined as the place where the person resided continuously for six
months or longer.

The present study was undertaken in the District Poonch because the process of migration
to the Gulf Countries from Poonch District has been a visible phenomenon and in the light of the
data collected (both primary and secondary), the socio-cultural as well as the economic
consequences of the labour migration to the Gulf Countries were explored. However, the present
study focused on a certain type of migration, that is, Labour Migration outside the country to
Gulf countries from District Poonch. Therefore, it became important to understand how labour
migrant has been defined by various agencies and how it was different from other categories of
migrants.
According to the United Nations Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All
Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, a migrant worker is someone who is
employed in a foreign country where they are not a citizen, whether they are about to begin,
currently involved in, or have previously been involved in such work. As per the International
Labour Organization (ILO), a "migrant worker" refers to an individual who relocates from one
country to another (or has already done so) with the intention of working for someone else. This
definition also encompasses individuals who are regularly permitted to travel for employment
reasons. However, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) makes a distinction
between economic migrants and labour migrants. According to the IOM, "labour migrants" are
persons who move to a different location specifically for employment, whereas "economic
migrants" include a broader group of people who enter a country to participate in economic
activity, such as investors or business travelers. Nevertheless, the phrase "economic migrants"
can also be construed in a more limited manner, akin to the classification of "labour migrants."

According to Everett Lee's (1996) theory of migration, individuals move from one
location to another due to a combination of factors that either push them away from their origin
or pull them towards their destination. Arora (1967) has categorized migration into two factors:
"push" and "pull." Pull factors encompass a higher standard of living, improved educational
facilities, better employment opportunities, and the like. Conversely, push factors such as
poverty, lack of property like land, disintegration of joint families, and limited job prospects
compel individuals to migrate from their place of origin. This occurs in two main ways, namely
external migration and internal migration.

Internal migration pertains to the mobility of individuals occurring within the territorial
boundaries of a nation-state. Conversely, external migration pertains to situations in which
individuals traverse international borders and occur beyond the jurisdiction of a nation-state.
Immigration is the act of moving to a new nation and establishing oneself there, whereas
emigration is the act of leaving one's own country to live in another. Internal migration may be
classified into two distinct categories: inter-state migration, which pertains to the relocation of
people between various states within a nation, and intra-state migration, which pertains to the
movement of individuals inside the boundaries of a single state. In addition to these push and
pull impacts, the phenomenon of globalization in recent decades has emerged as a significant
driver for the international migration of individuals and the development of transnational
communities. Consequently, nations and regions with significant development tend to draw
individualsfrom less developed places, resulting in migration.

W. Arthur Lewis, an economist and statesman established the "labour surplus" concept in
1954. This model aimed to explain worldwide migration and the movement of migrants. Based
on this concept, nations with an excess of available labour tend to have lower salaries. As a
result, workers from these countries often relocate to countries with a greater demand for labour
and, consequently, better earnings. In addition, an influential theoretical framework in the study
of outmigration is Immanuel Wallerstein's "World System" approach. This perspective views the
international economy as a unified system, with developed capitalist nations occupying a central
position and developing nations located on the periphery.

Therefore, analyzing the above different models of migration, the present study was
conducted in the Poonch District of Jammu and Kashmir and attempted to develop a theoretical
understanding of the concept of labour migration and comprehend the diverse causes which
motivated these labourers to leave their place of residence and work in extremely hostile
countries to earn their livelihood. It also tried to analyze the type of migration taking place in
Poonch District as well as the impact of globalization in influencing the mobility of people from
District Poonch. The study further focused on how the international migration in nations of high
wages and lower surplus workers in the Gulf played an important role in motivating these low
wages and higher surplus workers from areas like India in general and Poonch District of Jammu
and Kashmir in particular. It thus, tried to understand the various causes as well as the motivators
leading to the decision of the migrants to migrate to these developed nations.

Different scholars (Gulati (1983); Shah and Menon (2000); and Gardner (2011) also
tried to analyze how the different channels of migration had been an important aspect in the
migratory process along with the type of migration patterns in different regions of the world.
Shah and Menon (1999) argue that social networks, such as family, friends, and relatives, have a
major influence on the migration of a large labour force from remote areas to wealthy oil-
producing countries in West Asia. These networks also serve as the primary means of sharing
information about the destination.Shah and Menon (1999) while analyzing the pattern of
migration argue that despite being a contract-based labour as well as having a low salary
requisite to sponsor a family member, how the expansion of social networks in Kuwait lead to
the expansion of supplementary sponsored labour migrants by those already working there.
Besides, they also tried to investigate how the whole process of arranging sponsorship works and
outlinedthat the factors like (being Skilled, and being Muslim) helped them in arranging
subsequent sponsorship for a migrant either through a friend or a relative and, thus, concluded
the presence of the pattern of chain migration through sponsorship or Kafala system.

In a similar spirit, Gardner (2011) noted that the Gulf States and other regions and
communities in South and Southeast Asia formed close ties as a result of chain migration as well
as the formation of concentrated clusters within the labour brokerage system after examining the
migration pattern.Moreover, Gulati (1983) while analyzing the extent and pattern of migration to
the Gulf stated that close relatives and friends play an important role as they secure and send the
requisite documents (No objection certificate) required from the host country employer (Kafeel)
either free of cost or at the actual cost involved thereby becoming the prospects for the
sponsorship of the emigrant’s sojourn, thus clearly showing the presence of chain migration
through close relatives and friends. Therefore, the present study tried to focus on the pattern of
labour migration taking place from the Poonch District of Jammu and Kashmir to the Gulf
Nations as well as on the Kafala system prevalent in Gulf nations.
AREA OF STUDY

Over some past years, it has been seenthat there has been an increasing trend of labour migration
from the erstwhileState of Jammu and Kashmir to other destinations within the country and
beyond. The phenomenon of labour migration is particularly prominent in Poonch, one of the
border districts of the state, as it shares its border with Pakistan, the neighbouring nation. Poonch
is a naturally rich area located in the Pir Panchal region. It has a unique historical significance
and cultural milieu. It retained its status as a sovereign principality for many centuries.
According to Rajatarangini (Kalhana), a horse trader named "Nara" founded the Poonch
Principality in 850 AD. Local Hindu Rajas ruled it until 1452 AD, Rajput Muslims from 1586 to
1798, Gujjars from 1798 to 1819, Sikhs from 1819 to 1846, and finally Dogra Rajas from 1852
to1947AD.
Tragically, as a result of the events of 1947, a 102-kilometer-long line of control was established
in the centre of the region. Only 40% of the former Poonch principality's total area is currently
within Indian territory; the remaining 60% is now a part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK),
which is under their control. Furthermore, the conflicts in 1965, 1971, and the subsequent proxy
war starting in 1989 have instilled a feeling of instability among the residents of District Poonch.
Therefore, the district of Poonch has not only seen imbalanced political progress but has also
been affected by terrorism due to its location as a border district.
Consequently, due to these advancements, those belonging to the lowest socio-economic strata,
specifically the lower class and lower middle class, began seeking employment opportunities
elsewhere. The migrants from the Poonch region immediately embraced the economic
opportunities in the Gulf nations, which emerged from the reason, that the oil boom in the mid-
1970s. These opportunities were available for both skilled and unskilled labour classes.

For academic purposes, the genesis of labour migration from district Poonch can be divided into
the following three major waves. In the early years i.e. late 1970's to early 1990, only unskilled
labourwho were mostly illegal migrants migrated and did mostly manual kind of work in the
Gulf Countries which is termed the first migration wave. These included labourers in
agricultural farms, domestic workers, etc. The second wave i.e. late 1990-upto mid-2000 of out-
migration kicked off with the onslaught of insurgency movement, in which people who were
mostly semi-skilled labour like electricians, plumbers, painters, artisans, drivers, etc. from the
District Poonch started moving to the Gulf Countries. This wave received the impetus when
India moved to the LPG model of neo-liberal economies which allowed the free flow of
corporations and human resources among the nations. The third wave dates from mid-2000 to till
date had seen new politico-economic developments between the Gulf countries and India, thus
the educated and skilled labour, could be noted to have also migrated from the district than in the
past. In addition, the selection of destination countries has become more varied. Previously,
migrants would only move to either the Saudi Arabia or the UAE. However, now migrants also
prefer other GCC nationslike Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Omanas theirdestinations.

Based on the data from the 2011 census, Poonch District had a total population of 476,826,
representing 3.8 percent of the state's total population. The district is divided into six tehsils
namely Haveli, Mendhar, Suronkote, Mandi, Balakote, and Mankote. Poonch District was
purposively chosen as the area of research because of the following reasons:

1. The data collected through the pilot study revealed that Poonch District was the leading
district in the State of J&K from where the majority of the labour migrants seek out
employment in the Gulf Countries.

2. Moreover, there were robust networks of migrants associated with labor migration to
Gulf nations in the Poonch District.
3. Besides, these reasons, the researcher’s familiarity with the subject matter and the area of
the research was also taken into consideration.
Table No. 1.1 Demographic Profile of Poonch District
Total area 1674 sq. km
Total population 476835
Male 251899
Female 224936
Density/km 285
Proportion to J&K population 3.80%
Sex ratio (per 1000) 893
Average literacy 66.74%
Male 78.84%
 Female 53.19%
Rural population 91.90%
Urban population 8.10%
Source; Census of India (2011) (District Census Handbook of Poonch).

RATIONALE AND SCOPE OF STUDY

Recognizing the significance of Overseas Indians, Dr. Manmohan Singh (2013), the former
Prime Minister of India, stated at the 11th PravasiBharatiya Divas that the Indian Diaspora has
acted as a conduit for fostering goodwill and collaboration between India and their adoptive
countries overseas. Irrespective of their professional achievements as merchants, entrepreneurs,
second-generation Indians, or hardworking laborers striving to provide a better future for their
family, they consistently serve as a crucial representation of India's cultural legacy and its
advancements for the global community to see and comprehend. Indian migrants have been a
prominent demographic group that has chosen the Gulf States as a key destination due to various
factors such as historical connections, colonial influence, religious and cultural similarities, high
unemployment and poverty rates, political instability, and insurgency in South Asian countries.
These factors have resulted in a substantial influx of workers in the GCC states (Oommen,
2017). According to a study by Azeez and Begum (2009), 6 million Indians from the total of 25
million Indian migrants have settled in the Gulf region. This migration has resulted in the Gulf
region having one of the largest Diasporas globally.

A considerable proportion of highly educated and proficient individuals from India are
relocating to countries such as the USA, Canada, European nations, and South Asian countries in
search of improved job prospects. In contrast, unskilled and less educated Indians are migrating
to the Gulf region, which possesses the largest reserves of oil and gas globally (Gupta, 2014).
Indian migration to the Gulf countries has a deep-rooted historical basis due to the long-standing
cultural and historical ties between India and the Gulf region. Additionally, the significant influx
of Indians to the Gulf following the oil boom has established them as a favoured community
compared to other migrant groups (Kohli, 2014).
The "Oil Boom of the 1970s" in GCC countries led to extensive investment programs in
infrastructure development, including energy stations, administrative and governance systems,
and the enhancement of social services such as health and education. This, in turn, created a
higher demand for labour (Azeez and Begum, 2009; Kumar, 2012). Consequently, in order to
meet the labour need, the Gulf countries authorized immigration from other nations, and the
allure of better earnings and living conditions attracted migration from emerging countries such
as India. The influx of both low-skilled and moderately skilled migrants from India to these
nations has steadily risen since that time (Kohli, 2014). The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs
(MOIA) of the Government of India has estimated that around 6 million Indian migrants now
reside and work in six Gulf nations. These countries are highly favored destinations for Indian
migration (Kumar, 2012).

Evidence from empirical studies substantiates that South Asia, particularly India, has served as
the predominant source of labour migrants for the GCC countries. Roughly 66% of the migrants
in these nations are of South Asian origin, with India being the primary source of migrants from
South Asia to the GCC countries.
Table 1.2: Total Emigrants from Various Nationalities to Gulf Countries
GCC Countries
Country (Origin)
1990 2000 2010 2013
Afghanistan 16690 16451 26324 28320

Bangladesh 832299 1147461 2922335 3147251

Bhutan -- -- -- --
India 2395693 3152719 6334374 6828957
Maldives -- -- -- --
Nepal 17712 17459 27939 30057
Pakistan 1087910 1388615 2707694 2915556
Sri Lanka 244090 196127 302826 326088
Total number of
Migrants from South
459 4394 5 918 832 12 321 492 13 276 229
Asia in these GCC
Countries
 Total number of
emigrants in the GCC 8 856 887 10 549 781 20 758 167 22 357 811
countries
Note (–) Denotes data not available
Source: UNDESA 2013.

The provided data clearly demonstrates a substantial rise in the number of Indian migrants across
all GCC states from 1990 to 2013, with the United Arab Emirates exhibiting the greatest growth
rate.
Additionally, the present study also examined the phenomenon of labour migration to the Gulf
Countries from the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Despite the lack of significant research on
labour migration from the State of J&K to the Gulf, the collected data indicates that a substantial
number of migrants have selected the Gulf States as their primary destination for pursuing a
variety of jobs, including skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled positions. Furthermore, it was
discovered during the data gathering process that no organized data was collected in the initial
years of migration to Gulf Countries. It was only in the mid-2000s that the systematic collection
of data on Gulf Migrants from the state of Jammu and Kashmir began. This is reflected in Table
1.3 below:

Table: 1.3 Total Numbers of Emigrants to GCC Countries from the UT of Jammu and
Kashmir:
S.No Year Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries
( Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain).

1. 2007-2009 9151

2. 2010-2012 12996

3. 2013-2015 13724

4. 2016-2018 9157

5. 2019-2021 6627
 Source: www.emigrate.gov.in

Subsequently, during the fieldwork several migrants who were interviewed for the
present research study, revealed that they had gone to the GCC Countries either during the late
1970s and early 1980s, clearly pointing out that the genesis of migration to GCC Countries from
J&K, also started when migrants from the other parts of the country were also looking for
employment opportunities in the newly oil-rich Gulf States.
Therefore, this chapter reflects how the research has been undertaken and the research
techniques used. Thus, it in a way provides a comprehensive account of the problems that have
been taken into account and the approaches and strategies for studying the labour migration from
the District Poonch of the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir to the Gulf Countries, with its
attended consequences.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY:

The present study was undertaken with the following objectives:
1. To understand the genesis and pattern of out migration to the Gulf Countries from District
Poonch.
2. To delineate the factors responsible for migration to the GCC Countries.
3. To understand the significant challenges and problems faced by the emigrants during their
sojourn in the Gulf states.
4. To study the Socio-Cultural impact of Gulf migration on the emigrants' place of origin.
(Family, Education, Demography, Religion).
5. To analyze the impact of the remittances in considerably improving the living standards of the
migrants and their households.

HYPOTHESES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. The process of globalization, by providing incentives and opportunities for mobility,
creates the conditions for increasing external migration More the opportunities offered by the
forces of globalization, the greater the pace of external Migration.
2. The greater the pace of migration more the improvement in social conditions of the
labour migrants.
3. The increase in the migration of labourers leads to a change in the cultural and religious
aspects of the migrating community.

Research Questions:
The present study also sought to address the subsequent research questions:
1. Does male migration have any observable impact on village frameworks, such as patriarchy?
2. Does new technologies, like mobile phones, facilitate communication between individuals
who are left behind and their migrating family members?
3. What is the effect of technology, such as cell phones, on the women who are left behind in
rural areas?
4. How far is the satisfaction of labour migrants concerning the present legislation of Gulf
countries?
5. What are the religious changes which the labour migrants come across after their sojourn to
the Gulf countries?

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Theoretical Perspective
The present study employed the network theory as a theoretical paradigm to be aware of the
whole process of Gulf Migration from the District Poonch. The network theory as discussed by
Douglas S. Massey in his paper titled, “Theories of International Migration: A paper titled "A
Review and Appraisal" (1993) examined the notion of migration networks. Migrant networks are
defined by the author as the interrelated connections among migrants, return migrants, and non-
migrants in both the places of origin and destination. These ties are established by consanguinity,
companionship, and common communal heritage.

In the context of the present study, the migrant networks were the most important phenomenon
by which the whole process of Gulf migration was sustained as these networks of interpersonal
ties, provided the needed information and the resources to the one who was migrating for the
first time that were necessary for the survival of a person in such hostile countries as the Gulf
Countries, which had both geographical as well as political hostilities for someone moving from
the remote District of Poonch.Massey also contended that these networks not only enhance the
likelihood of international migration but also contribute to reducing the expenses and hazards
associated with migration, hence augmenting the anticipated net gains from migration.
Therefore, it is a type of social asset that individuals might utilize to get employment
opportunities abroad.

The present study has also tried to analyze how the migrant networks act as a form of social
capital and help in sustaining and perpetuating the whole migration process in the context of
Gulf Countries.

Merton's notion of functions (both manifest and latent functions) and dysfunctions has also been
applied in the research. Functions are the outcomes that individuals see or anticipate; they are
intentional, advantageous, and clearly expressed and understood by the parties involved in the
pertinent activity that benefits society.Dysfunctions on the other hand are unintended or
unrecognized, thereby, harming the society.

Thus, the present study tried to analyze how the Migration of labourers to Gulf countries has
both functions like better lifestyles and life chances due to the remittances, more educational
opportunities for their children, more authority for the wives left behind, more chances of buying
assets, cultural influence and more power within the relatives and also dysfunctions like
physical, emotional and psychological turmoil for the migrants as well as their families left
behind, the change of family structure, the religious implications due to the coming of the new
school of thoughts, etc, thereby effecting himself, his family, his place of the origin and his place
to the destination.

Universe of the Study:

From the socio-economic point of view and also taking into account the fact that a substantial
portion of migrants to the Gulf are primarily from the Poonch District, therefore, the study
related to universe consisted of labour migrants moving from all the Six Tehsils of District
Poonch. Moreover, the universe for this study consisted of two categories of labour migrants,
1. Those who were still working in the Gulf and
 2. Those who had returned from the Gulf.
The second category further comprised two groups of labour migrants:
1. Category One was of those who used to work in Gulf and had returned recently between
2011-2017 and
2. The second category comprised those who had worked in the Gulf and had returned
before 2010.

Research Design and Sampling of the Study:

The present study used both exploratory as well as descriptive research design. After the
identification of the universe, the sample size was determined, since determining the appropriate
sample size is an essential part of the research procedure. For various reasons like size, cost,
time, and accessibility, a large population of respondents cannot be examined in its totality. By
studying and examining the chosen sample, we seek knowledge about the total population and
extend our inference about the sample to the entire population. Because of this reason, while
deciding the sample size it was made sure that the representative sample of the studied
population was taken to facilitate convincing inferences about the whole population.
Accordingly, the sampling frame was determined and the same has been divided into two parts:
1. The first part comprised a total of 210 migrant laborers including 40 migrant labourers
presently working in the Gulf countries, 50 migrant labourers who used to work in the
Gulf Countries and had returned recently (2011-2017) from the Gulf Countries, and 120
labour migrants who had returned before (2010),
2. The second part comprised 36 households of migrants from Six Tehsils of District
Poonch including the migrant’s wife, his mother, his father, and his children

Further, those who were still working in the Gulf were contacted through telephones and were
contacted whenever they visited their homes.

As the Poonch District has Six Tehsils, therefore, the systematic random method was used to
select the 210 migrants for the survey in such a way that the sample size of each tehsil was kept
proportional to the total population of each Tehsil. Moreover, to identify those who were still
working in Gulf Countries, the Snowball sampling method was used.
The Purposive Sampling Method was then applied to choose respondents from different
occupations (Agriculture labour, Masons, Carpenters, Barbers, Tailors, Drivers, gardeners, Daily
wagers, Plumbers, etc).
Moreover, the 36 households of migrants were interviewed by following snowball and purposive
sampling methods. Besides, the Narrative method of data collection was also employed in order
to understand the emotional and psychological impact that the migration had on the migrants as
well as their family members left behind.

Table 1.4: Sample Size of Labour Migrants as well as their households

S.No. Name of the Tehsil Sample size (It comprised of two categories:
1) Migrants and 2) Their Household Members
1 Haveli 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

2 Suronkote 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

3 Mandi 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

4 Mendhar 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

5 Mankote 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

6 Balakote 35 Migrants + 6 Household Members

Tools for Data Collection:

Once a research topic has been clearly identified and the study design or plan has been
established, the process of data gathering commences. To achieve the study's aims, both primary
and secondary data were utilized. The secondary data obtained from a variety of published
sources, such as books, journals, newspapers, magazines, and reports, was used to get a
comprehensive understanding of the concepts of migration, migrants, and labour. Likewise, the
various government documents along with the various reports of international organizations like
the International Labour Organization, United Nations Organizations, and United Nations
Development Programme also served as useful sources. The books, journals, and newspaper
reports written by various authors also helped to provide deep insights into the theoretical and
empirical aspects of the study and provided the secondary data needed for this study.
The following Table 1.5 shows the approximate number of people applying for passports and
Visas from Jammu division and District Poonch respectively:

Table: 1.5: Number of Visa Applicants from Poonch District for Gulf Countries
Year No. of applications No. of applicant from Percentage
Received annually Poonch
For gulf visa
2014 60000 6000 10%
2015 50000 5000 10%
2016 45000 3600 8%
2017 52000 3640 7%
2018 50000 3500 7%
Total 257000 21740

Source: Passport Kendra, Jammu, 2018

The primary data consisted of first-hand information collected from specific population groups
during fieldwork conducted in the study area, namely the six tehsils of District Poonch. The data
was gathered using the interview/schedule method and followed a semi-structured approach,
incorporating both open and closed-ended questions.

However, before using the data collecting tools, the rapport-building process began with the
assistance of local Sarpanches and Panches of different villages of Six Tehsils of the District
Poonch in case of Labour Migrants to Gulf Countries and included both return migrants as well
as the migrants who were presently working the Gulf Countries. The interview schedule was
then pre-tested on around 36 randomly selected respondents (06 from each Tehsil of District
Poonch) to ensure that the questions posed were genuine.

This was done to determine whether the questions accurately measured the issues for which they
were designed. Subsequently, in light of feedback from the pre-test and comments from various
experts, the interview schedule was updated. The schedule inquiries were mostly concerned with
information and opinion gathering. Additionally, some questions were experiential, reflective,
and preferential. Moreover, the socio-economic profile questions were semi-structured, whereas
the socio-cultural profile questions, such as those about caste, religion, occupation, education,
politics, and organizations, were both closed-ended and open-ended.
Following these processes, organized fieldwork began in May 2020 during the COVID-19 period
taking all the precautionary measures, with numerous additional visits to the field for various
reasons, were undertaken during the year 2021. During this period, the tools developed were
employed to collect data. The interview schedule, which included both structured and
unstructured questions, was followed, the field diary was well-kept, and the observational
materials were carefully recorded. The research contains both quantitative and qualitative data
gathered on the ground.

As previously stated, structured questions covered those components of the respondents'

responses that were presumed to be true, whereas unstructured questions included those
characteristics that required an elaborate subjective judgment of the respondents. Such questions
were kept open-ended because such replies varied so much from person to person.

For instance, to ascertain the respondents' responses on their migration to Gulf countries and
migration inside the state, the interview consisted of both structured and unstructured
questions.The closed 'yes' and 'no' alternatives were used to decide the response, but the question
was kept open-ended to ascertain the reason for the response. Many of the questions about the
respondents' social profile, such as their age, gender, religion, occupation, country of destination,
marital status, education, and so on, were closed-ended.

As the present study was more focused on determining the 'observable changes' in the socio-
cultural and economic characteristics of labour migrants and their families left behind, following
migrant labourers' activities, such as their methods of work, their interactions, and opinions with
migrant labourers of other Countries and Nationalities, their participation in socio-cultural
events, etc were observed . In addition to these factors, the study examined the influence of
women who were left behind and assumed decision-making authority in the absence of their
husbands. It also explored the effects of the father's migration on the child's education,
psychology, and economic well-being. The observations were conducted discreetly, without the
subjects being aware of being observed, filmed, or interviewed. They were monitored in their
typical everyday environments using a non-disruptive approach. This contributed to the
formation of a vivid depiction of their social life.
Data Processing, Tabulation, Analysis and Interpretation

All open-ended questions were coded for their subjective replies upon completion of the
quantitative data collection. Subsequently, the data was fed into the computer with the
appropriate codes. The data was summarized in tabular form after the feeding procedure. To
make the data more accessible, the responses were translated into percentages. First, single-
variable tables were compiled, and then the bivariate cross-tabulation was performed to analyze
the correlations between variables such as caste, gender, sex, employment, and neighborhood
preferences. The tables, as well as the observational and qualitative data, serve as the primary
evidence for the study's discussion and conclusions.

Only the tables that revealed relevant results were retained from a vast number of bivariate tables
demonstrating co-relations between the variables. Moreover, to give visual presentations of the
results and to have a clear comprehension of the tables, diagrammatic versions of these tables
have been included in the chapters alongside the tables. Numerous figures were utilized for this
purpose, including pie charts, bar charts, pyramids, and cones, as it was believed that
diagrammatic representations via graphs are more expressive and evocative than abstract tables.

It was also kept in consideration that when presenting the data, it was accessible to non-specialist
audiences who may be unfamiliar with statistics. The tables and graphs were designed to be basic
enough for readers to grasp without extensive reference to the text, on the premise that users may
pick up information from the tables or graphs without reading the entire text. The titles were
made informative, and the rows and columns of the tables, as well as the axes of the graphs, were
labeled clearly. The main points represented in the tables and figures were incorporated into the
texts. The percentages in the figures were rounded up to make them as clear as feasible for easy
comprehension.
After completing the tabulation procedure, the process of analyzing the numerous tables began.
To do so, the data in the tables was first described to make the conclusions clear, while making
sure that the description did not appear verbatim. Results that weren’t statistically significant like
the pre-migration and post-migration changes, the emotional and psychological consequences of
the migration, the religious and cultural changes brought as anoutcome of the emigration and the
return migration, etc. have been explained and interpreted.
Research questions and hypotheses were also kept in mind when analyzing the data, and
additional empirical studies were cited alongside the interpretation to ensure that the findings
were scientifically and objectively sound. Following the investigation, deductions and
conclusions have been generated to indicate how the migrant workers' socio-cultural and
economic characteristics have changed after they moved. To make the analysis and interpretation
more persuasive and understandable, the findings from the qualitative study based on
observation and in-depth interviews, have been mentioned at the appropriate places while
interpreting and analyzing the tables. Research results are compared to theories and research
findings wherever possible to verify the findings and look for correlations between this study’s
findings and those of other studies.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE
A significant amount of work has already been done on different aspects of migrant labour and
its impact on various sections of society, new trends, and so on. In this direction, a lot of work of
the most relevant studies so far conducted to comprehend the present study was reviewed to gain
a deep insight into the whole process of Gulf Migration. The various functions and dysfunctions
of this labour migration related to the subject matter were also analyzed as noted in the following
studies.

Gulf Migration: Issues and Challenges:

Gardner (2012) points out that there are significant problems faced by the labourers including
receiving lower pay/wages than what they were contractually promised, working for longer
hours than what was originally indicated in their contracts, widespread non-payment of promised
wages; confiscating of their passports by the sponsors, which significantly impedes their ability
to leave these problematic employment situations. Moreover, the extremely overcrowded and
difficult living conditions along with the socio-spatial segregation, becomes the norm and the
migrants in these foreign states then have significant exertion proclaiming their basic rights.

Similarly, everyone who is going for either an unskilled or semi-skilled job in the Middle East is
quite aware of the fact that work there could be hazardous, working hours long, and living
conditions quite hard. In addition, the labour migrants from both India and as well as other South
Asian countries are asked to do hazardous work, which could prove to be risky for their life as
the mortality in accidents among the workers is reported to be on the increase (Gulati,1983).

Khadria (2008) highlights that workers, both unskilled and semiskilled, encounter numerous
challenges when employed in infrastructure and development projects. These challenges
primarily stem from harsh conditions at work and the substandard living conditions they endure.
Labour camps usually house workers in small, unfit quarters with no amenities, making for an
unpleasant living environment. Low-skilled Indian laborers in the Gulf have endured terrible
working conditions, severe weather, limited social and cultural interaction chances, and extended
periods of time away from their families. These factors have all had a substantial detrimental
influence on their life. These factors have resulted in emotional deprivation and substantial harm
to their well-being.

The widespread exploitation of workers by placement and recruiting firms is one major problem
that they frequently face. These organizations occasionally collaborate with potential employers
to take advantage of job applicants who are illiterate. This exploitation includes actions such as
confiscating passports, cheating on promised employment and wages, refusing overtime pay,
deducting permit fees from wages, providing inadequate transportation, offering insufficient
medical facilities, denying legal rights for addressing complaints, and using migrants as carriers
of smuggled goods (Khadria, 2008).

According to a recent India Spend report from 2016, it was found that Indians residing and
working in Saudi Arabia or Kuwait have a significantly higher likelihood of dying compared to
their counterparts in the United States. The main reason for this is often attributed to the
hazardous nature of their jobs, particularly in construction. Furthermore, it was emphasized that
the mean fatality rate among workers in the six Gulf nations was 69.2 per 100,000, far above the
global norm. Thus, the present research examined the challenges encountered by individuals who
migrate to Gulf nations and the resulting consequences they deal with when returning from their
migration.

Gulf Migration and Socio-Economic Impact:

Upon examining the socio-economic effects of Gulf migration in Kerala, it was discovered that
the prevalence of numerous small families is partially due to migration. The migration to the
Gulf region resulted in a 33% rise in single-member households and a 42% increase in two-
member households. Consequently, the share of big families saw a commensurate reduction
(Zachariah Et.al, 2000). Similarly, it was also showed that the increasing number of immigrants
in West Java has influenced the household structure and the number of single-person households,
non-familial households, and extended horizontal households has increased, while the other type
decreased (Wahyuni,).

Gulati (1983) studied the various impacts of migration. However, while analyzing the economic
impact of migration at the family level, he found out that there has been a large influx of
remittances, leading to consequential improvement in living standards which can be seen visibly
in the widespread improvement of housing. Whereas, while analyzing other social and
psychological impacts she concluded that on the positive side, migration to the Gulf increased
family interdependence thereby strengthening formal family and kin networks. It has also had a
positive effect on female roles. However, on the demographic side, impacts on the female, as
well as male age at marriage, levels of fertility, and sex ratio, cannot be ruled out. At the same
time, amassing evidence of a negative kind of impact developed which showed that
psychological strain as a result of this type of migration thereby affecting women has been quite
great and the worst affected seem to be young wives left behind by migrant workers to the care
of their in-laws in that way leading to estrangement between wives and their in-laws thereby
damaging the intra-family relationship.

Research has also discovered that migration has had a substantial impact on the decrease in the
working-age population in the State of Kerala. As a result, there has been an increase in the
proportion of children and elderly individuals. This shift can be attributed not only to the net
outmigration of individuals in their working years but also to the positive return migration of
individuals above the age of 60. Additionally, it was claimed that while the composition of
marital status has been minimally impacted, there is a substantial influence on the quantity and
proportion of married women residing apart from their spouses due to their husbands' migration
(Zachariah et al., 2000).
Furthermore, the migration of individuals from Kerala to Gulf countries has resulted in almost
one million women living apart from their spouses. These kinds of people are commonly referred
to as "gulf wives." They initially faced profound feelings of isolation and, over time, became
overwhelmed by additional family obligations. Unfortunately, they had very few contacts to
assist them in managing these commitments. However, with the passage of time and assistance
from abroad, the majority of these individuals were able to overcome their profound isolation.
This led to an enhancement in their self-governance, independent standing, managerial abilities,
and exposure to the external world. These newfound qualities will continue to have a positive
impact on their lives, as well as on their families and the wider society (Zachariah et al., 2000).
Stark (2005) asserts that remittances serve as a significant impetus for international migration.
As a result, these remittances have had a significant impact on the growth of the migrant's
household as well as his hometown. In Güngör's (2008) study, it was discovered that increased
remittances resulted in the spouse experiencing more economic autonomy and empowerment,
both within the home and in society as a whole.

Similarly, Olwig (1999) illustrated that children who got monetary assistance and frequent visits
from parents experienced a higher level of happiness. Consequently, this resulted in children
learning that their parents were working for their benefit, thereby recognizing that their parents'
absence was ultimately advantageous for them. Rapoport and Docquier (2006) have
demonstrated the positive impact of remittances on recipients' quality of life, poverty reduction,
and stimulation of economic growth and development. This enables households to overcome
financial limitations and allocate resources towards education and healthcare.
Aziz et al. (2015) stated that workers' remittances contribute to financial development, resulting
in a substantial boost to economic growth. Additionally, it was discovered that with the
implementation of financial liberalization and trade openness, workers' remittances played a
crucial role in promoting economic growth. Similarly, Weiner (1982) discovered that while
migration contributes to a significant increase in remittances, this does not imply that migration
to the Gulf region does not incur expenses. As to his statement, the expenses associated with this
movement include the displacement of homes, the increase in property prices in the areas where
migrants originate from, the loss of trained labor, and various challenges faced by the migrants in
the Gulf. However, as per Menon's (1995) findings, the revenue resulting from migration does
not mitigate poverty or sufficiently offset the difficulties faced by women while males are
absent.

Labor Migration and Family Members Left Behind:

The act of migration significantly affects the family members who remain at home.
Battistella & Conaco (1998) found that migration does not always harm the development of
children left behind, especially when the mother stays at home. The impact of migration on the
children left behind also primarily depends on how the extended family considers the vacuums
created by the absence of parents. Furthermore, remittances have the potential to contribute
positively to the improvement of education, especially for female children. This, in turn, can
have a beneficial effect on the overall life satisfaction of migrants. Battistella & Conaco (1998)
argued that when one or both parents are absent due to migration, it causes a shift in the
dynamics of the family, resulting in a void that must be filled. Therefore, the significance and
functioning of the extended family during migration are crucial and primarily determined by the
extent to which the extended family participates in substituting for the absence of parents.

Similarly, Gulati (1993) conducted a study on 37 low-income homes in Alakad, located

in Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, and found that the households were affected by male migration
to West Asia, resulting in significant transformations. Specifically, the study revealed a shift
from male-dominated families to female-dominated families. The influx of migrants resulted in a
rise in family revenues, mainly driven by women. Consequently, women gained authority over
the allocation and utilization of these remittances.

Furthermore, she discovers that women often seek consolation in religion in the absence
of their partners. In addition, they experience the strain of living together with their relatives and
the challenges of simultaneously managing the children and caring for the family.They also have
to deal with the psychological effects of spending a lot of time apart from their spouse.
The migration of male individuals has an impact on the lives of families that are left behind,
since it brings about alterations in the role and social standing of women who remain at home
(Hadi, 2001). Abadan-Unat (1977) conducted research on Turkish women and discovered that
those who stay at home have more authority in making decisions within the household,
particularly when they reside in nuclear households. The lack of a male presence within the
family thereafter compels the women who remain behind to engage with organizations and
institutions (such as banks and government agencies) with which they were previously
unfamiliar prior to migration.

Roy and Nangia (2005) asserted that although more autonomy for women is generally
beneficial, there are also several proven adverse effects of men's labour migration on women
who stay behind. Furthermore, as stated by Khaled (1995), when males are not present, women
who are left behind assume the responsibility for both their own tasks and the tasks and
responsibilities of their husbands.

According to Sadiqi and Ennaji (2004), labour migration can be advantageous for
families in terms of economic benefits. However, if migrant males are unable to find a
satisfactory job, families may face increased financial difficulties. Consequently, women who are
married to migrants who are unable to get lucrative employment in the nations they migrate to
may face significant financial hardships as a result of the many obligations placed upon them.
Put simply, while women may have more independence, they might nevertheless encounter
significant gender discrepancies within their households and society as a whole, owing to the
extensive scale of these inequalities (Yabiku et al., 2010).

Zachariah &Rajan (2015) have observed and come to the conclusion that women who
previously had restricted lifestyles and were unable to manage household and outdoor tasks prior
to their husbands' migration are now required by circumstances to open bank accounts and
interact with public officials in order to access a range of services.
Consequently, the departure of the male family member has a significant influence not just on
the spouses but also on the children who remain. Hence, the combination of parental absence
(from either the father or mother) with economic advantages results in significant alterations to
the social and psychological milieu of the children that were left-behind. Another study
contended that besides remittances, several other factors, such as new technological devices,
clothing, and appliances, might also induce behavioural changes in children who are left behind
(D' Emilio et al., 2007). Moreover, according to Escalante (2008), remittances enable individuals
to afford higher-cost healthcare choices such as clinics, hospitals, and medical experts.
According to Kandel and Kao (2000 and 2001), emigrant remittances improve educational
outcomes, especially for younger children, and an increase in expatriates' income enables them to
provide their children with more educational opportunities, higher-quality health facilities, and
access to superior education. In a similar study, it wasfound that remittances from migrants make
a substantial contribution to increasing educational possibilities for females, bringing them closer
to the level of boys (Curran et al., 2004). Similar results were also obtaining in another study
wherein it was found that remittances from overseas migration have a positive effect on
children's education and family affairs (Taylor, 1987 and Jones, 1995). In 1999, Kanaiaupuni &
Doneto asserted that the wellbeing of children in migrant communities and overall progress had
been facilitated by higher remittances.

The remittances that migrants send back to their home countries improve the education of
children. The purpose of this is to enable families to accumulate more savings and enhance
educational investments for their children via the use of remittances. Other studies like those by
Edwards &Ureta (2003), Hansen & Woodruff (2003), Taylor & Lopez-Feldman (2010), Amudo-
Dorantes et al. (2010), Calero et al. (2009), and Alcaroz et al. (2012) have supported this.
Furthermore, some research suggests that children living with both parents have a higher
tendency to prioritize their financial situation when commencing school, resulting in a delay in
their entrance into the labour market (Saucedo, 2006). Edward and Ureta (2003) conducted a
study in El Salvador and discovered that remittances have the potential to mitigate the hazards
associated with the social and psychological well-being of children. Calero et al. (2009) found
that remittances had a positive impact on school enrollment rates and played a role in reducing
child labour in Ecuador. These are a few positive outcomes of remittances for children who are
separated from their parents.

But in some other studies of migration of parents, negative effects on children have also been
witnessed. Those children who were staying without their parents had higher dropout rates than
those children who had their parents by their side. Many factors push them to drop out of school.
Ogbu (1987) observed that children who were found to be highly inspired by the thought of
migration to gain economic benefits have less faith in the ability of education to provide them
with the necessary career growth. It has been seen in children whose father was the emigrant, his
long absence made children's attachment to him reduced with time, leading to school withdrawal
symptoms among children, with no authoritative figure at home to check their presence in
school.

According to a study by Astone and McLanaha (1994), children residing with stepfamilies are at
an even greater risk of withdrawing from school prematurely than those residing in single-parent
households. A study conducted by Garfinkel and McLanahan in 1986 that examined U.S.
migration underscored the disadvantages faced by children raised in single-parent households.
The study found that their reduced incomes were a direct cause of their subpar academic
performance. An increased allocation of remittances towards consumer commodities and capital
expenditures may supplant investments in the education of children, with a greater emphasis
placed on improving their living standards (Croll and Ping, 1997; Durand et al., 1996; Massey,
1998; Taylor et al., 1996). Pong (1996) and Astone and McLanahan (1994) have provided
evidence that children hailing from single-parent households are susceptible to early school
dropout. In a study pertaining to Mexico, Lu (2014) demonstrated that the educational
achievement of children abandoned by international migrants is inferior to that of those who
reside with both parents. Furthermore, as stated by Hu (2012), the lack of senior or adult family
members negatively impacts the academic performance of children left behind in rural regions
who are adults. Nevertheless, remittances may serve as a partial offset to this deprivation.
Additionally, McKenzie and Rapport (2006) examined the effects of prospective migration on
rural Mexican migrant households, which decreased the likelihood of high school graduation for
children.

Therefore, the present study has also tried to highlight the consequences of the emigration of the
labor migrants on their left behind family members, particularly their wives and children. This
present chapter has also tried to explore how male migration to the Gulf Countries affects the
emotions, well-being, and authority of women as well as the children who are living without
their husbands/fathers. Thus, In order to examine the effects of the Gulf Migration on the
individuals who were left behind, we conducted interviews with 36 women. These interviews
were conducted using semi-structured schedules and focused on two groups of women: those
who live in nuclear families and those who live with their in-laws. The women selected for the
interviews were chosen through purposive sampling, specifically targeting households where the
women had been left behind while their husbands migrated to Arab/Gulf countries within the
past 7-10 years.

Moreover, an attempt has been also made to get an insight into their perception towards the
migration of their husbands to the Gulf Countries, as well as their perceived role reversal in case
of the absence of their husbands and their coping with the changes brought about by the
decision-making power if any, as well as the negative fallouts like loneliness, added
responsibilities related to their children as well as in-laws, etc which they had to cope up during
the absence of their husbands. In Mercer's (2012) analysis, it is posited that those who are left
behind undergo a wide range of emotions, encompassing fluctuations in emotional states as well
as feelings of wrath and distress. She determined that emigration is mostly seen as a substantial
deprivation, nearly comparable to 'death', resulting in substantial alterations in social networks
and connections.

However, due to the little research conducted thus far, this study aims to examine the socio-
cultural and economic impacts resulting from labor migration to the Gulf from Poonch District.
The outmigration has also resulted in significant transformations within the families that
remained in the area. The study has aimed to assess the impact of outmigration on the socio-
cultural component of individuals.
Gulf Migration and Kafala Sponsorship System:
The Kafala Sponsorship System is a crucial component in the entire migration procedure towards
the Gulf Countries. Another goal of the present study was to learn more about the Kafala
Sponsorship system and the results it aims to achieve in the Gulf States. "Kafala" is an Arabic
noun that, according to Hans Wehr's "Walls Built on Sand" article, comes from the root word "k-
f-l" and means "to provide for," "to be responsible for," or "to act as a legal guardian."

In his 2001 book "Islamic Law of Guarantees," Nicholas Foster contends that the term "kafala"
inherently signifies a promise that encompasses several facets of life. It may be either a financial
guarantee ('al-kafālafī al-māl) or a personal guarantee ('al-kafālafī al-nafs). Therefore, the term
"kafala" in Arabic may be used in several contexts, each with its own unique connotations.
Within the domain of fiqh, which pertains to Islamic jurisprudence, kafala is comprehended and
construed in a similar fashion. The four schools of Islamic law define kafala as a type of
guarantee in which the 'kafl' and the sponsored person are both subject to the same obligation
and agreement.The kafala, in essence, is a contractual agreement that binds two parties together
as a one entity.

In order to enhance comprehension of the Kafala Sponsorship System and GCC Countries, Lori
(2012) asserts that due to the fact that the GCC states do not perceive themselves as immigration
nations, the official discourse does not categorize the imported labor force as migrants, but rather
as "foreign workers," "temporary contract workers," or "expatriates." In this context, the
employment and residency of migrant workers are governed by a sponsorship system known as
kafala. This system can be described as an elaborate and institutionalized guest worker program
that operates across various Asian countries. It facilitates the movement of millions of
individuals and contributes significantly to the economic transactions between sending and
receiving nations, amounting to billions of dollars.

The paper titled "Contract Labour and Debt Bondage in the Arab Gulf States" was authored by
Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf. Policies and Practices within the Kafala System' has aimed to
emphasize that the Kafala system does not allow for extended periods of residency, permanent
settlement, or citizenship. Consequently, migrant workers often enter the Arab Gulf States with
contracts that are good for either two or, in some cases, four years. They are expected to depart
the country promptly after their contracts expire, unless they are renewed or extended.
Furthermore, the regulations within the kafala system bind temporary contract laborers tightly to
their local employers, who bear legal and financial responsibility for them throughout their stay.
These regulations often restrict the mobility and freedom of contract laborers, preventing them
from leaving the country or switching employers.

The Kafala system has its roots in the historic customs of patronage and hospitality in Arab
communities, when people or families assume the obligation of caring for and providing
assistance to non-relatives. Subsequently, this idea was systematized and modified to suit the
labor market, resulting in the establishment of a framework often referred to as the kafala
system. In his 2015 article titled "Kafala System in GCC: Reformations and Pressures," Anwar
Al-Khateeb provides a definition of the kafala system as a sponsorship system that is applicable
to migrant workers in several Middle Eastern nations. This system has arisen as a result of the
discovery of oil and the subsequent growth in the region. The Kafala system establishes a
connection between the migrant worker and the kafīl (sponsor), thus linking the legal status of
migrant workers to their employers. This gives employers substantial authority over the workers'
ability to move, work, and remain in the country.

In her work entitled "The Kafala 'Sponsorship' System in Saudi Arabia: A Critical Analysis From
the Perspective of International Human Rights and Islamic Law," AsmaAzhari elucidates that the
Kafala system was implemented with the purpose of overseeing the entitlements of citizens and
overseeing the immigration process. Within this framework, a Saudi national has the ability to
solicit the services of an overseas employee to engage in employment on their behalf.
Conversely, the kafil (sponsor) undertakes the role of being accountable for the worker, serving
as a kind of assurance for the government. The sponsor, usually a person or organization, hires
migrant laborers for physically strenuous jobs in areas such as construction, domestic services, or
low-skilled positions across several industries. Consequently, this system delegates the legal
liability to Saudi citizens, who aid authorities in supervising migrant workers by serving as their
sponsors.

Nevertheless, this approach has garnered negative reviews in the media. The report titled "The
Impact of the Kafala System on Migrant Workers in Qatar and the UAE" by Human Rights
Watch sheds light on the numerous concerns related to the Kafala System and its impact on the
rights of migrant workers. These concerns encompass issues of exploitation and abuse, such as
unpaid wages, excessively long working hours, and the confiscation of passports by employers,
among others. Migrant workers in this system have difficulties when attempting to pursue legal
remedies. Furthermore, opponents of the Kafala System contend that the system may lead to the
mistreatment and exploitation of workers, as sponsors possess the power to seize passports,
withhold salaries, enforce long working hours, and limit the freedom of movement of workers.
This power dynamic has been linked to other types of labor exploitation, such as unfavorable
working conditions, non-remittance of earnings, physical and verbal mistreatment, and restricted
availability of legal safeguards.
 The paper "Indian Migration to the Gulf: Overview of Trends and Policy Initiatives" by
Indira Rupa Chanda and Pralok Gupta emphasizes that the Kafala System enables the
exploitation and abuse of migrant workers by employers, who confiscate their passports, pay
very low wages to blue-collar workers, and provide insufficient working and living conditions.
Workers are accommodated in labor camps that resemble ghettos, lacking vital amenities such as
clean drinking water and proper sanitary facilities. In addition, these camps have inadequate
safety protocols, which leads to frequent accidents at construction sites and subsequently results
in a significant number of deaths among workers each year [Aneja (2013), Rahman (2014), and
Nagraj (2017)].

However, human rights organizations and advocacy groups have raised concerns about
the kafala system over the years and called for reforms to improve the rights and living
conditions of migrant workers. As a result, some countries have taken steps to address these
issues and have implemented reforms to change or abolish some aspects of the kafala system.
For example, Qatar has introduced labor reforms to provide greater protection for migrant
workers, including setting a minimum wage, improving living conditions, and removing exit
permits for most workers.

Similarly, Dr. Fahad L. Alghalib Al-Sharif in his paper entitled “Kafala Sponsorship
Reforms in Saudi Arabia: "Converging Toward International Labour Standards" highlights the
extensive institutional change implemented in Saudi Arabia's kafala system as part of the
National Transformation Program, aimed at organizing the labour market. Initially, he said that
foreign workers in Saudi Arabia will have the freedom to switch occupations when their
contractual relationship concludes, without requiring approval from their current employer. The
new reform not only facilitates the movement of workers and protects the rights of foreign
workers across all industries, but it also aligns with the Saudi government's efforts to enhance
long-term competitiveness in the labour market.

Furthermore, similar to other Gulf nations, the Saudi government currently permits
foreign workers to leave the country without requiring authorization from their employers, a
practice generally referred to as issuing exit and re-entry visas. This policy has faced strong
condemnation from numerous human rights organizations targeting Saudi Arabia. The
implementation of these recent reforms indicates that Saudi Arabia is aligning itself with global
and Gulf norms, while also enhancing labour mobility and protecting the rights of foreign
workers. According to the Saudi Vision 2030, the key elements of the Saudi Labour Reform
Initiative will have a positive impact on millions of foreign workers in Saudi Arabia.
Additionally, these elements have the potential to enhance the competitiveness, productivity, and
appeal of the Saudi labour market.

It is crucial to acknowledge that although certain countries have achieved advancements,

the kafala system persists in different manifestations throughout the area. Consequently, there are
still obstacles to overcome in guaranteeing equitable treatment and safeguarding the rights of
migrant workers. Efforts to modify or replace the kafala system persist in order to enhance the
working and living conditions of migrant workers throughout the Middle East and North Africa.
In this study, most participants reported that they were required to work under a specific Kafil,
who served as their sponsor and legal guarantor in the country they were going to. Consequently,
they had to rely on these Kafils for a successful experience, as the Kafils provided them with a
"Akamah" card, similar to an ATM card, which contained all the emigrants' information.
Therefore, to extend their stay there, emigrants had to get renew this card through their
respective Kafil after its expiry.

They also revealed that most of the time the Kafil used to confiscate their passports
because there used to be a provision in their Akamah (Legal Contract) that the emigrant could
not change their Kafil for a new Kafil during their visa duration, without getting the permission
from their previous Kafil and this at times would lead to their exploitation at the hands of their
Kafils.

Gulf Migration and the Role of Networks:

The present study has also tried to explore how the migrating person becomes the sponsor for the
migration of other persons (chain migration) from his family in particular and his community in
general despite being known of the fact the hardships and dilemmas being faced in the host
countries. The concepts of migration networks and chain migration, together with their
associated theories, have provided valuable insights on the migration process to Gulf countries
from Poonch District. These ideas have been utilized as a theoretical framework to comprehend
the entire migration process.
According to Massey (1993), interpersonal contacts between migrants, former migrants, and
non-migrants in both the locations of origin and destination help to establish migration networks.
These relationships are established on the basis of familial ties, companionship, and a common
heritage within the community. They not only increase the likelihood of worldwide movement
but also decrease the costs and risks linked to migration, while concurrently increasing the
expected net benefits of moving. Therefore, network connections provide a kind of social capital
that people may use to access prospects for employment abroad. Moreover, once the number of
migrants exceeds a certain threshold, the expansion of networks leads to a reduction in the costs
and risks connected with migration. Consequently, this enhances the probability of migration,
resulting in further mobility and the subsequent proliferation of networks, thus establishing an
ongoing cycle. As a result, the migratory behavior eventually spreads to include broader
segments of the community from which migrants come (Hugo, 1981; Taylor, 1986; Massey and
Garcia Espafia, 1987; Massey, 1990a, 1990b; Gurak and Caces, 1992).

In Biswajit Banerjee's paper titled "Social Networks in the Migration Process: Empirical
Evidence on Chain Migration in India," it is stated that social connections at the destination play
a crucial role in minimizing the psychological challenges faced by migrants during their
adjustment phase. Additionally, these social contacts also contribute to reducing financial
burdens by offering valuable information about job prospects and providing material support
during the job search. Therefore, the movements that are defined by these relationships between
migrants and contacts in the destination are commonly referred to as chain migration.

Additionally, Biswajit Banerjee categorizes chain migration into several broad subdivisions:
1. Delayed Family Migration refers to the phenomenon where family members relocate from
their origin to the destination in stages that are spaced apart in time. Typically, one or more
family members migrate initially, and the remaining members follow once the first mover has
successfully settled at the destination. The followers may either migrate as dependents of the
initial mover or with the conscious aim of joining the work force. Delayed family migrants can
encompass not just spouses and children, but also siblings, parents, and other patrilineal
relatives.
2. Serial migration, in contrast, entails contacts among non-related individuals. Within this
context, the destination-based contacts refer to those who are either distant relatives or
acquaintances of the migrants or their families, but are not directly related to them. Therefore,
the continuous flow of migration observed in serial migration, as opposed to delayed family
migration, typically comprises solely of labour migrants.

Joshua Blumenstock and Xu Tan examine the impact of social networks on migration choices in
their 2016 research article titled "Social Networks and Migration: Theory and Evidence from
Rwanda." By analyzing data from Rwanda, they discovered two significant findings:

a) The probability of migrating rises when people who want to move in the future have a greater
number of connections in the target country and engage in more regular interactions with those
connections.

b) Additionally, they noted the presence of positive externalities, indicating that migration rates
are higher when destination networks provide more extensive support and clustering, as well as
better linkages.Therefore, they contend that there is a direct relationship between networks and
the choice to migrate.

This chapter has also aimed to give an overview of the significance of these migration networks,
which contribute to the continuation and perpetuation of migration to GCC Countries, even from
a distant district in the UT of Jammu and Kashmir, specifically Poonch.

In the subsequent chapters of the present study, the various objectives and research questions
along with the hypothesis that had been formulated under the light of the review of literature,
have been explained which pointed out the research gap that must have been there to be
explained to make the present study of Gulf Migration from District Poonch a relevant one.

The second chapter of this study primarily focuses on the conceptual and theoretical aspects of
labor migration, specifically international labor migration. It explores different theories and
concepts related to migration and examine the origins of labor migration from India to Gulf
countries and the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

The third and fourth chapters of this study are focused on the fieldwork carried out in the
study area, specifically examining the socio-economic characteristics of the migrants.
Furthermore, the study examined the factors that led to their travel to Gulf countries and
investigated the origins of labor migration from District Poonch to these specific destinations. In
addition, the collected replies from the field have been studied to comprehend the socio-cultural
and economic ramifications stemming from labor migration. It also attempted to elucidate the
Kafala Sponsorship System as well as the function of networks in the entirety of the labor
migration process from District Poonch to Gulf Countries.

The fifth chapter aims to examine the socio-economic characteristics of the family members
who were left behind, as well as the socio-cultural and economic impacts on them, specifically
their wives and children. This analysis seeks to comprehend the overall dynamics of the Gulf
migration.
The final chapter has concentrated on the discoveries, proposals, and advice that have been
examined during the course of this study.

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Chapter Second; Labour Migration: Conceptual and Theoretical Understanding.

As the present chapter dealt with the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the labour migration,
therefore, the understanding of the following concepts like labour, labour migrant, types of labour,
migration, labour migration as well as the types of migration etc., becomes necessary in order to have a
better insight about the whole process of labor migration to Gulf Countries.

Meaning and Concept of Labour

The word "labour" has a range of meanings and, broadly speaking, it refers to any sort of
exertion, whether physical or mental, that is carried out in exchange for financial compensation.
According to Alfred Marshall (1890) in his Principles of Economics, labor is defined as "any
cognitive or physical effort performed with the intention of achieving a goal other than the
immediate enjoyment derived from the work." Furthermore, when addressing labor concerns, the
words "labour," "labourer," "worker," "workman," and "employee" are essentially
interchangeable.

However, Labour, in a sophisticated sense, refers to those who rely only on the selling of their
mental and physical ability to work, known as labour-power, as their primary source of income.
They get compensation in the form of wages or salaries. Labour, in its contemporary
understanding, encompasses those who do work for others, either physical or mental, in return
for a kind of compensation, whether monetary or non-monetary. Therefore, those who possess
advanced skills or extensive training, including technicians, supervisors, administrative workers,
and salaried staff, are equally considered part of the labour force, alongside unskilled or semi-
skilled physical laborers.

The term "labour" is often used in a wide sense to include the whole workforce or labour force,
which includes all those who are employed for a livelihood, excluding those who do not work or
are not expected to work, such as housewives, children, and the elderly. Within this particular
context, the term "labour" refers to the populace or human resources of a nation. However, the
context often elucidates the specific meaning in which the word "labour" is used. Labour, as
defined by scholars such as S.E. Thomas, refers to "any human exertion, whether it involves
physical or mental effort, that is carried out with the anticipation of receiving some form of
compensation." Hence, the word "labour," in its customary use, pertains to those who get their
livelihood directly from employers or to the services they provide for sale.

As Labour encompasses the combined physical, mental, and social exertion in an economy that
results in the production of goods and services. It is responsible for providing the essential
expertise, workforce, and assistance in converting raw materials into finished products and
services. Consequently, workers get compensation in return for the goods and services they do
not provide. Nevertheless, those who lack the requisite skills or aptitudes sometimes fail to
generate a sufficient income to support themselves.

Labor is a fundamental component among the four production factors that affect the level of
supply. The remaining three factors are land, money, and entrepreneurship. Thus, labour has
been measured in relation to the labor force or labor pool, and in order to be eligible for
employment, an individual must be accessible, eager to work, and have recently sought job
opportunities. Hence, the size of the labor force is not just influenced by the quantity of adults
but also by their assessed probability of securing employment. It is determined by multiplying
the number of employed individuals in a nation by the number of jobless individuals.

Labour Migrant

In the present research, labour migrants are persons who actively look for employment in certain
locations or those who were previously pursuing employment but faced obstacles that prevented
them from continuing to work and live in those regions. The definition of labour migrants in this
study is not influenced by factors such as gender, religion, region, or race.

Labour migrants are individuals who relocate from various regions within a nation or across
countries to exploit seasonal or temporary job prospects. Due to their frequent mobility, they are
considered transients who prioritize future temporary job prospects in different geographical
areas.
According to the Encyclopedia Britannica (2015), a labor migrant is a person who lacks
specialized skills and moves often from one area to another, providing their services temporarily,
typically during certain seasons.

Furthermore, a migrant worker is defined under the 2011 United Nations Convention on the
Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families as an individual
who is involved in, has engaged in, or will engage in a remunerated activity in a state of which
they are not citizens.

Types of labor

Kimberly Amadeo (2018) has categorized labor using several methods. The first factor to
examine is the amount of expertise, with unskilled labor being the most basic category that does
not need any training. Although unskilled labour often involves physical work, such as that of
farm workers.

The next category pertains to labour that is semi-skilled and needs some education or training.
An illustrative example is the production of employment opportunities.

Furthermore, labour is often categorized based on the type of relationship between the employer
and the worker. The majority of workers are wage earners, which indicates that a supervisor is in
charge of them. In addition, they are provided with a fixed weekly or biweekly salary and perks.
Nevertheless, when a contract explicitly specifies the tasks to be carried out, it is often known as
"contract labour." The worker is responsible for determining the approach to completing the
assignment. The charge might be either a commission or a fixed amount for the task, without any
additional advantages provided that do not require any training.

The concept of migration

The word "migration" specifically denotes the act of relocating to a new place of residence on a
permanent or semi-permanent basis. It is a distinct kind of mobility, since'mobility' is defined as
the whole of processes involving individuals. Regarding this matter, mobilization is often used to
denote social and vocational mobility. Unless one of these qualifiers is present, its usage often
implies movement in space.

In this study, migration is defined as the intentional relocation of people from one place to
another for purposes other than leisure, such as vacations or tours, but rather to establish a
permanent residence at the destination. This type of mobility, whether within a state or across
states, can occur as a result of socio-economic factors such as work possibilities,
industrialization, occupational shifts, population density, civic and educational amenities, and
incentives to save, which, put together, form the push and pull factors leading to their migration.
It may also arise from the interplay and equilibrium of expulsive pressures at the source and
destination sites. Most experts argue that the usefulness of a place or the presence of
opportunities significantly influences the direction of migration. Migration is a dynamic concept
in the field of population studies, as it encompasses the dispersion and mobility of a population,
along with the underlying reasons and consequences of this movement. It is an essential element
for both economic advancement and societal change.

The word "migration" refers to the act of changing one's place of residence. Consequently, a
migrant is an individual who relocates from one area to another, as long as the travel is neither
temporary nor casual. In the literary context, "migration" denotes the enduring relocation of an
individual or a collective from one cultural region or geographical location to another.

Recognizing the significance of migration as a concept, the definition as well as the scope of
migration have become more intricate in recent years, and there is a widespread belief that just
moving to a different geographical area does not sufficiently encompass the notion of migration.
Describing the notion of "migration" accurately is challenging due to its multifaceted nature.
Migration is often characterized by measurable parameters such as distance, direction, and
duration, which may be statistically measured. The objective of migration may also be described
in terms of its purpose.

Migration refers to the permanent relocation of individuals, distinguishing it from other types of
mobility that do not result in a permanent change of abode. Nevertheless, migration encompasses
more than just the physical relocation of individuals; it also entails a social, economic, and
cultural shift.

Everett Lee (1966) defines migration as a large and lasting alteration of one's place of residence.
There are no limitations on the distance of the relocation or on whether the act is done willingly
or unwillingly. Additionally, there is no distinction between moving to a different area within the
same country or moving to a different country altogether.

In his article "A General Typology of Migration," W. Petersen (1958) defines migration as the
act of changing one's place of residence without necessarily including any change in employment
shifts. The primary migration patterns depicted here involve consistent movements from rural
regions to urban areas, from areas with stable populations to centers of industrial or commercial
prospects, from densely populated countries to less densely populated ones, and from city centers
to their surrounding suburbs.

Types of migration

The migration of individuals from one location to another can be attributed to various factors,
such as poverty, land scarcity, limited employment opportunities, low educational attainment,
conflict, internal unrest, and others. These factors collectively contribute to people relocating
from their place of origin in one of two ways:

 Firstly, as internal migration and:

 In second place is external migration.

Internal migration, the more common and frequent of the two, refers to the movement of people
inside the geographical boundaries of a nation. It may be further categorized into:

 Inter-state migration
 Intra-State migration

Inter-state migration refers to the movement of people from one state to another within the same
nation due to disparities in economic, political, and social conditions between different states.
Intra-state migration, on the other hand, involves individuals traveling within the boundaries of a
single state.

External migration, on the other hand, refers to the movement of people across international
boundaries. The phrases "emigration" and "immigration" are sometimes used interchangeably to
describe the movement of people across international boundaries, either leaving or entering a
country. The present study has focused on the emigration of laborers from the Poonch District of
the former J&K State to Gulf countries, which are outside the territorial authority of India.

Migration may be analyzed from two perspectives: space and time. In this regard, Gonzalez
(1961) categorizes migration into five distinct types: seasonal, temporary, non-seasonal, re-
current, continuous, and permanent.

In his 1974 publication 'Modern Migration in Western Africa', Samir Amin categorizes migration
into four types depending on the characteristics of the place of origin and destination: rural-rural,
rural-urban, urban-urban, and urban-rural.

Types of Migration Based on Space and Time

Additionally, migration can be categorized based on duration and location. At one end of the
spectrum, there are short-term migrations that occur seasonally. At the other end, there are
permanent moves where migrants do not return. In between these extremes, there are different
forms of return migration that take place over varying periods, ranging from a few months to
several years. These migrations follow a daily pendulum pattern, characterized by their
seasonality, extended duration, irregularity, and permanence. Furthermore, the categorization of
migration based on time becomes complex due to the fact that individuals may initially want to
relocate temporarily, but some of them ultimately establish permanent residence. Thus, in such
instances, temporary migration eventually transitions into permanent migration.

Furthermore, migration may be categorized based on destination, direction, and duration, in

addition to the aforementioned time and space typology.
Circulation migration, also known as temporary migration, refers to situations when
migrants do not permanently settle in their destination and instead move back and forth
between their home country and the destination country.

Counter stream migration refers to the phenomenon of individuals relocating in the

opposite direction of the prevailing migration pattern. Urban residents relocate to rural
regions in this scenario. This phenomenon is quite uncommon.

Step migration refers to the process in which a migrant progressively advances up the
urban hierarchy in distinct phases. The first shift may be directed towards a little urban
settlement, followed by a transition towards a larger urban center, and ultimately culminating in
a relocation to a major metropolis.

Chain migration, also known as "kinship-based migration," is a phenomenon where

potential migrants become aware of possibilities and get information, transportation, and
job assistance via their connections with past migrants. Chain migration refers to the
movement of people and their families over a period of time.

Ravenstein (1977) differentiates between stage migration and step migration. Step
migration, as defined by him, is the sequential movement of a single migrant. On the other hand,
stage migration is a social phenomenon where certain groups transition from rural areas to
villages or small towns, while others move from small towns to large towns, and some from
towns to major cities.

Return migration refers to the act of a person going back to a place they previously lived
in. The specific definition of this prior place of residence may vary depending on the study
being conducted. In lifetime migration research, the location of birth is the specific focus.
However, if a certain time frame is being examined, then the location of residency at the
beginning of that time frame will be the main subject of investigation.

Individual migration refers to the act of individuals migrating on their own, rather than as
part of a group.
Group migration refers to the movement of individuals in organized groups, sometimes
facilitated by professional labor contractors.

Involuntary migration refers to the situation when individuals are coerced to relocate or
are prohibited from changing their career or place of residence, even if it would be
advantageous for them to do so. This category include prospective migrants who have been
granted permission by their respective governments to either move inside their own nation or to
another one.

Voluntary migration refers to the movement of individuals who relocate based on their own
personal interests and without any external coercion or compulsion.

Theoretical Understanding:

This present chapter focuses on comprehending the different concepts associated with labour
migration, particularly international labour migration to the Arab Gulf Countries. It also explores
the various theoretical perspectives and paradigms necessary for understanding
international labour migration.

Prakash (2009) states that researchers in academic fields such as Economics, Sociology,
Geography, and Demography have performed studies on migration. The purpose of these studies
is to develop theories on the reasons and consequences of migration. However, there has been a
scarcity of research conducted on this particular element of social science from an
interdisciplinary perspective. Thus, in the context of human migration, several issues such as
demographic, economic, social, medical, and biological aspects have been considered to provide
a solution to this significant issue.

Furthermore, according to prevailing beliefs and assumptions, the unequal distribution of

population and resources has resulted in the rapid increase of migration from rural to urban areas.
Other factors that have contributed to this phenomenon include industrial growth, the
development of new territories, and social change. These factors have forced people to migrate
from their place of birth in various directions, leading to the displacement of individuals from
different cultural backgrounds, with distinct social lives, occupational characteristics, and socio-
political ideologies. Consequently, this has given rise to a multitude of social, economic, and
political complexities.

In this regard, comprehending diverse migration theories is crucial as they give the necessary
context for comprehending population movements within their wider social, political, and
economic frameworks. These pertinent ideas and theoretical paradigms assist in comprehending
the individuals who engage in migration, the reasons behind their migration, as well as the
locations and methods of their migration, so offering us a diverse range of explanations.

NEED FOR MIGRATION:

Upon examining the historical context of both developing and developed regions, it becomes
evident that there is an uneven allocation of resources, resulting in an unequal distribution of
people. The population transfer from an underdeveloped area to a developing or developed
region has harmed both the place of origin and the destination. Migration from an
underdeveloped location to a developed region has both beneficial and negative impacts on the
migrants' place of origin. Positive consequences include the expansion of land ownership,
enhancement of economic and living conditions via the development of high-quality housing,
and other related improvements. Simultaneously, the family's social standing is enhanced due to
schooling and improved social connections. However, the area that provides migrants has some
obstacles, such as shortages of labour and the migration of young or working individuals, which
hinder the region's appropriate development. It is often noticed that individuals tend to obtain
their fundamental education (whether technical or general) at their place of birth, but they
seldom provide their services to their area of origin. To this point, we have been examining the
repercussions of migration on the source location. However, migration also influences the choice
of destination. The impact of migration on the destination may be categorized into two distinct
aspects: positive and negative. Positive aspect: A location is deemed developed, attracting
educated young people who come to these places and supplying a substantial workforce.
Negative Aspect: However, in contrast to the good features, the negative aspects are increasingly
prevalent due to rural-urban migration, resulting in a rapid increase in the population size of
urban regions. The unforeseen surge in population results in the emergence of slums, unregulated
development, chaotic urban expansion, transportation issues, a scarcity of public amenities, and
inadequate educational infrastructure. Due to cultural differences, migrants often struggle to
integrate with the local population, prompting them to abandon their traditional lifestyles and
embrace the more sophisticated practices of metropolitan regions. The migration of individuals
has resulted in an imbalance in both demographic and geographical development.

Given its wide range and complex nature, the phenomenon of migration is difficult to fully
explain using a single theoretical framework. Various migration theories and theoretical
perspectives have been established to examine the process of migration, with particular focus on
economic, social, cultural, and geographical variables. Theories of migration have been valuable
in offering theoretical guidelines for comprehending the broader scope of human mobility.
Furthermore, given that the current study focuses on labor migration to Gulf countries, theories
on international migration can offer valuable insights into the systematic patterns and specific
dynamics of migration, as well as the interconnections between them. Hence, it is considered
advantageous to get a comprehensive understanding of various ideas pertaining to international
migration. The objective of this study is not to go further into the comparative examination of
different theories of international labor migration but rather to assess their importance within the
framework of the present research. The study examines significant theoretical advancements in
the field after highlighting prominent sociological perspectives on international labor migration.
In addition, this chapter has also aimed to elucidate the origins of labor migration to Gulf
countries from India, including the former state of Jammu and Kashmir. The study aims to
analyze international labor migration in Gulf countries, specifically focusing on the migration of
laborers from Jammu and Kashmir state in India. By drawing on various theories and concepts
related to international migration, the study seeks to understand the causes and reasons behind
this migration phenomenon.

Hence, the comprehension of diverse theories pertaining to international labor migration,

formulated in various academic fields, has aided in conceptualizing the current study. The study
primarily examines the migration of laborers to the international markets of Gulf countries,
aiming to understand the underlying causes and motivations. By drawing upon relevant theories
and concepts related to international migration, the study seeks to elucidate the reasons behind
the movement of laborers from the remote region of Jammu and Kashmir state in India to distant
locations.
Different Theories and Perspectives on International Labor Migration

There are several theoretical frameworks that analyze the phenomenon of migration and its
impact on socio-cultural transformation in both the nations of destination and origin. This section
explores the prominent theories and perspectives of international migration that are relevant to
understanding the present study, which focuses on labor migration to Gulf countries and its
socio-cultural and economic consequences. This topic falls within the domain of international
migration. Since the field of migration studies is diverse and uses a variety of theories to explain
various aspects of migration, such as motives, reactions, and outcomes, the goal here is not to
comprehensively assess all approaches to every issue.

Neo-classical Theory

The Neo-classical Theory is the oldest and most renowned theory of international migration.
According to Arango (2000), Lewis (1954), Todaro (1976), and van Naerssen, Spaan, and
Zoomers (2008), this text clarifies the impact of labor migration on economic advancement.
According to the neoclassical model and its extensions, the geographical disparity between the
supply and demand of labor is what drives international migration. In regions where labour
supply is flexible but workers are paid low wages and have low marginal productivity, there is a
strong inclination for workers to migrate to countries with higher wages (Massey et al., 1993).
Due to this pattern, the creation of remittances has become a strong motivation for nations that
send labour to promote emigration.

Furthermore, migration has a role in enhancing the economy of the nation that receives migrant
workers by fostering production. Additionally, the country that receives remittances from
migrants has the potential to decrease its income inequality and disparities in wages (Prakash,
2009). Nevertheless, the underlying concept of this theory posits that by eliminating pay
disparities, labour movements would cease and labour migration would be minimized. Harris and
Todaro (1970) have presented evidence that supports this idea. According to them, the work
options that are initially available to the immigrant and the anticipated differences in income
have a significant impact on their decision to migrate, and if the work options and income
differences are not favorable, the likelihood of migration will decrease.
The Neo-classical theory assumes that the international movement of labor mainly occurs in
labor markets, whereas other markets do not play a significant role in international migration
(Massey et al., 1993). When taking these assumptions into account, one may say that the Neo-
classical approach has an optimistic view of the effects of migration on countries that send labor.
This is because it has high expectations of poverty reduction, decreased unemployment, and a
reduction in overpopulation.

In addition, Constant and Massey (2002) have promoted the notion of a Neo-classical approach,
which assumes that immigrants would not return to their home country as long as they continued
to benefit from higher income, education, and social status in the host nation. As a result of
migration, the host nation would normally see a decrease in wages for unskilled workers.
Additionally, producers in the host country would choose to hire more unskilled workers than
skilled workers and focus on production methods that require less capital investment. Then
again, this relies on the extent of migration and minimum wage rules.

Based on actual data, there is little evidence to support the claim that migration leads to a
substantial decrease in local employment and a major loss in wages. The determining element
that contributes to the development of migrants is primarily the human capital they possess
(Friedberg and Hunt, 1995).

The Neo-classical Theory posits that labour market regulations and restrictions have the potential
to govern the international migration of both sending and receiving nations (Massey, Durand, &
Malone, 2005). This assumption seems valid within the current situation since several
restrictions in operation effectively govern the export of labour. An exemplary instance is the
government of Sri Lanka's imposition of a limitation on women with children under the age of 5
years, prohibiting them from accepting employment abroad as domestic workers.

In the majority of developing nations, the first act of migration is often not a matter of choice.
Various variables such as poverty, civil strife, and restrictive state policies have a significant
impact (UNESCAP, 2007). Hence, the presuppositions of the Neo-classical method may be
called into question, especially when considering emerging nations. Despite the unfavorable
household circumstances and the availability of better opportunities overseas, individuals who do
not migrate may choose to remain at home for socio-cultural reasons, including power dynamics
within the family, kinship networks, and gender. Women may choose to remain at home due to
societal expectations that see leaving the family as wrong, whilst men may be compelled to stay
behind in order to fulfill a perceived role of providing security inside the household. In addition,
parents may choose not to relocate their children due to concerns over their education, security,
mental health, and other related factors.

The Neo-Classical theorists argue that the geographical mismatch between the demand and
supply of labor is the primary driver of international migration. This assertion seems to hold true
in the context of the current research as well. In addition, the proposition made by Neo-classical
theorists that regions with flexible labor supply, low wages, and low marginal productivity tend
to have a high rate of worker migration to countries with higher wages has been confirmed in the
present study. During data collection, a majority of respondents from District Poonch reported
that low wages and limited employment opportunities in their home area, Poonch, were the
primary reasons for their migration. They were attracted to the Gulf countries due to the higher
wages available there.

Similarly, the claim made by Neo-Classical theorists that the generation of remittances has
become a strong motivation for labor-sending countries to promote outmigration is partially
accurate in the case of Indian migration as a whole. However, migrants from District Poonch
primarily migrate due to personal reasons, and the government has less influence on their
decision-making process. Nonetheless, their migration ultimately benefits the country as a whole,
as they contribute to the flow of remittances, which in turn helps reduce income inequality and
wage disparities in the receiving country. This migration also enhances the economy of the
country that receives the labor by promoting production. The remittances received from the labor
migrants are useful for analyzing the factors and reasons behind migration, as well as the impact
of migration on the lives of the migrants at their destination. These findings align with the results
of the current study.

The findings of the current study also run counter to the widely held belief that people moving
from one place to another would result in the emergence of novel social frameworks and cultural
norms. Nevertheless, as we go towards actuality, we encounter more intricate events that defy
tidy categorization. The underlying premise of this theory, which suggests that the elimination of
wage disparities would lead to a decline in labor movements and minimal labor migration, does
not appear to be accurate in the current context. Data pertaining to migration from India to Gulf
countries, as well as Jammu and Kashmir, indicate that the migration to Gulf countries is actually
increasing. While policies such as Saudiazation and Qatarization have hindered migration to the
Gulf countries, the aspirations and lifestyle of these nations, as exemplified by the Saudi Vision
2030, which focuses on a vibrant society, a thriving economy, and an ambitious nation, have
made them reliant on foreign migrants.

This migration also contributes to the labour-receiving country’s economy by fostering

production, and the remittances have proved helpful for examining the factors and causes as well
as the decision to migrate on the lives of labour migrants at the place of destination, which is also
somewhat consistent with the findings of the present study. Moreover, the general assumption
that the migration of people from one place to another would mark the growth of new forms of
social structure but also of new levels of cultural patterns is consistent with the findings of the
present study.

However, as we move towards reality, we are confronted with more complex phenomena that
elude neat compartmentalization.

The implicit idea behind this theory that the elimination of wage differentials would end labour
movements and labour migration would reach its minimum does not seem to hold true in the
present context, as the data with regard to Gulf migration from India as well as Jammu and
Kashmir reveal that migration to Gulf countries is on the rise. Though the recent policies and
programmes of the Gulf countries, like Saudiazation, Qatarization, etc., have been an impeding
factor leading to less migration to the Gulf, but the aspirations as well as the lifestyle of the Gulf
countries, like the Saudi Vision 2030, which is built around three primary themes of a vibrant
society, a thriving economy, and an ambitious nation, have made them dependent on these
foreign migrants.
The New Economics of Labour Migration (NELM)

The New Economics of Labour Migration Theory has emerged as a new development aimed at
questioning the assumptions and conclusions of the Neo-Classical Theory. The New Economics
of Labour Migration examines migration at the individual level and extends its analysis to
include larger units such as families, households, or other culturally defined groups.

The main idea behind this new approach is that the decision to migrate is not solely made by
individuals but rather by households or families. Their goal is not only to increase income but
also to manage risks in the face of market failures and labor market shortcomings (Stark, 1984,
1991; Stark &Levhari, 1982; Massey et al., 1993; Taylor, 1999). Nevertheless, the theory advises
against disregarding individual conduct and instead advocates for its examination within the
framework of a collective (Stark, 1991). When analyzing a group, families have the ability to
mitigate economic risks by employing labor resources in various ways, therefore enhancing their
overall well-being.

According to Massey (1993), one way to reduce the risks of job instability and income
fluctuations is to have family members engage in economic activities in both their home country
and the nation they are living in. This would allow them to generate money and limit the
negative effects of these risks. This mechanism allows for the offsetting of declining local
income by the inflow of migrant remittances, and vice versa.

In addition, Cassarino (2004) argues that it is rational for migrants to return to their place of
origin after they have achieved goals such as savings, insurance, household necessities, and the
acquisition of investment capital and skills.

Comparing NELM to the Neo-Classical Theory reveals many improvements. NELM places more
importance on wage differentials, surpassing the Neo-Classical method. Additionally, NELM
challenges the assumptions of the Neo-Classical Theory by highlighting the collective function
of households. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that pay disparities and household
decision-making are not necessarily contradictory or conflicting concepts. When selecting a job
location for their family member overseas, families are highly inclined to see salary disparities as
a significant issue, albeit not the only determinant.
Thus, it may be said that NELM challenges the neoclassical approach primarily by considering
the structural circumstances of the individual, rather than just focusing on the labor market. The
theoretical framework centered on the function of families and households in the New
Economics of Labor Migration (NELM) has emphasized that remittances serve as a component
of a mutually advantageous agreement between the migrant and the migrant's family (Lucas
&Stark, 1985). Hence, NELM's emphasis on labor as a collective resource inside a home is a
crucial factor when contrasting it with the individual role provided by the migrant in the Neo-
classical explanation.

The key idea of the NELM that the decision to migrate is not merely an individual decision, but
is a collective decision of households or families where their aim is not only to increase income,
but is also a risk management strategy in the context of market failures and also the conceptual
framework built around the role of families and households highlighting that remittances act as
part of a mutually beneficial arrangement between the migrant and the migrant’s family, in
addition to failures in the labour market, is found to be true in the context of the findings of the
present study as the respondents during the field work, revealed that the process and decision to
migrate to Gulf Countries is not an individual decision but is a decision of the whole family, as
they have to be dependent on them for various reasons like getting money for bearing the cost of
migration which includes Visa fee, Passport fee, Medical fee and so forth, and also the family
member provide the basic knowledge as well as the resources regarding pre-migration and post-
migration expenses, which help in sustaining the whole process of migration.

Dual Labour Market Theory

In 1979, Michael J. Piore proposed the Dual Labour Market Theory as an alternative to micro-
level models. The paradigm refrains from seeing migration as a product of human choices and
asserts that international migration is primarily driven by the inherent labor needs of
industrialized economies in the current day (Massey et al., 1993).

According to Michael J. Piore (1979), the ongoing need of industrialized and developed
countries to support their development agendas is identified as the main reason for international
migration. International migration occurs as a result of pull forces in receiving nations rather
than push ones in sending countries. Michael defines push forces as low salaries and high
unemployment, and pull factors as important and inevitable demands that foreign workers in
receiving countries are expected to satisfy.

In addition, this theory focuses on four fundamental characteristics of industrialized nations that
explain the attraction of labour from other countries: structural inflation, motivational issues,
economic dualism, and the demographics of the labour supply (Massey et al., 1993).

The Dual Labour Market Theory has implications that diverge from macro-level models while
being consistent with the fundamental notions of Neo-classical Economics (Massey et al., 1993).
A consequence that differs from the Neo-classical and NELM methods is the demand-driven
character of international labour mobility. According to the idea, the need for migrant labour
arises from the structural requirements of the economy rather than being influenced by pay
disparities or the desires of homes or families.

The dual labour market theory suggests that international migration is not driven by individual
decisions but rather by the labour demands of industrialized societies. This theory holds some
truth in the present study, particularly in the context of Gulf countries such as the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait. These countries are currently focused on
modernizing their economies and infrastructure, and they heavily rely on international markets to
provide migrant workers who are willing to work for lower wages. This factor plays a significant
role in the overall process of Gulf migration from Poonch District.

However, the assumption made by the Dual Labour Market Theory that international migration
is primarily driven by pull factors in receiving countries rather than push factors in sending
countries is not entirely accurate in the context of this study. The migrant respondents from
Poonch revealed that while there are indeed pull factors such as higher wages, greater
employment opportunities, and increased chances of saving money in Gulf countries, there are
also significant push factors in the Poonch District. These push factors include border conflicts,
terrorism or militancy, low wages, limited employment opportunities, and a lack of viable
options for agricultural practices. Consequently, these push factors compel individuals to migrate
to Gulf countries.
Network Theory

Labour migration occurs due to a multitude of factors. These motivations include a desire for
high personal income, an effort to diversify family income by taking risks, a plan to enter
overseas markets and penetrate them, and a recruiting program to meet the need for low-wage
labor by employers (Massey et al., 1993). While several factors may be seen as mentioned, they
are insufficient to fully account for the actual patterns of migration. It is important to prioritize
elements such as geographical closeness to nation states, availability of social networks,
institutions, and cultural and historical aspects (De Haas, 2010b).

The migration network is a modern notion that is closely associated with the idea of social
capital. Joaquin Arango (2000) defines a migration network as a collection of personal
connections that link migrants with their relatives, friends, or fellow countrymen in their home
country. These connections serve to exchange information, offer financial support, and assist
with finding employment and housing in various helpful ways.

Migration networks provide access to other economically significant resources, such as higher-
paying job opportunities. The origin of this perspective may be traced back to Douglas Massey
(Massey et al., 1987), who drew upon social capital theory, which is closely linked to influential
figures such as James Coleman and Pierre Bourdieu.

The significance of social networks for migration is difficult to overemphasize. Undoubtedly,

networks are considered to be one of the most crucial determinants of migration. Many migrants
relocate due to the influence of previous migrants they are related to, resulting in a multiplier
effect within migration networks, sometimes referred to as "chain migration." Furthermore, these
networks decrease the expenses and uncertainties associated with the transportation of
individuals while simultaneously enhancing the anticipated overall gains of migration (Massey et
al., 1993). These networks have led to future migrations that have had a favorable impact on
improving chances for other migrants in their decision-making process.

Additionally, Vertovec (2002) and Dustmann and Glitz (2005) argue that the Diaspora and other
networks have the capacity to exert influence on migrants throughout their decision-making
process in choosing their destinations. According to Massey et al. (1993), network connections
are a kind of social capital that provides extensive opportunities for employment overseas. The
network migration mechanism has had favorable effects on the growth of the sending nation.
However, it has also created significant legal, political, and financial challenges regarding
immigration in the receiving country.

Furthermore, networks play a vital role in prolonging migration as a self-sustaining process.

Hence, networks have a cumulative effect, as they have a tendency to continuously increase in
size and density. Each individual's action serves as a valuable resource for others, enabling them
to make more moves and further expand their networks. Thus, networks serve as an intermediary
level between individual decision-making and structural causes in migration theory, effectively
bridging a significant gap (Faist, 1997). in understanding the complex dynamics of migration
processes.

Migration System Theory

The concept of a system approach has often been suggested as a productive and all-
encompassing framework for examining migration. This idea gained prominence with the
influential work of Akin Mabogunje, who studied rural-urban migration in Africa in 1972. In
addition, the different concepts put forth by world systems theory, network theory, institutional
theory, and the theory of cumulative causation all indicate that migration patterns become stable
and organized over time and across different locations. This enables us to identify consistent
international migration systems.

These systems stand out because certain countries exchange significant amounts of goods,
money, and people while exchanges with other nations are less significant. An international
migration system often consists of a central area that receives a significant number of
immigrants, which may be a single country or a group of countries, and a group of particular
nations that have a strong connection to the central region due to the huge number of immigrants
they send (Fawcett, 1989; Zlotnik, 1992).

Furthermore, these migration systems are defined by the enduring connection between a set of
nations that receive migrants and certain regions where the migrants originate from. Within the
scope of this research, it has been shown that international migration systems have specifically
evolved with the GCC nations. This is evident as the majority of migrants from the Poonch area
exclusively relocate to these nations.

Furthermore, this theory posits that migration plays a significant role in altering the economic,
social, cultural, and institutional circumstances in both the destination and origin countries. This
notion holds true in the present study, as the migration to Gulf countries has had a profound
impact on migrants from District Poonch. There is clear evidence of substantial improvements in
the socio-cultural and economic conditions of these migrants. Additionally, the Gulf countries
have also benefited from this migration, as they have gained a temporary labor force with low
salary expectations but possessing the expertise and skills necessary for their development goals.

In addition, the system approach has emphasized the examination of both the broader and more
specific connections between locations involved in the migration process (Fawcett & Arnold,
1987; Kritz, Lim, &Zlotnik, 1992). The micro-level aspects include familial and friendship
systems, while the macro-level ones revolve around economics, dominance, political systems,
national immigration policies, and cultural and social systems.

Contrary to previous migration models, the Migration System Theory places particular emphasis
on the interconnectedness of migration and development (De Haas, 2010a). Hence, this theory is
applicable for constructing a conceptual framework that takes into account migration within a
wider developmental context. De Haas (2010a) has shown that the Migration System Theory is
strongly associated with the Network Theory in this particular scenario. Hence, migration not
only facilitates economic progress but also contributes to social advancement.

Remittances, when transferred to family members, have the potential to change the social and
economic conditions of nations that send laborers. Hence, one may argue that migration has the
capacity to have an impact on the socio-economic progress of the nation of origin and stimulate
further movement, both on a larger scale and at an individual level.

The migratory systems viewpoint generates a number of intriguing ideas and assertions, which
are outlined below:
  First off, countries within a system do not necessarily need to be close to one another
because political and economic interactions rather than physical proximity determine the
flows between them. While being close to each other clearly makes it easier to establish
trade connections, it does not ensure their occurrence, nor does being far apart prevent
them.
 Furthermore, it is feasible to have multi-polar systems in which a group of widely
separated dominant countries attracts immigrants from a variety of overlapping source
countries.
 Moreover, it is worth noting that states may be part of numerous migration systems,
although this occurrence is more prevalent among countries that send migrants than those
that receive them.

The aforementioned statements, as derived from the viewpoint of the migratory system, align to
some extent with the findings of the current research. Specifically, the first premise, which
suggests that nations within a system do not necessarily have to be physically proximate, is
confirmed in the context of this study as well. However, the second and third assertions are not
accurate in the current context since there is no multipolarity in the instance of migration from
Poonch District.

Cumulative Causation Theory

Gunnar Myrdal formulated the Cumulative Causation Theory in 1956. Douglas Massey and his
colleagues made more advancement in its development (Massey, 1990; Massey, Goldring, &
Durand, 1994). The theory elucidates the factors that initiate and perpetuate a migratory flow
(Fussell& Massey, 2004). Essentially, the phenomenon can be summarized as the progressive
rise in the number of individuals leaving their home country. This occurs because the initial
migrant establishes social connections and resources for their relatives, friends, and others in
their country of origin. Consequently, this facilitates the ease of finding employment and reduces
the potential risks for subsequent migrants in their destination countries (Jennissen, 2004). This
scenario encourages and impacts individuals to move more. The cumulative causality theory may
be included under the system theory and/or network theory.
The fundamental premise of the Cumulative Causation Theory, which investigates the factors
that contribute to the increase in the number of outgoing migrants over time, remains consistent
with the findings of the current study. According to this theory, the initial migrant plays a crucial
role in providing social capital to their relatives, friends, and others in the country of origin. The
data in this study demonstrates that social capital, in the form of networks consisting of relatives,
friends, neighbors, and others, plays a crucial role in providing necessary information and
support for the entire migration process to Gulf countries. This ultimately facilitates the ease of
finding employment and reduces the risks faced by individuals in their destination countries.

Institutional Theory

According to this theory, the emergence of international migration led to the establishment of
many institutions and organizations that aimed to exploit the disparity between employers in
countries that receive labor and prospective labor migrants from countries that send labor.

This theory posits that there is a significant disparity between the high number of individuals
seeking work opportunities in developed nations and the restricted number of immigration visas
available in these countries (Massey et al., 1993). As a result, a number of organizations founded
for financial gain or social impact have emerged to address the difficulties faced by both
employers and migrants. Non-profit organizations prioritize the humanitarian needs of migrants,
while profit-driven organizations and private entrepreneurs enable border crossings by engaging
in activities such as forging legal and travel documents, arranging marriages between migrants
and legal residents or citizens of the destination country, and offering high-interest credit
facilities in exchange for fees (Massey et al., 1993).

While profit-seeking groups may sometimes participate in unlawful activities, not-for-profit

organizations mostly provide assistance to impacted migrants via counseling, social services,
legal guidance, and raising knowledge about immigration regulations. The institutional theory is
crucial, particularly in the present situation, for establishing a more advantageous and robust
policy framework for both nations that send and receive labor.

The present study aligns with the postulation of the institutional theory, which asserts that the
emergence of international migration led to the establishment of various institutions and
organizations. These entities aimed to exploit the disparity between employers in labor-receiving
countries and potential labor migrants from sending countries. The data from this study shows
that in addition to social capital in the form of networks of relatives, friends, and neighbors,
which provide necessary information and support for the migration process, there are also
institutions and organizations, such as government agencies, in different states of India that assist
in finding jobs for potential migrants in labor-receiving countries, particularly in the Gulf
countries. This helps migrants easily secure employment and reduces the risks they may face in
their destination countries.

Genesis of Labor Migration to the Gulf (GCC Countries) from India as well as Jammu and
Kashmir:

Prior to examining the origins of migration from India to GCC countries, it is necessary to
provide a clear definition of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The GCC is a regional
organization of six members, namely Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and the
UAE. It was created on May 25, 1981, following an agreement reached in Riyadh. They all share
similarities, such as governmental systems based on Islamic values, comparable geographical
conditions, a shared destiny, and mutual aims. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has a total
land area of 2,672,700 square kilometers. Arabic is the designated official language of the
organization (Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 2013). Presently, the six states comprising the
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are contemporary nations that have prominent international
standing. The group of GCC states is commonly known as the Gulf States in English, while in
Arabic, it is referred to as al-Khaleej (the Gulf), indicating that these states are perceived as a
unified socio-cultural region by both themselves and others. Yemen is notably not included in
this community owing to its lack of petroleum resources, despite being part of the Arabian
Peninsula. Iraq and Iran, neighboring countries on the Persian Gulf, are also omitted for socio-
political and geo-political reasons (Andrew M. Gardner, 2011).

Prior to delving into labor migration to Gulf countries, it is necessary to examine the historical
background and origin of migration from the Indian Subcontinent, namely India, to the Gulf
area. This chapter has aimed to provide an understanding of the origins of labor migration from
India, specifically focusing on the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir.
The historical backdrop of Indian emigration to the Gulf nations is extensive, with significant
economic links between the Indian Subcontinent and the Arab area. Ports played a major role in
facilitating Indo-Mediterranean commerce (Jain, 2006). Jain (2016) examines the Indian
mercantile groups in the Persian Gulf ports under the British Raj and emphasizes their vibrancy.
The existence of Indian commercial colonies across the Persian Gulf facilitated Indian trade in
the Mediterranean area. By the start of the 20th century, the Indian commercial community
played a considerable part in the domestic commerce of Oman and the UAE (Allen 1981).
According to Fuccaro (2009), in 1929, commodities from India made up 72.47 percent of
Bahrain's overall imports. In addition, Indian trade also heavily influenced the economic
landscape of other Gulf countries, such as Kuwait, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia.

Nevertheless, following the independence of the Gulf countries, the impact of Indian merchant
communities diminished in favor of local trading communities. However, skilled Indian workers
continued to play a crucial role in managing the colonial administration in the GCC region. The
British regarded the 'Indians' as their preferred workforce (Seccombe and Lawless 1986).
Seccombe and Lawless emphasize the significance of Indian labor by stating that in 1939,
Indians comprised around 94.3 percent of all clerical and technical staff and 91.1 percent of all
craftsmen working at Bahrain Petroleum, a prominent oil business (ibid.). Subsequently, the
significant exploitation of oil on a large scale and the resulting economic growth of the GCC
nations in the late 1960s led to a substantial influx of migrant workers from India to the Gulf
area. During the period of 1970–1971, the population of Indians in the area was 50,000. This
number increased to 150,000 in 1975 and further climbed to 1.5 million in 1991 (Natrajan,
2013). Currently, the Gulf region is home to approximately 7.6 million Indian residents (MOEA
2020). This can be attributed to the fact that the Gulf region is rich in hydrocarbon resources but
lacks the indigenous population (excluding Saudi Arabia) required for the construction and
administration of economic development and infrastructure. George S. Naufal, 2016. The study
of labor migration to Gulf Cooperation Council nations is significant in this context.

Kohli (2014) states that there is a significant historical and cultural link between India and the
Gulf area. The influx of Indians to the Gulf during the oil boom has resulted in a preference for
them over other migrant populations. In addition, Azeez and Begum (2009) and Kumar (2012)
have contended that the "Oil Boom of the 1970s" in GCC countries was responsible for a
significant investment program in infrastructure development, including energy stations,
administrative and governance structures, and the enhancement of social services such as
healthcare and education. Consequently, this led to an increased demand for labor in these Gulf
countries. Thus, in order to meet the labor need, the Gulf countries authorized immigration from
other nations, which enticed migration from emerging countries such as India due to the allure of
greater earnings and living standards.

Neither the Census of India nor any other government authorities have any systematic
documentation of Indian emigrants to these nations or any other countries, and information
collection began in 1983 when the Indian government made the effort to record information on
Indian immigrants residing in foreign countries (Kumar, 2016).

During the early 1980s, the Gulf region had a population of fewer than 15 million, including
foreign workers. This population was distributed across an area that was about one-third the size
of the United States. The GCC administration has to recruit foreign migrants from various skill
levels in order to alleviate the scarcity of labor for infrastructure development projects. The
citation is from George S. Naufal's work in 2016. The surge in oil prices in 1973 prompted
extensive investment initiatives by oil-producing Arab nations, leading to a significant upsurge
in labor demand. These oil-exporting nations allowed the influx of foreign laborers. The outcome
of this procedure led to a substantial movement of laborers from India to nations in the Gulf
region (Begum, 2009). However, during the early phase, non-GCC Arab nations with the same
language, religion, and culture were highly favored in the GCC market. Subsequently, the GCC
nations were compelled to substitute Arab migrant laborers with South Asian laborers following
the 1991 Gulf War as a result of diverse pan-Arab ideologies that directly endangered the
governments of the Gulf region. The South Asian nations, particularly India and Pakistan, greatly
benefited from this labor substitution as they served as the primary suppliers of unskilled
laborers for the construction industry (George S. Naufal, 2016).

As a result of the oil boom in the GCC countries in the 1970s, there was a significant increase in
the number of Indians migrating to the area in pursuit of jobs and a better quality of life (Kohli,
2014). Currently, around seven million people live and work in the affluent, oil-rich country,
with the bulk of them located in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait (Shukla,
2015). In the early 1990s, there was a decrease in the number of Indian labor migrants, with
many of them returning home due to political crises. The political uncertainty in the Gulf region
posed a potential threat of hostilities, which would have had a direct impact on all foreign
laborers working in that area. However, during the First Gulf War, the number of Indian workers
migrating to the Gulf region almost quadrupled from 1991. This pattern suggests that a
significant number of migrants returned to the Gulf nations in response to the need for work
during the post-war rebuilding.

There was a noticeable decline in immigration between 1997 and 1999, primarily as a result of
some host countries like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait enacting strict immigration laws to reduce the
number of non-Arab foreigners residing in their nation. This was done via a process known as
localization (Naresh, 2015). The influx of Indian migrants had a significant surge from 1990 to
2013 across all GCC nations, with the United Arab Emirates seeing the most substantial
expansion. In all nations except Saudi Arabia, there was a rise in the percentage of Indians in the
migrant population pool, with an expansion in absolute numbers. However, Saudi Arabia saw a
little fall in this proportion.

Indian migrants are the predominant group of foreign workers in any Gulf nation. Indian
expatriates presently make up about 50% of the total foreign workforce in the private sector in
Oman. Indian migrants were the majority of migrants in the UAE in 2014, with a total of around
3.1 million. Indians and other migrants benefited from the Gulf States' strategy of luring foreign
labor to address the disparity between the local workforce and the need to support the rapid
modernization of their economies. The GCC nations are significantly impacted in the social,
political, economic, and cultural domains due to the fact that migrants make up about 70 percent
of their entire workforce. (Kohli, 2014).

Table:2.1 Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries from India:

S.No Year Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries

( Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and
Bahrain)
 1. 2007-2009 15,95,103
2. 2010-2012 20,23,587
3. 2013-2015 24,28,858
4. 2016-2018 12,52,119
5. 2019-2021 5,94,866
Source: emigrate.gov.in

The data presented in the table indicates that a significant proportion of Indian labor migrants
rely on the Gulf area for their means of living. The Indian states that lead in terms of sending the
most number of immigrants to the GCC countries are Kerala, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Telangana,
Rajasthan, Delhi, and Punjab (emigrate.gov.in, 2007–2021). Moreover, there are other states that
are also adhering to this pattern, augmenting the number of Indian immigrants abroad and
bolstering the economy via remittances. These states include West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka, and Jammu and Kashmir.

Table:2.2 Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries from the UT of

Jammu and Kashmir:

S.No Year Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries

(Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and
Bahrain)

6. 2007-2009 9151

7. 2010-2012 12996

8. 2013-2015 13724
9. 2016-2018 9157
10. 2019-2021 6627
Source: www.emigrate.gov.in
The data collected on labor migration to the Gulf countries from the UT of J&K shows that
approximately 5000 people apply for visa clearance each year. However, the systematic record
of these applications has only been accumulated since 2003–04, and it is available in the official
database of the Government of India. The data does not include information on migrants who
migrated in the early 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, which hinders the ability to demonstrate the
systematic origins of Gulf migration from the UT of J&K. During the field work, several
migrants interviewed for this research study disclosed that they had migrated to the GCC
countries either in the 1990s or 2000s. This indicates that while there may not be a systematic
record documenting the origin of Gulf migration, the migration from J&K to the GCC countries
began when migrants from other parts of the country were also seeking employment
opportunities in the newly prosperous Gulf States.
Chapter Third

Socio-Economic Characteristics of Gulf Migrants:

Poonch is a remote district in the state of J&K which is also known as mini Kashmir and is
bounded by a line of control on the North, West and Southern sides. The 1947-48 war divided
the Poonch district into two part one part being controlled by India and other became the part of
Pakistan occupied Kashmir (MSME-Development Institute, Ministry of MSME, Government of
India). As per the 2011 census, the Poonch district has a population of 4, 76,826 constituting 3.8
per cent of the total population of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and is divided into 6 tehsils
namely Haveli, Mendhar, Suronkote, Mandi, Balakote and Mankote and contains the following
resident ethno-lingual communities including Paharis, Gujjars, Bakerwals, Punjabis, Kashmiris
and Rajputs (Baba,Yasar Muhammad (2007) in his work My Land My People: Kashmir in
Perspective).
Table: 3.1Demographic Profile of Poonch District

Total area 1674 sq km

Total population 476835
Male 251899
Female 224936
Density/km 285
Proportion to J&K population 3.80%
Sex ratio (per 1000) 893
Average literacy 66.74%
Male 78.84%
Female 53.19%
Rural population 91.90%
Urban population 8.10%
 Source: Census of India (2011)

The present study was conducted in the 6 tehsils of District Poonch namely Haveli, Mendhar,
Suronkote, Mandi, Balakote and Mankote and the population for the study was equally
distributed in respect of each Tehsil in order to make the study more inclusive and in-depth.
Table 3.1 shows the distribution of sample taken for the present study from each tehsil of District
Poonch.

Table 3.2. Tehsils of District Poonch

Tehsil Number Percent

Haveli 35 16.7

Mandi 35 16.7

Surankote 35 16.7

Balakote 35 16.7

Mankote 35 16.7

Mendhar 35 16.7

Total 210 100.0

Source: https://poonch.nic.in.
The Emergence of Labour Migration to Gulf Countries from Poonch District:

Migration within the state of J&K, from the Poonch District is not a recent phenomenon,
however, the migration of labourers from Poonch to Gulf Countries is relatively a new
phenomenon. In this regard the exact date and the year of the migration of these labourers from
Poonch to Gulf Countries was not available as there was no mechanism in place in the
administration of the State government back then, from where the exact data could have been
collected, however, while talking to the migrants, it was learnt that the emigration of these
labourers to the Gulf Countries, though few in numbers started to began in late 1970’s and
continued till 1990’s, which has been referred to as the Initial/Beginning Phase in the migration
to Gulf Countries from District Poonch. However, one important point which came to fore
during the study was that most of those migrants who went to Gulf Countries during the initial
phase, used to go there on religious pilgrimage (i.e. to perform Umrah) particularly to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and would eventually stay there illegally and work as labourers, so
that they could earn some money. One of the reasons they mentioned for their illegal stay in the
Gulf Country especially in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, was that during 1980’s and 1990’s, the
extradition and immigration laws in the Gulf were not stringent and the modernization of the
Gulf Countries was also diminutive and they used to work in areas where there was a low
presence of the Police and other law enforcement agencies who could recognize them and
extradite them to their Country.

But, in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s, the immigration laws in both the sending and the
receiving countries became more stringent and as a result most of the labourers now have to
move either through a government agency or through a Kafeel (Sponsor), to be able to work in
the Gulf Countries. This phase of Gulf Migration from District Poonch has been refereed as
Middle/Transient Phase. As a result of these strict immigration laws, the data collection for
these migrants was also started by the Indian Government and the respective state governments
also, as these migrants required visa clearance as well as CID clearance, which has now became
the main source of data collection regarding these emigrants.
 Subsequently, the period after the year 2007 has been referred to as the
Expanding/Escalating Phase in the process of Gulf Migration from District Poonch as after this
period the emigrants from Poonch are on increase and the choice of area of destination has also
been expanded as now more and more emigrants not only go to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
and UAE which were prominent destination areas during the initial years of migration from
Poonch District, but they are now also going to Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman, besides the
above two destination areas, as is evident from the data collected in the subsequent tables.

Moreover, only the official data from the year 2007 was available with the Government
institutions for the District Poonch and in the present study the same has been used and reflected
in the table given below:

Table 3.2.1 Data showing Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries from the District
Poonch:
S.No Year Total Number of Emigrants to GCC Countries
(Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and
Bahrain)
1. 2007-2009 1240

2. 2010-2012 2400

3. 2013-2015 1280

4. 2016-2018 1404

5. 2019-2021 816

Source: CID Office Poonch

The above data points out that a large number of migrants from the district Poonch are moving to
Gulf countries for availing the better job opportunities provided to them by these respective host
countries. There seems to appear a trend of outward migration as shown in the above given table
of total number of emigrants to GCC Countries from the Poonch district and more and more
people are readily accepting the opportunities provided by these countries. In such a scenario, the
present research study has not only systematically collected the data but has also provided a
comprehensive view of the laborers migrated from the district Poonch to the GCC Countries.

Besides, the genesis of migration to Gulf Countries from District Poonch, the present chapter has
also examined the socio-economic profile of the migrant labourers from Poonch district and the
characteristics of these laborers are considered in terms of gender, age, education, marital status,
ethnicity, religion, income, occupation etc., as these elements and their relationships play an
important role for a better understanding of the present study.

Social Background

Gender-wise Distribution

An important factor in the migration of people to other countries is the gender depending on the
nature of work and the policies prevalent in both the receiving as well as the sending countries.
The paternalistic policies of both the sending and the receiving countries and fewer job
opportunities for women in the Gulf Countries have reduced the flow of female migrants to the
Gulf Countries and the few vocations that are open to women service include paramedics,
nursing, manufacturing, teaching, entertainment and domestic services. The nature of work that
the present study is focused on is the labor migration to the Gulf Countries which is more
suitable to the male migrants as compared to their female counterparts. Some of the studies
conducted in Kerala Villages found that not more that 2 percent of the total number of the
migrants to the Gulf countries were women [Commerce Research Bureau 1978; Mathew and
Nair 1978; Prakash 1978,].

Similarly, a study conducted in Nepal has also stated that the male have dominated the
transnational labor migration from Nepal and this can partly be explained by the presence of
patriarchal structure in Nepalese Society, where males are expected to be the breadwinner for the
family and women are supposed to stay behind and should take care of the children and family
(Rajkumar, 2020).

However, the data collected in this study on Gender distribution of the Gulf Migrants
points out that the labor migration to the Gulf Countries from District Poonch is exclusively male
dominated as no female labour migrant was found who had migrated to these countries for any
work related employment.

Age-wise Distribution

Another important factor in the process of emigration to Gulf Countries is the age composition of
the migrants. As the work there is labor intensive, therefore more number of young populace is
required to make up the workforce in order for the work to be done. According to a study
conducted in Kerala, it was found that 79 percent of migrant workers were 35 years of age or
young (Commerce Research Bureau, 1978). This was further confirmed in a survey conducted in
the State of Kerala by Centre of Developmental Studies in 2008 which found that the majority of
migrants i.e. 90 percent of males and 66 percent females belonged to the 15-39 age groups
(Zachariah and Rajan 2012). In this study, the respondents have been grouped into six age
groups taking into account the mean age since the youngest respondent was aged 17 and the
oldest was 55. The class intervals are 15-25 years, 25-35 years, 35-45 years, 45-55 years and 55
and above.

Table 3.3 Age-wise Distribution of the Gulf Migrants

Age (in Years) Number Percent
15-25 10 4.8
25-35 88 41.9
35-45 76 36.2
45-55 34 16.2
55 –above 2 1.0

Total 210 100.0

The data collected in this study on the age-wise distribution of the migrants also corroborates to
the findings of the above mentioned works. It was found, as shown in the Table 3.3, that most of
migrant workers belonged to the younger age group between 25-55 years as about 94.2 percent
of the migrant workers were below 55 years of age. The presence of this younger migrant’s
workforce clearly points out to the fact that there is a shortage of occupational opportunities in
the place of origin and more occupational opportunities in the place of destination i.e. Gulf
Countries, which became a motivating force for their migration. However, there is no substantial
migration of laborers to Gulf Countries from the age group of 15-25 and old age group of 55 and
above, as only 5.8 percent of migrant workers moving to Gulf in the present study belonged to
these age groups.

Educational Qualification:

Education is also another important variable with respect to this study and is considered as the
most important variable in the process of employment, as higher the education level more is the
possibility of getting a good job and prospects of being employed and lower education means not
only lower possibility of being employed, but it also makes them vulnerable to the exploitation
from their employer.

The education and skill levels of Indian migrants to the Gulf Countries appear to have
been rather low and it was found that in Qatar, out of the total 500,000 Indian immigrants, nearly
70 percent were working in construction, manufacturing/low-skilled jobs (Kanchana, 2012). The
study conducted in the late 1970s from Kerala state also shows that over two-third of the
migrants to the Gulf Countries had completed less than 10 years of Schooling. Moreover, a study
conducted by the Centre of Development Studies suggests that nearly 58.5 percent of emigrants
have a maximum of secondary school level education and a significant number of migrants were
illiterate ( Zachariah and Rajan, 2012).
The educational qualification of the respondents in this study has been grouped into 3
levels as illiterate, up to higher secondary level and graduate and the subsequent Table 3.5 points
out to the fact that 97.2 percent of the emigrants from District Poonch are having an education
qualification up to Higher secondary school level and only 2.8 percent emigrants are having
qualification above Higher secondary school level.
Thus, the less educated have been the on the fore front who have been migrating to Gulf
Countries, as they had low educational qualification and therefore had no opportunity for any
other kind of work or Government job and also because of low skill expertise required and
higher wages with more incentives to save in the Gulf Countries, all this prompted them to move
there.

Table 3.4 Educational Qualification of the Migrants

Response Number Percent

Illiterate 18 8.6

Up to Higher Secondary Level 186 88.6

Graduate 6 2.8

Total 210 100.0

Ethno-Lingual Composition of the Migrants

Another important factor in the process of migration to the Gulf Countries from district
Poonch is the presence of emigrants belonging to all the ethno-lingual communities
which are inhabiting the place of origin i.e. District Poonch, and comprises of the
following resident ethno-lingual communities including Paharis, Gujjars, Bakerwals,
Punjabis, Kashmiris and Rajputs (Baba,Yasar Muhammad, 2007) . Table 3.5 in this
study clearly indicates to the presence of labour migrants belonging to different ethno-
lingual communities. However, the two major communities from which the majority of
labour migrants move to the Gulf Countries under the present study are Gujjar and
Pahari constituting 63.4 percent of the total emigrants. Moreover, the two other
communities i.e. Kashmiris and Rajputs constitue the third and fourth largest ethno-
lingual communities with 28.1 percent of the total labour migrants under the present
study. Finally, the Bakarwal constitute the last ethnic communities with 8.6 percent and
none of the emigrants belonged to the Punjabi ethnicity.

Table 3.5 Distribution of Ethno-Lingual Communities

Response Number Percent

Pahari 64 30.5
Gujjar 69 32.9
Bakarwal 18 8.6
Kashmiri 35 16.7
Rajputs 24 11.4
Punjabis
- -

Total 210 100.0

Religion

Religion is an important factor which illuminates the religious composition of the emigrants as
our state is a multi-communal plural society. The population of Poonch District comprises of the
following religions which includes Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism and Christianity as major religions
and as per the official data, the proportions of different religions in the Poonch District are as
follows, Islam (90.45%), Hinduism (6.84%), Sikhism (2.35%), Christianity (0.20%), Not stated
(0.15%) and others (0.02%) (Census of India, 2011).

According to a study conducted in 2008 in the State of Kerala it was found that the majority of
emigrants i.e. 41.1 percent were Muslims, 37.7 percent were Hindus and the remaining 21.2
percent were Christians (Zachariah and Rajan , 2008). However, contrary to the above study, the
findings in the present study as shown in the Table 3.7, points out towards an altogether different
phenomenon, as almost all the respondents belonged to a particular religion i.e. Islam and there
were certain reasons behind that:

a) Firstly, both the state of Jammu and Kashmir as well as District Poonch are having Islam
as a major religion.
b) Secondly, the place of destination i.e. the GCC Countries are also a Muslim State,
therefore most of the emigrants preferred to move to these Countries.
Marital Status:

Marital status has also been an important variable in the decision making process for the emigrant
as sometimes the partner may be supportive and sometimes may not. In the present study, it has
been found that out of the total population, 81 percent emigrants were married (either before
migration or after migration) and 19 percent emigrants were unmarried as illustrated in the Table
3.6. This clearly points out to the fact that the married status of the respondents could not be a
hindrance to their migration. This also states that more occupational opportunities and high salary
in the Gulf Countries and the supportive attitude of family and the prospects of earning more also
led to the migration of these migrants whether married or unmarried.

Table 3.6 Marital Status of the Migrants

Response Number Percent

Married 170 81.0

Unmarried 40 19.0

Total 210 100.0

Occupational Profile

According to job classification, skilled categories include nurses, teachers and technicians: Semi-
skilled categories include masons, drivers, carpenters and welders and unskilled categories
include construction labourers, cleaners and domestic workers (Bohra and Massey 2009). A
study conducted in Nepal shows that the vast majority of the Nepali migrants (90 percent)
worked as labourers in GCC region and only 2 percent were engaged in professional jobs
(Williams, 2010). Similarly according to Ozaki 2012, a majority of the South Asian Migrants in
GCC countries are semi- skilled or un-skilled workers, mostly illiterate, single and male.
According to Kanchana (2012) in his study in Qatar, out of 500,000 Indian immigrants, nearly 70
percent were working in construction, manufacturing and other low-skilled jobs. The table 3.7 to
this study gives the occupational profile of the Gulf migrants from district Poonch

Table 3.7 Occupational Profile

Response Number Percent

Laborer 82 39.0

Agricultural Farmer 40 19.0

Construction Worker 56 26.7

Driver 18 8.6

Others 14 6.7

Total 210 100.0

The above table 3.9 reveals that as far as occupational profile of these migrants is concerned,
84.7 percent of the labor migrants from Poonch district belonged to the category of un-skilled
labour category (i.e. laborers, construction workers, agricultural farmers and 15.3 percent
belonged to semi-skilled category (i.e. drivers, masons, and barbers etc) on the basis of their
occupational profile. Moreover, as all of them were male migrants, so none of them were
performing the task of nurses, teachers etc. and they were predominantly performing the above
given jobs only.
Structure of Family
According to the New Economics of Labour Migration theory, a key factor in the decision to
migrate is not merely an individual decision, but is a collective decision of households or
families wherein their aim is not only to increase income, but is also a risk management strategy
in the context of market failures besides the failures in the labour market (Stark, 1984, 1991;
Stark & Levhari, 1982; (Massey et al., 1993; Taylor, 1999). So whenever migration takes place,
it has been seen that the structure of family undergoes a major shift. This can be due to the factor
that the economic benefits that a migrant gets through his migration helps him to purchase new
assets like land, house etc and this in turn impacts the structure of family itself as they try to start
a new life with their wives and children.

The present study on the Gulf Migrants from Poonch District found that male migration to Gulf
Countries has a great impact on family structure as the migrant families are making a shift from
joint families to nuclear family. In order to understand the trend of change, from the context of
two different residential patterns, an enquiry was made among the respondents for Poonch
District about the type of family in which they resided before their migration (Pre-Migration) and
the family in which they were living presently after their emigration (Post-Migration). Two
options were given to them as joint family and nuclear family and the respondents’ views were
recorded accordingly.

Table 3.8 Structure of Family (Pre Migration )

Response Number Percent

Nuclear 118 56.2
Joint
92 43.8

Total 210 100.0

 Table 3.9 Structure of Family (Post Migration)

Response Number Percent

Nuclear 165 78.6
Joint
45 21.4

Total 210 100.0

A comparative analysis of the Table 3.8 and 3.9, provides the opinion of the respondents about
the type of family in which they resided at the time of their migration as well as the type of
family structure after their return from migration. Consequently, out of the total 210 respondents,
it came to the fore that before migration 118 emigrants (56.2%) resided in nuclear family and
about 92 respondents (43.8%) resided in joint family as is evident from Table 3.10. However,
after their return from the place of destination, i.e. GCC Countries, of the total 210 respondents,
165 members (78.6%) resided in nuclear family and only 45 (21.4 %) respondents continued to
reside in the earlier joint family as is evident from the Table 3.11.

Thus, the above two tables indicates the recent trend of change which has occurred
in the family structure of the migrant families. Moreover, it has been found that though joint
families have mild domination, majority of the respondent families were now looking for
structural transformation in terms of joint to nuclear, denoting a wider variation in the family
structure.

Year of Migration
An important variable in the present study of Gulf Migrants from Poonch District is the year of
migration. It was important to trace out the pattern and starting point of migration from Poonch
district to Gulf Countries, as no official data in this regard was available before the year 2010, as
no systematic record was maintained on part of the State agencies dealing with the migration of
the people to Gulf Cooperation Countries. In this study, the years of migration have been
grouped into five decadal groups. The class intervals are 1970-80, 1980-90, 1990-2000, 2000-
2010, and 2010-2020. An analysis of the table 3.12, reveals that though a minimal number of
emigrants had migrated in the initial decades from Poonch also, starting from 1970 onwards up
to late 1980’s, which was the starting point of the Gulf Migration from India itself, but maximum
number of respondents stated that it was during the late 1990’s and early 2000’s, that the main
process of emigration of populace from the Poonch District to Gulf countries began and this has
been going on since ever, as is evident from the data collected and represented in Table 3.10.

Table 3.12 Year of Migration

Decadal Groups (Years of Migration) Number Percent

1970-80 5 2.4
1980-90 18 8.6
1990-2000 40 19.0
2000-2010 80 38.1
2010-2020 67 31.9
Total 210 100.0

Country of Destination
In a work entitled ‘International Migration’ by S Irudaya Rajan and K C Zachariah (2018), it
has been argued that from the 1970s, the Gulf countries have been the principal destination of
emigrants from Kerala from the beginning of the heightened emigration and there was not much
change in their choice even during the later periods. In 1998, 93.8 per cent of Kerala emigrants
selected one of the Gulf countries as their destination. According to them, out of the 6 GCC
Countries, Saudi Arabia was the principal destination in 1998 with 37.5 per cent of emigrants
from Kerala immigrating to that country. However, since then, Saudi Arabia’s share of emigrants
declined to 26.7 per cent in 2003 and further to 23.0 per cent in 2008 (Zachariah and Rajan,
2010) and 21.8 per cent in 2013. On the other hand, the UAE has enormously improved its share
of the pie of emigrants from Kerala since 1998. Over the decade, the UAE’s share has increased
from 31.0 per cent in 1998 to 41.9 percent in 2008 and declined after global crisis to 37.5 in
2013.
Table 3.13 Country of Destination
 Response
Number Percent
Saudi Arabia 120 57.1
Qatar 25 11.9
Bahrain 2 1.0
Kuwait 35 16.7
Oman 4 1.9
The United Arab Emirates 24 11.4
Total 210 100.0

In the present study of Gulf Migrants from Poonch District, out of the 210 respondents, it was
found that majority of respondents (57.1 percent) had chosen Saudi Arabia as their preferred
destination for migration. Saudi Arabia was followed by Kuwait with 16.7 percent (25)
respondents choosing it their Country of Destination. Qatar and UAE remained as the third and
fourth preferred choices of destination countries for the respondents with 11.9 and 11.4 percent.
However, the least preferred choices for destination Countries remained Oman and Bahrain with
1.9 and 1 percent respondents choosing them for the destination countries for migration as is
shown in the Table 3.13. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was the most preferred destination for
these migrants because in the initial phase of migration to Gulf Countries, most of the emigrants
from Poonch District revealed that they went there on religious pilgrimage (Umrah) and
subsequently stayed there illegally and used to work in far off places like Damman, Abha etc.

Moreover, during the research work it was also found that these illegal emigrants
acted as a form of social capital and helped to build the network that was required for the
sustenance of the migration to Gulf Countries, as they provided the needed knowledge and
required expertise to those who wanted to move to Gulf Countries and included relatives,
neighbors, friends, villagers etc., who were already working in these countries and through them
the respondents got to know about the various opportunities lying vacant in the host countries
which were readily accepted by these migrants.

The role of informal social channels consisting of relatives, friends or community

members from the home country has been increasingly recognized as an important channel for
encouraging additional migration and aiding in the adjustment and sustenance of new migrants
(Gunatilleke, 1998; Azam, 1998; Nair, 1998. Pointing out the importance of Social contacts at
destination, Biswajit Banerjee in his work “Social Networks in the Migration Process: Empirical
Evidence on Chain Migration in India” (1983), argues that these social networks not only reduce
the psychological costs of migration by providing a supportive relationship during the migrant's
adjustment period but also reduce monetary costs by providing information on employment
opportunities as well as material assistance during the job search and these movements
characterized by interactions between migrants and destination-based contacts are generally
designated as chain migration.

Causes/Factors of Migration
The well known and most important theorist with regard to the process of migration such as
Ravenstein’s work on the ‘Laws of Migration’, Everett Lee’s ‘Push and Pull’ dichotomy have
tried to explain how the different causes and reasons have prompted the movement of people
from one place to another. In the present study also, the various causes in the form of Push and
Pull dichotomy were also explored.

A study on Bangladeshi migrant’s conducted by Rita Afsar points out that hunger, desperation,
unemployment and debt-traps are the main factors prompting these workers to migrate to oil-
rich monarchies. In order to understand the causes/factors which motivate these migrants to
move to the Gulf Countries, an enquiry was made among the respondents for Poonch District
about the factors/ causes for their migration to Gulf Countries, the following multiple options
such as unemployment, lack of job opportunity, lack of education, terrorism, border conflict,
high salary in host countries and low salary in sending countries, more opportunities in gulf
countries and others were provided to them and their views were recorded accordingly. It was
done because the migration of a populace to any place is interplay of various Pull and Push
factors, so therefore multiple reasons/factors causing their migration was provided to the
respondents:
 i. Lack of Education

Response
Number Percent
Agree 200 95.2

Disagree 10 4.8

Total 210 100.0

ii. Terrorism

Response
Number Percent
Agree 65 31.0

Disagree 145 69.0

Total 210 100.0

iii. Border Conflict

Border Conflict
Number Percent
Agree 98 46.7

Disagree 112 53.3

Total 210 100.0

 iv. More Opportunities in Gulf Countries

Response Number Percent

Agree 180 85.7
Disagree 30 14.3
Total 210 100.0

An analysis of the above given causes/factors and reasons of migration of laborers from Poonch
district points out to the fact, that no one singular cause is responsible for the migration of these
migrants and it is indeed the interplay of multiple-factors and causes which motivate these
migrants to move from such far off places like District Poonch to the oil-rich yet hostile
monarchies of Gulf Cooperation Countries. The given table on causes/factors of migration
reveals to the opinion of the respondents on how the different factors/causes of migration are
responsible for their migration to the Gulf countries. Out of the total 210 respondents,
unemployment (100%) along with lack of job opportunities (100%) and high salary in host
countries and low salary in sending countries was responded as the most common factor/cause
for their migration from Poonch District to the Gulf Cooperation Countries. However, out of the
210 respondents, 200 respondents (95.2%) agreed and 10 respondents (4.8%) disagreed to the
fact that lack of education was one of the causes for their migration to Gulf Countries. Similarly,
out of the 210 respondents, only 65 respondents (31%) agreed and 145 respondents (69%)
disagreed that terrorism in the District Poonch was a major cause for their migration.

Herein, one thing which was noted was that out of the 210 respondents in the present
study, 147 respondents (70%) in the present study migrated between the years of 2000-2020
when the number of terrorist related activities were profoundly reduced in the District Poonch, so
those who migrated in the 1990’s and early 2000’s were the respondents who delineated
terrorism and militancy as one of the cause for their migration to Gulf Countries. Moreover, out
of the 210 respondents, 98 respondents (46.7%) agreed and 112 respondents (53.3%) disagreed
that border conflict was one of the cause for their migration. Here in also one thing came to the
fore that areas in Poonch District which were closer to the border or Line of Control (Loc) like
Tehsil Balakote, Tehsil Mankote, Tehsil Mendhar and Tehsil Haveli, were the main outsourcing
areas where respondents agreed to border conflict as being a major cause/factor for their
migration to the Gulf Countries. Lastly, out of the 210 respondents, 180 (85.7%) agreed and 30
respondents (14.3%) disagreed that more opportunities in gulf countries was the prime cause for
their migration.

Thus it can be concluded that

Chapter 4: Socio-Cultural and Economic Consequences of Gulf
Migration on the Migrants.

The most important thing that is associated with the migration of labour from any
place of origin is the cumulative effect including both positive as well as negative,
that it can have on the socio-cultural and economic profile of the native place after
they start earning and start sending remittances back home. However, one thing
which should be noted here is that the migratory process is not always beneficial
for all the migrants, as some of them have to overcome certain challenges in the
place of destination like fraud by either their Kafil or Agent, not getting the job
that was promised, getting low wages than what was promised, having a fatal
accident or sustaining injuries while working in these hostile conditions and unruly
behavior of the Kafil. Therefore, this Chapter examines the socio-cultural and
economic consequences brought about by the migration of labor workforce to the
GCC Countries.

The emigration process to Gulf Countries is a very stretched out process and
requires a lot of formalities to be done, starting right from the estimation of the
cost of the migration incurred in order to move to the place of destination, visa
requirement and clearance of medical and police report, up to the interview with
the Kafil and the recruiting agency and successfully reaching up to their workplace
by the migrants. Moreover, during the whole process of this tedious emigration
process to the GCC Countries, the role played by the network of migrants
including family members, relatives and friend as well as neighbors’ is of prime
importance which needs to be discussed in order to get a detailed analysis of the
whole process of Gulf Migration from District Poonch.
Therefore, before getting into the details about the socio-cultural and economic
consequences of the Gulf Migration, it would be important to understand in detail
the Kafala Sponsorship System as well as the concept of chain migration and the
process of migration networks, which have played an important role in
perpetuation the whole migration process to the GCC Countries.

Kafala System: Its Origin, Importance and Fallouts:

In the Arabic language, the noun kafala comes from the original word ‘k-f-l’
having different meanings, for example, to provide for, to be responsible for, or to
be the legal guardian (Longva Anh Nga, 1997). However, the word kafala itself
means guarantee, which may refer to numerous aspects of life. It could be in
money ‘al-kafāla fī al-māl’, or it could be in a person ‘al-kafāla fī al-nafs’
(Foster, 2001). Therefore, the kafala as a term in Arabic could be employed in
different contexts with different meanings. In fiqh –Islamic Jurisprudence– kafala
has been interpreted in the same way, as for instance, the four schools of Islamic
jurisprudence define kafala as a guarantee, which means that the kafīl1 and the
sponsored will be united by the same burden and pact. Therefore, the kafala in
general is a form of contract between two parties, which unites them as one.

The origins of the Kafala system can be traced back to traditional practices of
patronage and hospitality in Arab societies, where individuals or families would
take responsibility for the well-being and support of others who were not their
direct relatives. This concept was later formalized and adapted to the labor market,
creating a framework known as the kafala system.

The kafala system as a sponsorship system applies to migrant workers in several

Middle Eastern countries and has emerged with the discovery of oil and emerging

1
The term Kafil means ‘Sponsor or Guarantor’ who provides legal status to the migrant.
development in the area (Al Khateeb, 2015). It ties the migrant worker to the kafīl
(sponsor) and binds the migrant workers’ legal status to their employers, giving
employers significant control over workers mobility, employment and residency.

It has been pointed out that between 1950 and 2005, the Gulf Cooperation
Council’s (GCC) population grew tremendously as it increased from 4 million in
the 6 countries that make the GCC to over 40 million, with 12.5 million of them
being foreigners (Kapiszewski, 2015). As a result, the GCC states began initiating
strict nationality and citizenship laws to ban immigrants from any political or
socio-economic rights and to preserve the national identity (Azhari, 2016-17).
Therefore, the legislators in the GCC actively drafted a system to assure the
interests of the local citizen over the migrant.

Thus, the kafala system was born to govern the rights of the citizens and to
control the entrance of migrants in which a Saudi citizen can request for a foreign
worker to come and to work for them, and in return, the kafil (sponsor) must be
responsible for the worker as guarantee for the government. The sponsor is often
an individual or a company that hires migrant workers to fill labor-intensive jobs,
such as construction, domestic work, or low-skilled positions in various industries
and consequently this system shifts the legal burden directly to the Saudi nationals
helping the authorities to monitor migrant workers through their sponsors.

However this system has been in news due to some bad connotations. In a report
titled ”The Impact of the Kafala System on Migrant workers in Qatar and the
UAE” by the Human Rights Watch (2012), the various concerns associated with
the Kafala System on migrant workers’ right are highlighted which includes
exploitation and abuses such as non-payment of wages, excessive working hours
and confiscication of passports by employers etc. In this system, migrant workers
also face challenges in seeking legal recourse. Moreover, critics of the Kafala
System argue that the system can result in the exploitation and abuse of workers, as
sponsors have the authority to confiscate passports, withhold wages, impose
excessive working hours, and restrict the mobility of workers. This power dynamic
has been associated with various forms of labor exploitation, including poor
working conditions, non-payment of wages, physical and verbal abuse, and limited
access to legal protections.

Similarly, it has come to the fore that the Kafala System enables exploitation and
abuse of migrant workers by way of confiscation of passports by employers,
abysmal salaries to blue collar workers, and poor working and living conditions
(Chanda and Gupta, 2018). Not only this but the workers are accommodated in
ghetto-like labour camps that lack basic amenities such as drinking water and
sanitation facilities along with lack of safety at the workplace and as a result
accidents at construction sites are common, leading to a number of laborer deaths
every year (Aneja (2013), Rahman (2014) and Nagraj (2017).

However, human rights organizations and advocacy groups have raised concerns
on the kafala system over the years and called for reforms to improve the rights
and living conditions of migrant workers. As a result, some countries have taken
steps to address these issues and have implemented reforms to change or abolish
some aspects of the kafala system. For example, Qatar has introduced labor
reforms to provide greater protection for migrant workers, including setting a
minimum wage, improving living conditions, and removing exit permits for most
workers. Moreover, it has also been pointed out that comprehensive institutional
reforms have been brought out to the Saudi Arabia’s kafala system as under the
National Transformation Program to organize the labor market.
Firstly, the foreign workers in Saudi Arabia are able to change jobs without having
to seek their employer's consent once their contractual agreement ends. This new
reform not only promotes labor mobility and the rights of foreign workers in all
sectors, but has also been in line with the Saudi state's attempt to increase
competitiveness in the labor market in the long term. Secondly, like most Gulf
countries, the Saudi state now allows foreign workers to travel out of the country
without their employers' permission (commonly known as issuing exit and re-entry
visas), which most human rights groups sharply criticize Saudi Arabia for. All
these new reforms signal Saudi Arabia's convergence with international and Gulf
standards and further promotes labor mobility and foreign workers' rights. These
key elements of the Saudi Labor Reform Initiative will not only be impacting
millions of foreign workers living and working in Saudi Arabia positively, but also
having the potential to increase the competitiveness, productivity, and
attractiveness of the Saudi labor market, according to the Saudi Vision 2030 (Al
Sharif,).

In this regard, it is worthwhile to note that while progress has been made in some
countries, the kafala system continues to exist in various forms in the Gulf region,
and ensuring fair treatment and protection of migrant workers still remains a
tedious challenge. Thus in a nutshell, efforts to reform or replace the kafala system
continues to be ongoing, with the aim of providing better working and living
conditions for migrant workers in the Gulf Countries.

In the present study, majority of respondents revealed that they had to work under
a respective Kafil, who would sponsor their employment and was also the legal
guarantor for them in the country of their destination, so, therefore, they had to
depend on them, if they wished to had a successful venture out there because they
used to provide them with “Akamah”2, wherein all the details of the emigrants
were mentioned and they had to get it renew after its expiry from their respective
Kafil if they wanted to extend their stay in the host country.

They also revealed that most of the time the Kafil used to confiscate their passports
because there used to be a provision in their Akamah (Legal Contract) that the
during their visa duration, migrants were not allowed to change their Kafil, without
getting the permission from them and this at times would lead to their exploitation
at the hands of their Kafils.

Chain Migration and Migration Network Theory:

In the context of the present study, the conceptual and theoretical

understanding of the process of Chain Migration and the Migration Networks has
been of prime importance as the same have been used as a theoretical paradigm to
understand the whole process of Gulf Migration from District Poonch. The concept
of migration networks has been dealt in detail by Douglas S Massey and for him
migrant networks involves set of interpersonal ties connecting migrants, former
migrants as well as non-migrants in origin and destination areas through ties of
kinship, friendship, and shared community origin (Massey, 1993). They not only
increase the likelihood of international movement but they also lower the costs and
risks of movement and increase the expected net returns to migration.

Therefore, network connections make up a form of social capital that people

can draw upon to gain access to foreign employment. Moreover, once the number
of migrants reaches a certain limit, then the expansion of networks leads to a
reduction of the costs and risks of movement, which causes the probability of
2
Akamah is an ATM like plastic card wherein all the details of the migrants are mentioned and acts as a legal
contract. These are issued to them by their respective Kafils and they need to get it renewed after the expiry of
their visa from their respective Kafils.
migration to rise, causing additional movement, leading to further expansion of the
networks, and so on. Thus, over time migratory behavior spreads outward to
include broader segments of the sending society (Hugo, 1981; Taylor, 1986;
Massey and Garcia Espafia, 1987; Massey, 1990a, 1990b; Gurak and Caces, 1992).

The Migration Networks in the form of social contacts at the place of destination
helps not only to reduce the psychological costs of migration by providing a
supportive relationship during the migrant's adjustment period but also reduce
monetary costs by providing information on employment opportunities as well as
material assistance during the job search. Thus, movements characterized by these
interactions between migrants and destination-based contacts are generally
designated chain migration (Banerjee, 2010).

Further, Chain migration according to Banerjee (2010) can be broadly subdivided

into:

1. Delayed Family Migration, which occurs when family members relocate

from origin to destination in lagged stages. In this generally one or more of
the family member migrates first, and other members follow after the initial
mover has established himself at the destination. The followers may move
as dependents of the initial mover or with the explicit intention of entering
the labor force. Delayed family migrants need not be confined to spouse and
children but may include brothers, parents, and other patri-lineal relatives.
2. Serial Migration on the other hand involves interactions between
individuals who are not family members. In here, the destination-based
contacts are either extra familial relatives or unrelated persons known to the
migrants or their families. Thus, the stream of migration which is prevalent
 in serial migration, unlike that in delayed family migration, usually consists
exclusively of labor migrants.

Trying to explain the role that social network play in the decision to migrate and on
the basis of empirical data collected from Rwanda, Joshua Blumenstock and Xu
Tan (2016) in their paper titled ‘Social Networks and Migration: Theory and
Evidence from Rwanda’, concluded that:
a) The rate of migration increases when individual who want to migrate in
future have a greater number of contacts in the destination and their
interaction with those contacts are more frequently; and
b) That positive externalities exist, such that the rates of migration are higher
when destination networks provide higher support and clustering along with
the strength of supported links.
They, thus argued that there exists a positive co-relation between the role of
networks and the decision to migrate and the present chapter also provides an
overview about the importance of these networks of migration in the following
pages, which has help in sustaining and perpetuating the migration to GCC
Countries even from a remote district of the UT of Jammu and Kashmir that is
Poonch.

Cost of Migration to Gulf and Pre-Migration Preparations

As the migration process to the Gulf Countries requires various pre migration
preparations, such as getting visa, medical and police report etc. as well as the
expenditure in the form of the cost of migration, therefore, the present chapter has
tried to provide an overview of the costs and the pre migratory expenses along with
the benefits that they can get while working in the GCC Countries.
 Table 4.1 Help in Obtaining Passport/Visa.
Response Number Percent
Family Members 84 40.0
Friends 48 22.9
Agency 56 26.7
Others 22 10.5
Total 210 100.0

In the present study it was enquired that who had helped the respondents in
obtaining the work visa. In this regard, Table 4.1 shows the different persons who
had helped them in obtaining the work visa and about 40 percent of them had taken
help from their family members and relatives. Similarly, 26.7 percent had got their
visa from a Recruiting agency. Besides, 22.9 percent of the respondents stated that
their friends who had already migrated to the Gulf Countries had helped them in
obtaining in their work visa. Moreover, about 10.5 percent responded that they got
their visas by themselves as when they used to travel for performing Umrah
Pilgrimage, they used to stay there illegally and work there as it was not feasible
for them to obtain visa due to their poor financial conditions.
It is pertinent to mention here that all those who responded that they got
their work visa by themselves were those who had travelled back in the initial
years of migration to Gulf i.e. during the late 1970’s up to early 1990’s as after that
the immigration laws of the GCC Countries became stringent and those who were
found to be illegally residing in the Gulf Countries were deported back and were
banned to travel again to the Gulf Countries.
 Table 4.2:Knowledge about Agency providing help
Response Number Percent
Family Members /Relative 26 46.42
Previous Employer
30 53.58

Total 56* 100

(*) It denotes the respondents who got their work visa through a Government
Agency or an Agent.

The respondents were also enquired about the Recruitment Agency or Agent,
through which they were recruited and were asked how did they got to know about
them. In response thereto, about 53.58 percent of the respondents replied that they
got to know about them from previous employer and 46.42 percent replied that it
was their family members and relatives who provided them with the knowledge
about these Recruitment Agencies/Agents as shown in the Table 4.2. Thus, the
above two Tables i.e. 4.1 and 4.2, clearly points out to the importance of the
networks as well as the chain of migrants that help the respondents in obtaining the
work visa.

Table:4.3 Money Paid to Obtain Visa

Response(In Rupees) Number Percent
15000-20000 43 20.5
20000 and above 167 79.5
Total 210 100.0
Table 4.3 shows the responses regarding the amount of money paid by the
respondents for obtaining the work visa and majority of the respondents
(79.5 percent) responded that they paid a sum of money which was between the
range of Rs. 20000 up to 2 Lac and only 20.5 percent of the respondents replied
that they had paid only Rs. 15000-20000 for obtaining the work visa.
When it was further enquired from the 20.5 percent respondents about the
low amount paid by them for obtaining work visa, they replied that they got their
work visas either from their siblings or their relatives and as result they had to pay
a low amount. Otherwise, if one gets his visa from other sources like recruiting
agency or agent or any other person, then they had to pay an amount between the
range of Rs. 20000- 2,00,000 to secure a work visa for GCC Country.

Table 4.4: Time Taken to Receive Passport/Visa

Response (In Months) Number Percent
3 Months 109 51.9
6 Months 91 43.3
12 Months 10 4.8
Total 210 100.0

Further, the average time that was taken to get the work visa after they had applied
for it was also asked from the respondents and about 51.9 percent of the them
responded that it took around 3 months to received the work visa, whereas 43.3
percent replied that they received their visa between 3-6 months. However, only
4.8 percent stated that it took around a year to receive the visa they had applied for
as shown in the Table 4.4. Subsequently, they were also asked whether they
required a police and medical report before their emigration, to which all of them
replied that they needed both police report as well as a medical report.
 Table 4.5: Help required for Medical Report or Police
Report
Response Number Percent
Yes 170 81.0
No 40 19.0
Total 210 100.0

The respondents were asked if anyone had helped them in obtaining in

Medical Report and Police Report. In response to this, 81 percent of the
respondents replied that they were provided with help and only 19 percent of them
responded that they didn’t needed any help while obtaining Medical Report or a
Police report as shown in Table 4.5.
It is pertinent to mention here that for receiving a Medical Report, the respondents
had to travel to Delhi as they usually received their work visa from there, therefore
some kind of help was needed as majority of them were not highly educated and
therefore had to travel with someone to get the Medical report as well as work
visa. However, for receiving the Police report they had to visit the Local CID
office from where they were provided the same.

Table 4.6: Help was provided by

Response Number Percent
Family Members 107 63.0
Friend 53 31.1
Agent 10 5.9
Total 170* 100.0
 Moreover, it was enquired that who were the persons who had helped them
in obtaining the said reports, out of the 170 respondents, 63 percent replied that it
was their family members and relatives who had helped them and 31.1 percent of
replied that it was their friends who helped them. However, only 5.8 percent of
them replied that they got the help form Agents.
This again points out to the importance of the social networks and chain of
migration that helps in perpetuating the migrating network and sustains the
migratory process by not only providing information about the workplace but also
providing help by arranging work visa through their Kafil as well as providing
them the guidance during the pre- migratory process by helping them to get their
medical and police reports.
Table 4.7: Money Paid for Reports and Time
Taken to Receive Reports
Response Response
Number Percent Number Percent
(In Rupees) (In Days)
1500-2000 5 2.4 2 Day 10 4.8

2000-2500 15 7.1 3 Day 157 74.8

2500-3000 40 19.0 4 Day 43 20.5

3000 and
150 71.4
above
Total 210 100.0 Total 210 100.0

Moreover, the respondents were also asked about the amount of money they paid
to receive the two reports as well as the time taken to receive the said reports,
majority of them (71.4 percent) and (74.8 percent) replied that they paid around
3000 and above INR and had to wait for around 3 days to receive the said reports.
Subsequently, 19 and 20.5 percent of them replied that they paid 2500-3000 INR
and had to wait for around 4 days to get the reports. However, only 9.5 and 4.8
percent replied that they had to pay an amount between 1500-2500 INR and had to
wait for at least 2 days to receive the same reports. Those who said that they had to
pay an amount around 1500-2500 were those respondents who had migrated before
the 2000’s as at that time the amount that was needed to pay to get the reports was
low as shown in the Table 4.7.

These pre-migration expenses and the cost that could be incurred on the
whole migration process to Gulf Countries, was enquired from the migrants in
order to bring out the fallouts of the whole emigration process in case the
migration becoming unsuccessful as well as to show that the migration to the Gulf
Countries is not a cheap affair as it appears that an amount as low as Rs. 15000 and
as high as Rs. 2, 00,000 was spent on getting the work visa alone.
As most of the migration in the India is inter-state or intra-state which
requires low amount of pre migration expenses and therefore in case of failure of
the migration, then such migrants who have not benefitted from the migration can
easily move back to their place of origin and can resume working again in their
place of origin so as to sustain themselves as well as those dependent upon them,
but in case of migration to GCC Countries where more than Rs. 2-3 Lakhs are
spent to get the job, if the migration becomes unproductive and the migrant laborer
fails to earn the amount which he has spent to secure the said job, then it can
become extremely cumbersome and fatal for the migrant to survive in such
situations and can make him to sell off his assets like land, cattle and any other
thing, so that he can provide a peaceful life both for himself as well as those
dependent on him including his wife, children and parents.
Decision to Migrate:
An important factor in the process of migration is the decision of the migrants to
move to such hostile countries to earn their livelihood. According to the theory of
"New economics of migration”, migration is viewed as a household decision taken
to minimize risks to family income or to overcome capital constraints on family
production activities. Therefore, it becomes imperative to ascertain whether the
decision to migration is individual or collective, as the information and the help
provided in case of the collective decision helps them to cope up with the
uncertainties during their journey as well as during their stay in the GCC
Countries. In this connection, the following Tables as shown below will be able to
help us to determine the whole decision making process involved in the migration
to the GCC Countries.
Prior to their moving to Gulf Countries for work, the respondents were asked that
if they talk to anyone about their decision to move and in response to it all the them
replied that they did speak to someone before they made their decision to migrate
to the GCC Countries. Furthermore, when enquired about whom did they converse
to, majority of them (76.2 percent) stated that they consulted their family and 22.8
percent replied that they consulted their friends and relatives before they took the
decision to migrate to GCC Countries as shown in the Table 4.8.
 Table: 4.8: Communicated With
Response Number Percent
Family 160 76.2
Relatives 25 11.9
Friends 25 11.9
Total 210 100.0

Moreover, when it was further enquired from them as to whom provided them with
the most valuable information, majority of them (76.2 percent) again responded that
the family members were the main source of information as someone from their
family had already been a migrant or had worked in the GCC Countries and equal
number of respondents that is 11.9 percent of the migrants replied that the
information provided by either relatives or friends as shown in the given below
Table 4.9.

Table: 4.9: Most Valuable Information given

Response
Number Percent
Family 160 76.2
Relatives 25 11.9
Friends 25 11.9
Total 210 100.0
 Table: 4.10: Help came from
Response Number Percent
Someone in Home Village 185 88.1
Someone in Neighboring
25 11.9
Village in the same District

Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, in the Table 4.10, the respondents were asked about the place
from where the person, who provided them with the information belonged to, to
which majority of them (88.1 percent) responded that the person belonged to their
home village and 11.9 percent of the migrants responded that the person belonged
to their neighboring village in the same District.
This once again clearly brings out the importance of the networks and the
chain of migration in the whole process of migration to Gulf Countries and points
out to the fact that the decision of the migrant to migrate is not an individual
decision on part of him but collectivities of factors become responsible for the
migration of the laborers to the GCC Countries from Poonch District.

Costs and Obligation:

For getting a job in Gulf Countries, a migrant has to spent lakhs of rupees and for
this he has depend on money lenders as well as his friends and relatives so that
they could provide him with the needed money. In this regard, the costs and
obligations in the whole process of migration to Gulf Countries have been enquired
as will be seen in the following tables.
 Table 4.11 Total Money Paid for getting Job
Response (In Rupees) Number Percent
20000-1,00,000 43 20.5
1,00,000 -5,00,000 167 79.5
Total 210 100.0

Table 4.11 indicates that majority of the respondents (79.5 percent) had paid a sum
of amount between Rs. 1,00,000 to 5,00,000 for getting job and 20.5 percent of the
respondents replied that they paid an amount between rupees 20,000 to 1,00,000.
This shows that acquiring a job in GCC Countries is not a cheap affair in terms of
money as it involved a minimum of Rs. 20,000 and a maximum of about
Rs. 5, 00,000 for getting the job.

Table 4.12 Money Arranged for Job in

Response Number Percent
Own Money 4 1.9
Family Savings 53 25.2
Loan from Money Lenders 35 16.7
Borrowed from Friends and
118 56.2
Relatives
Total 210 100.0

As huge sum of money is required for getting job in GCC Countries, therefore, the
respondents were asked as how did the arranged such huge amount of money and
56.2 percent of them stated that they had borrowed money either from friends or
relatives while 25.2 percent replied that they used family savings for getting job in
receiving country. Moreover, 16.7 percent also replied that they had to take loan
from a local money lender in order to pay for the cost and obligations that had to
be incurred during the process of getting a job in the receiving country. However,
only minimal respondents (1.9 percent) replied that they had their own money
which they used to get the job (Table 4.12). Those who had borrowed money either
from friends, relatives or money lenders also revealed that had to borrow an
amount of about Rs. 1, 00,000 to 5, 00,000.
Thus the importance of the networks of migration in the form of friends,
relatives and family members, again comes to the fore as they also provide them
with the financial help, so that they can get a job and work hard in the GCC
Countries to earn more money, thereby improving the socio-economic condition of
their respective families.

Table 4.13 Paid Interest on Loan/Money Borrowed

Response Number Percent
Yes 46 29.9
No 108 70.1
Total 154* 100.0

(*): Total is 154 as only these had borrowed money or taken loan.

Table 4.13 correspondingly shows that whether the respondents had to pay
any interest on the loan/ money borrowed and majority (70.1 percent) of them
replied that they did not paid any interest as they had borrowed that money from
their close friends and relatives, so they needed not to pay any kind of interest
while returning the amount of money. However, 29.9 percent of the respondents
replied they had to pay a certain interest while returning the money as they had
borrowed it from local money lenders.
 Moreover, it was further asked as why the respondents had not taken or
borrowed loan/money from a legal entity like Bank, To this, all the respondents
replied that neither they had any guarantor nor they had any collateral/asset which
they could give in exchange for the loan they required, so as a result they had to
borrow money either from their from friends and relatives or from a local money
lender. Subsequently, it also came to fore that sometimes when they could not pay
the said money borrowed from the money lenders on time, then they either had to
sell their assets like land or cattle, to pay back the said amount and this at times led
to their exploitation at the hands of local money lenders.

Table 4.14 Percent of Interest Paid

Response (In Percent) Number Percent
1-10 % 34 73.91
11-20% 12 26.08
Total 46* 100.0

(*): Total is 46 as only these had borrowed money or taken loan from money
lenders.

Out of the total 46 respondents who had paid interest on the money borrowed from
a money lender, majority of them (73.91 percent) paid an interest between 1 to 10
percent, whereas 26.08 percent paid interest between 11 to 20 percent as shown in
Table 4.13. It is worthwhile to mention here that while returning the money they
had to pay extra amount to the money lender and for that they had to work more in
the Gulf countries so they could pay back the principal amount as well as interest.
This clearly points out that they had an added responsibility not only to return the
principal amount taken but also to pay huge interest, therefore they could not
afford to make any mistake during their stay at the Gulf countries, as any mistake
on their part would not have allowed them to earn more money and this would
have rendered them as defaulters for not paying money and would lead to
confiscation of either their property or any other asset including cattle, house or
any other means of livelihood.

Table 4.14 Loan or Money Paid Back

Response Number Percent
Yes 102 66.2
No 52 33.8
Total 154* 100.0

(*): Total is 154 as only these had borrowed money or taken loan.

Subsequently, when asked whether they had paid back the total amount of money
borrowed as shown in Table 4.14, majority (66.2 percent) of the respondents stated
that they had paid back the total amount of money borrowed and 33.8 percent of
them responded that they were in the process of returning back the amount of
money they had borrowed, as they had not been able to earn as much money as
they would have thought to. So, this also points out to the fact that the migration to
the Gulf countries was not as satisfying as everyone had thought and in turn they
were now more stressed to pay back the requisite amount and were not thinking
about any kind of positive outcome from their migration.

Networks of Migration
As pointed out again and again during the whole research that the role played by
the networks in perpetuating and sustaining the whole migration process to Gulf
Countries is of prime importance. So, therefore, understanding the importance of
the networks cannot be taken lightly and the same has been done as can be seen in
the subsequent Tables, showing the impact the networks of migration can have on
the migration.

Table 4.15 Knew Someone Working in Gulf

Response Number Percent
Yes 188 89.5
No 22 10.5
Total 210 100.0

Table 4.15 shows that network of migration plays an important role in the migrant
process as majority of the respondents (89.5 percent) stated that they knew
someone who was already working in the GCC Countries and only 10.5 percent
responded that they had no contact with anyone who had moved to Gulf Countries
before they moved to Gulf Countries, and it was only through Recruiting agencies
that they came to know about the availability of work in these GCC Countries.

Table 4.16 Relation with Known Person

Response Number Percent

Yes 173 92.2

No 15 7.8
Total 188* 100.0

(*): Total is 188 as only these knew someone who had already worked in Gulf
Countries.

Table 4.16.1 Relationship

Response
Number Percent
 Table 4.16 Relation with Known Person

Response Number Percent

Yes 173 92.2

No 15 7.8
Total 188* 100.0
Parents 20 11.5
Relatives 128 74
Others 25 14.5
Total 173 100.0

Moreover, in the Table 4.16 majority of the respondents (92.2 percent) also
responded that they those whom they knew already working in the Gulf Countries
were related to them whereas only 7.8 percent of them responded that they had no
relationship with those already working in the Gulf Countries.
Furthermore, when asked about the relationship with those already working
in the Gulf Countries, majority of the respondents (74 percent) responded that they
had family relatives (Uncle either paternal or maternal, Cousin Brother etc.) who
were already working in these Gulf Countries, and 14.5 percent responded that
their neighbors, village men, friends etc. were already working in the GCC
Countries and they knew about them and only 11.5 percent responded that they
had their parents working in these countries before they migrated there for work as
revealed in Table 4.16.1.
 [[[

Table 4.17 Known Person’s Experience of Living in Receiving Country

Response
Number Percent
Neither Good nor Bad 132 70.2
Fairly Good 56 29.8
Total 188* 100.0

(*): Total is 188 as only these knew someone who had already worked in Gulf
Countries.

Subsequently, 70.2 percent of the respondents stated that those known to them who
had either worked or were working in the Gulf countries revealed to them that their
experience of living and working in the Gulf countries was neither good nor bad
and 29.8 percent responded to the fairly good experience of living and working in
the receiving countries as shown in Table 4.17.

It is important to point out here that the living and working experience of
those who had already worked or were working in Gulf Countries, becomes a
source of knowledge and motivating factor for those who think of going to the
Gulf Countries in the near future and this in turn creates a chain of migration,
where in the network of migrants such as relatives, parents, neighbors, village men
friends and others play an important role.

Expectations:
Whenever and wherever migration is taken with regard to work, it is always
undertaken keeping in mind certain expectations (whether monetary or
non-monetary), which the migrants could achieve and in the context of the present
study wherein they have to migrate to Gulf Countries, the following tables will
substantiate the expectations which the migrants have in mind while making their
journeys.

Table 4.18 Kind of Work (Pre-Migration)

Response Number Percent
Farmer/Laborer 140 66.6
Driver 10 4.8
Students 60 28.6
Total 210 100.0

In the Table 4.18, when it was enquired from the respondents about the kind
of work they used to do before they moved to the receiving Gulf Countries. In
response majority of them (66.6 percent) stated that they used to work either as a
farmer or a laborer, whereas 28.6 percent replied that they were students and only
4.8 percent responded that they used to work as a driver before they moved to
work in Gulf Countries.
Further, when enquired as to what was the work respondents used to do after
moving to the Gulf Countries, 38.1 percent of them replied that they worked as
laborers, whereas 28.6 percent responded that they started working as Construction
Site Workers. 9.5 percent of the respondents were also engaged as Drivers, while
4.8 percent responded that they worked as Mason. Moreover 19 percent of them
replied that they either worked as Barbers, Shepherds or worked in a hotel as
Waiters as shown in Table 4.19.
This clearly points out that there was a major shift in the occupational work that
the migrants used to do here and the one they did in the Gulf Countries.

Table 4.19 Kind of Work (Post-Migration)

Response Number Percent
Driver 20 9.5
Laborer 80 38.1
Construction Workers 60 28.6
Mason 10 4.8
Others 40 19.0
Total 210 100.0

Table 4.20 Monthly Job earning (Pre-Migration)

Response (In Rupees) Number Percent
1000-5000 74 35.2
5000-10000 136 64.8
Total 210 100.0

In the Table 4.20, it was enquired from the respondents as to how much money
they used to earn in a month before their migration. Majority of them
(64.8 percent) stated that monthly they used to earn an amount between Rs. 5000
to 10000, whereas 35.2 percent had replied that they used to earn a meager amount
in the range between Rs. 1000 to 5000 per month and they stated that as the wages
back then were low and were paid only Rs. 50 to 100 per day.
 Table 4.21 Monthly Job Earning (Post-Migration)
Response (In-Rupees) Number Percent
10000-15000 48 22.9
15000-20000 130 61.9
20000 and above 32 15.2
Total 210 100.0

However, when it was enquired from the same respondents about the amount of
money they earned monthly after migration to Gulf Countries, 61.9 percent of
them replied that they earned Rs. 15000 to 20000 rupees a month, whereas 22.9
percent stated that they could easily earn Rs. 10000 to 15000 monthly and only
15.2 percent earned above Rs. 20000 in a month as shown in the Table 4.21.
This clearly shows that after moving to the Gulf Countries, the
income/wages of the respondents increased manifold. Moreover, it also came to the
fore that the wages earned there were more frequently saved as they used to get
them on a monthly basis, so there were less expenses that could have incurred there
whereas in Poonch as they used to receive the wages on day to day basis so the was
incentive to save was less, as they had to spent the wages earned for their day to
day expenses.
 Table 4.22 Daily Hours of work (Pre-Migration)
Response Number Percent
6-7 Hours 21 10.0
7-8 Hours 136 64.8
8-9 Hours 53 25.2
Total 210 100.0

Consequently, when it was enquired about the amount of time that was spent on
work before migration from the respondents, 64.8 percent replied that they used to
work between 7 to 8 hours daily, whereas 25.2 percent of them replied that they
used to work 8 to 9 hours a day and only 10 percent stated that they worked
between 6 to 7 hours daily before moving to the Gulf Countries.

Table 4.23 Daily Hours of work (Post-Migration)

Response Number Percent
7-8 Hours 16 7.6
8-9 Hours 49 23.3
9-10 Hours 81 38.6
10-12 Hours 64 30.5
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, when it was further enquired from them about the duration of hours
they spent on work daily after migration, it came to fore that 38.6 percent of the
respondents worked between 9-10 hours a day, whereas 30.5 percent worked
between 10 to 12 hours daily. Moreover, 23.3 percent of them also stated that they
worked between 8 to 9 hours a day and only 7.6 percent of them worked between 7
to 8 hours daily.
It thus became imperative from the Table 4.23 that the respondents had to work for
more hours in Gulf Countries in order to earn more, clearly pointing out the
correlation between higher working hours and more wages. However, while
working in hostile climatic conditions to earn more at times profoundly impacted
the health of the migrants.

Table 4.24 Verbal or Written Contract

Response Number Percent
Written Contract in English
195 92.9
and Arabic
No Agreement
15 7.1

Total 210 100.0

Further, it was enquired from the respondents that whether they received a verbal
or written contract (Ikama/Akamah) by their Kafils and in response to this majority
of them (92.9 percent) replied that they had received a written contract in English
or Arabic (Ikama/Akamah), while 7.1 percent of the respondents replied that they
had no agreement or Ikama as these were those who used to illegally work in the
Gulf Countries when they used to move to Saudi Arabia for performing Umrah
pilgrimage during the initial phase of migration from Poonch District.
 Table 4.25 Job Received as per Contract
Response Number Percent
Yes 139 66.2
No 61 29.0
Other 10 4.8
Total 210 100.0

Consequently, when it was asked from the respondents about getting the job which
was promised in their contract, 66.2 percent of them said yes, while 29 percent
respondents said no and only 4.8 percent replied that they somewhat got the job as
was promised as seen in Table 4.25. This clearly points out to one of the negative
connotations which have been associated with the Kafala System i.e. not always
receiving the job that may be promised to them before getting the visa from the
Kafil, but when they reach destination countries, they are provided with job other
than what was promised to them and the same has been highlighted by many
studies cited in the present study.

Table 4.26 Earnings (Salary) as promised in Contract

Response Number Percent
Higher 5 2.4
Lower 20 9.5
About the same 185 88.1
Total 210 100.0

When it was enquired from the respondents about the promised earnings (salary) in
their contract, majority of them (88.1 percent) stated that they were paid exactly
what was guaranteed to them in their contracts, while 9.5 percent stated that they
were paid lower than the agreed contract and only a fraction of 2.4 percent also
stated that they were paid higher than the agreed contract. This shows respondents
were paid more or less the same for what was agreed in the contract as shown in
Table 4.26.

Table 4.27 Weekly Work Hours as Promised in the

Contract
Response Number Percent
Higher 59 28.1
Lower 5 2.4
About the same 146 69.5
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, when it was asked from respondents about the working hours
promised as per their contract, about 69.5 percent stated that they worked for about
the same duration of hours daily, whereas 28.1 percent pointed out that they
worked for higher number of hours as compared to what was in the contract and
only a handful number (2.4 percent) stated that they used to work less number of
hours daily as compared to the agreed terms. This clearly points out that the
number of hours promised to them were higher or about the same for most of the
people going into the Gulf Countries.

Table 4.28 Incentives for more work hours

Response Number Percent
Yes 190 90.5
No 20 9.5
Total 210 100.0

The respondents were also asked as if they were provided any kind of incentives
for putting more hours of work, about 90.5 percent of them stated that they were
definitely provided with some kind of incentives for extra work and only 9.5
percent of them said they didn’t got any kind of incentives, pointing out the fact
that majority of them did got incentives for working more hours. Moreover,
majority of the respondents also stated that whenever they use to travel back to
their home (Poonch), then their Kafil used to gift them with valuables like
blankets, watches, and other items which they use to give to their relatives and
friends.
One of the respondents narrated that: “In the 2000’s one could easily recognize by
seeing someone wearing a Casio Watch, that either he himself or any of his
relatives were working in the Gulf Countries particularly Saudi Arabia”.

Experiences and Psychological Consequences of Migrants Stay in Gulf

Countries:

The migration process usually involves a lot of experiences and formalities which
migrants have to go through during their stay in the place of destination, thereby
making them vulnerable to the negative consequences associated with the whole
process. The Human Rights Watch (2012) in their report highlighted the various
concerns associated with the Kafala system on Migrant workers rights which
included exploitation and abuses such as non-payment of wages, excessive
working hours and confiscication of passports by employers etc. Moreover, the
migrants also suffered emotional breakdowns, loneliness, and isolation due to
absence of family members, friends and other loved ones (Kour, 2019).
Moreover, the migrants sometimes also feel problem in adjusting to new a
environment as they are habitually accustomed to the old environment only, which
in turn leads to emotional sickness and they feel stressed out and tensed, due to
lack of proper resources and fulfillment of expressive needs. Therefore, such things
hinder their potential and leads to stress and unhappy life during their stay at the
workplace. In this regard, the migrant workers under the present study were asked
about their experiences and expectations and the psychological problems which
they might have experienced during working in the Gulf Countries as shown in the
subsequent tables from 4.29.1 up to 4.29.5

Table 4.29.1 Passport taken away

Response Number Percent
Yes 195 92.9
No 15 7.1
Total 210 100.0

In the Table When it was enquired from the respondents, whether their passport
was taken away by their Kafils. In response majority (92.9 percent) of them agreed
that they had to surrender their passport to their employer (Kafil), whereas 7.1
percent of the respondents disagreed and these 7.1 percent were those who had
stayed illegally in Gulf Countries working as daily wage earners.

Table 4.29.2 Enjoyed the job

Response Number Percent
Yes 110 52.4
No 100 47.6
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, when it was enquired from the respondents as to whether they liked
their job that was provided to them in the Gulf countries, about 52.4 percent stated
that they did enjoyed their job, whereas 47.6 percent of the respondents replied that
they did not enjoyed the job, as has been shown in the Table 4.29.2.
 Table 4.29.3 Fell ill
Response Number Percent
Yes 30 14.3
No 180 85.7
Total 210 100.0

Moreover, it was also enquired whether the respondents had fallen ill during their
stay in the GCC Countries. About 85.7 percent of them stated that did not fell ill
during their stay in the Gulf Countries while 14.3 percent responded that they do
fell ill as shown in the Table 4.29.3.

Table 4.29.4 Experienced Injury

Response Number Percent
Yes 160 76.2
No 50 23.8
Total 210 100.0

Consequently, it was also enquired from the respondents about the possibility of
experiencing injury while working in such hostile climatic and working conditions.
In response to this greater part of the respondents (76.2 percent) stated that they
could have become injured or had sustained injury while working in the Gulf
Countries, whereas 23.8 percent responded that they didn’t felt their work as hard
and risky to experience any kind of injury. This clearly stipulates that most of the
respondents had to work in difficult conditions for earning their livelihood, as
pointed out in Table 4.29.4.
 Table 4.35.5 Life Threatening Experience
Response Number Percent
Yes 170 81.0
No 40 19.0
Total 210 100.0

The respondents were also inquired about any life threatening experience that they
had to face which possibility could have led to their death. Majority of the
respondents stated that their work was so hostile and dangerous that it could have
resulted in their death in case of any oversight while performing their work and
only 40 respondents stated that they faced any such life threatening situation while
working in Gulf Countries during their stay and these 40 respondents were those
who either worked as barbers or shepherds or as domestic workers.

Feelings:

Besides, asking the respondents about their experiences, it was also enquired from
them about their feelings to ascertain whether the migration was only beneficial
economically or it had its psychological impact on the migrants as well as can be
seen in the subsequent tables.

Table 4.30.1 Enjoyed Living in the Receiving Country

Response Number Percent
Yes 190 90.5
No 20 9.5
Total 210 100.0
In the Table 4.30.1, the respondents were asked whether they enjoyed living in the
receiving country or not, for which 90.5 percent stated that they did enjoyed living
there whereas 9.5 percent of the respondents replied that they did not enjoyed
living in the receiving country. The main reason which they stated was that due to
the hostile climatic as well as working conditions and also due to lack of
communication with the family members, they did not enjoyed their job as much.

However, all of them did revealed that they got along with their employers or
co-workers clearly pointing out to the importance of harmonized co-workers and
employers who subsequently become the main supportive system for them in the
absence of their family members, providing a sense of psychological support and
also not leading them to estrangement from the their work and to sustain them in
the place of destination which in the present study is the GCC Countries.

Moreover, all of the respondents also stated that they missed their family while
they worked in the Gulf Countries. However, it is worthwhile to mention here that
the respondents who had migrated during the Initial phase or Middle phase
revealed that they would miss their families more as back then the means of
communication in the form of internet and mobile as well as social networking
sites like Facebook and Whatsapp etc. were not available in the District Poonch,
therefore, they had to write letters to their families which eventually would take
2-3 months to get delivered. But, with the advent of the Information and
Communication Technology, the whole scenario has been revolutionized making it
easy for the migrant laborers to contact their families frequently.
Table 4.30.2 Earned Enough Money to Send Home
Response Number Percent
Yes 169 80.5
No 41 19.5
Total 210 100.0

When it was enquired from the respondents as to whether they felt that they did not
earned enough money to send home. In response thereto, majority of them
(80.5 percent) stated that they did earned enough money to send home as they
would have liked to, whereas 19.5 percent of them also replied that they had not
earned enough money to send home. From Table 4.30.2, it becomes imperative
that most of the people did earned enough money to send home which was the
prime reason for their migration as this money was eventually utilized by them in
building assets as well as clearing their debts.

Economic Consequences: Remittances and its Utilization.

As the prime motive of migration of labour anywhere in the world is to earn money
which then can be utilized by them to either build assets, to spend it on their
children education, to clear debts, to secure a better life, to start new business etc.
the same stands for those migrating to Gulf Countries from Poonch District, which
needs to be discussed and the present chapter has tried to do the same as can be
seen from the following tables.
India stands unbeaten as the largest migrant source country, as well as
remittance receiving country in the world. In 2017, there were 16.6 million Indians
living abroad (UN, 2017). India had also received foreign inward remittances of
USD 69 billion in remittances (World Bank Migration and Development Brief,
2018), which during 2021-22 rose to $89,127 million, which were the highest ever
inward remittances received in a single year as stated by the Ministry of Finance
(https://pib.gov.in).
Moreover, out of the total remittances received by India, 30 percent of the
total remittances were sent by emigrants who were working in the GCC Countries,
with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait contributing the highest (RBI Remittance Survey,
2021 as published in RBI Bulletin article on remittances, “Headwinds of COVID-
19 and India’s Inward Remittances”, July 2022).
Realizing the importance of remittances it has also been established that at
least a portion of it are used for investment in human and physical capital (Hanson
and Woodruff, 2002; Cox Edwards and Ureta, 2003; Hildebrand and McKenzie,
2005, Mesnard, 2004). Moreover, it also contributes to the reduction of poverty
while having a negative or insignificant impact on inequality in the region or
country of origin (Adams, 1992; Taylor and Wyatt, 1996). Therefore, remittances
occupy a paramount position among alternative sources of international finance for
development (World Bank, 2013).Thus, understanding the role of remittances
becomes imperative, as it not only has a significant effect on the economy of the
state but also on the living conditions of the people as it brings change in the life
chances and life styles of the migrants and can also contribute to poverty reduction.
It has also been indicated that there is a positive correlation between
intention to emigrate and the receipt of remittances as those who had received
transfers from abroad are much more likely to want to migrate than non-recipients
of the remittances (Dimova and Wolff, 2014). Therefore, remittances from the
Gulf nations serve an essential part in alleviating poverty, providing economic
stability, raising families’ socio-economic status (Kaur in her “Migration from
Punjab to the Gulf Countries”, Punjabi Migrants and Social Change in Left-Behind
Families). The significant share of this remittances is generally spent on family
needs, followed by children’s education, health, debts, shaguns (money gifts), and
finally, some savings and if the migration continues to be successful, money is
generally spent on constructing houses and purchasing land or gold after three to
five years of successful journeys. The present chapter also seeks to find the
correlation between the remittances and the migration process as well as the
positive as well as the negative impact these remittances have on the migrants,
their families as well as the Poonch District.

Table 4.31 Mode of Remittance

Response Number Percent
Bank/Money Exchange 160 76.2
Through Relatives/ Friends 40 19.0
Own Visit by Emigrants 10 4.8
Total 210 100.0

While enquiring from respondents about the mode through which they use to send
money to the home, majority of them (76.2 percent) replied that they use
Bank/Money Exchange as a mode of sending remittances, whereas 9 percent of
them stated that they use to send money through friends or relatives when they had
to go the home country and only a fraction of them (4.8 percent) of the respondents
use to take the money with them when they used to return home. This clearly
shows the prevalence of formal mode in the form of banks and money exchange as
the major mode of sending remittances as shown in Table 4.31.
Further, those who use to send money through informal mode like friends
and relatives, were those who had migrated before 2005 and stated that back then
there was neither much information nor they had the knowledge with regard to the
banking facilities, so that’s why they preferred to send money either through their
relatives or friends or carry it by themselves when they use to return.

Table 4.32 Periodicity of Money/ Wages Received.

Response Number Percent
Monthly 20 9.5
Quarterly 120 57.1
Half Yearly 40 19.0
Annually 20 9.5
No Fixed Pattern 10 4.8
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, when it was enquired about the periodicity of money/wages

received, about 57.1 percent of the respondents replied that they received
money/wages quarterly (3 months), whereas 19.0 percent of them used to received
money/wages in a span of 6 months period, while 9.5 percent stated that they
received money/wages on monthly basis and same amount of respondents i.e. 9.5
percent also revealed that they received money/wages on annual basis. However, a
small fraction (4.8 percent) stated that they had no fixed pattern of time for
receiving money/wages as highlighted in the Table 4.38.
This stipulates that majority of the respondents received money/wages on
quarterly basis and this was the major reason for their savings as when they use to
get their wages on monthly/quarterly basis, they had greater chances to save and
send that money to their families, which was then utilized to built assets and pay
back debt and reduced their liabilities. Further, they did not have to spend any
money on their accommodation as well as on food as they were provided free of
cost by their Kafils which further increased their chances to save more money.
Utilization of Remittances:

Further under the present study the utilization of the remittances by the migrants
was also looked into, so that the economic impact in terms of their migration could
be understood as shown in the following Tables.
Subsequently, when it was enquired from the respondents about utilization of
remittances, all of them agreed stating that they utilize the remittances for day to
day household expenses. However, 81 percent of them stated they also used the
remittances for the education of their children or relatives and 19 percent of the
stated that as their children they didn’t use the remittances for education purposes
stating that spending on the education of their children would not be productive as
the employment opportunities in the Poonch District were not high and they liked
their children to also accompany them to work in the Gulf Countries as shown in
Table 4.33.1.
However, it has been found that most of them wanted to utilize their
remittances on the education of their children as they thought that attaining a
higher qualification was a necessary pre-requisite in the present world as they did
not wanted to saw their children to be like them and wanted them to earn their
livelihood by getting a Government Job.

Table 4.33.1 Education of Children/Relatives

Response Number Percent
Yes 170 81.0
No 40 19.0
Total 210 100.0
Moreover, all of the respondents who had taken loan or borrowed money stated
that they also utilized remittance to pay back their debts which they have taken
mostly from money lender, friends or relatives while going to the Gulf Countries.
This clearly shows that paying debt has been a huge priority for the them as only
after they pay back their debts, they can then think about buying some assets like
land, jewellery, consumer durables like TV, Car, Motor Cycles, Mobile Phones etc.

Table 4.33.2 Purchased House/Built Houses or

Apartments

Response Number Percent

Yes 165 78.6
No 45 21.4
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, it was enquired from the respondents whether they utilized the
remittances in purchasing or building a new house, majority of them (78.6 percent)
stated that they did use some part of their remittances in purchasing house or
purchased land for building a new house, whereas only 21.4 percent of them also
told that they did not utilize their remittances on the said subject as shown in Table
4.33.2. This clearly shows that most of the respondents did utilize portion of
remittances to built or purchase house/apartments and most of them have
purchased land close to the municipal limits of the different tehsils of District
Poonch like Haveli and Suronkote, so that they could get access to amenities like
good medical treatment, good education for their children, more opportunities to
start their new business when they finally return from their migration. This has in
turn led to a rapid urbanization as the people have started settling around the
sub-urbs like Kanuyian, Bhanch, Potha, Samote etc. of the Poonch District having
its own consequences if not managed properly.
But, those who responded that they did not utilized the remittances for
building a new house further stated that they, however, did spent some portion of
remittances for the repair/renewal of their existing house. They also told they
wanted to spent the rest of their lives with their elderly parents and were not
interested to buy new land or built new house to enjoy the lavish life of the city,
but wanted to spend their time by investing in their villages either by opening
grocery shops or investing money to buy car with permits, which then could be
used for commercial activities acting as a source of livelihood for them.

Table 4.33.3 Purchased Land

Response Number Percent
Yes 30 14.3
No 180 85.7
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, the sample of 210 respondents were taken out under the present
study to find out the utilization of remittances for purchasing land, in response to
which, majority of the respondents disagreed, stating that they had not used their
remittances in purchasing land, whereas 14.3 percent agreed, stating that they did
use some part of their remittances to buy land. Table 4.39.5 stipulates that majority
of the respondents did not purchase land while using remittances from abroad.
 Table 4.33.4 Started New Business/ Expanded Existing
Business
Response Number Percent
Yes 89 42.4
No 121 57.6
Total 210 100.0

When it was enquired from 210 respondents about the utilization of remittances in
starting/expanding a new/old business, 57.6 percent of the respondents disagreed,
stating that they did not use remittances for the said purpose and 42.4 percent use
part of remittances in establishing new business or expanding it as shown in table
4.33.4.

Table 4.33.5 Donation to Temple Religious or Charitable Organizations

Response Number Percent
Yes 200 95.2
No 10 4.8
Total 210 100.0

When it was enquired from the sample of 210 respondents about donating money in
the religious/charitable organization, majority of them, about 200 (95.2 percent) of
the respondents agreed stating that they did donate part of their remittances to
religious/charitable organization, whereas only a fraction of 10 respondents
(4.8 percent) disagreed to it. They clearly pointed out that by working in the GCC
Countries they realized the importance of opening more religious organizations as it
can help the society in general and the people of Poonch district to be more religious
in character and imbibe the teachings of Islam as is imperative from Table 4.39.7.
 Table 4.33.6 Purchase of Gold
Response Number Percent
Yes 10 4.8
No 200 95.2
Total 210 100.0

When it was enquired from 210 respondents about using their remittances for
purchasing gold, nearly 95.2 percent of the people disagreed, stating that they did
not purchase gold, whereas only a fraction of 4.8 percent respondents agreed,
stating that they did invest some part of their remittances in purchasing gold. It is
imperative from Table 4.39.8 that purchasing gold was not a lucrative option for
utilizing money through remittances.

Table 4.34 Total Remittances

Response (In Rupees) Number Percent
10-20 lacs 90 42.9
20-30 lacs 50 23.8
30-40 lacs 45 21.4
40 and above 25 11.9
Total 210 100.0

As the official data about the total remittances earned by the migrants from the UT
of J&K has not been compiled, therefore a general question was asked to the
respondents relating to the total earnings that they have been able to earn through
their migration journey, all the respondents under the present study revealed that
they almost earned an amount above Rs. 10 Lacs. Those who earned more than
that were those who have stayed for more than 5 years in the Gulf Countries as
indicated by the Table 4.34.
Consequently, the most important point about the utilization of the remittances
brought about by the Gulf Migrants is the circular effect that it has for the UT of
J&K as well as for its people, as most of the money is spent for making assets and
possession of consumable items which leads to a perceived change in the lifestyles
as well as the life chances of the emigrants and their families, which can help in
reducing poverty as well as income related inequalities.

Religious and Cultural Changes:

Migration to a new place not only brings social and economic changes for the
migrant but also influences his religious and cultural beliefs also. In the present
study, not the social and economic consequences of migration to Gulf Countries
was explored but also the religious and cultural changes that might have been
experienced by them were also looked into, as can be seen from the subsequent
Tables. Moreover, it was found that all the respondents who had migrated to the
Gulf Countries belonged to a particular group of religion that is Islam, which was
predominantly due to the following reasons:

1. Firstly, majority of population of Poonch District follow Islamic faith; and

2. Secondly, all the Gulf Countries are predominantly Muslim Monarchies
with strict adherence to Islamic Laws.

Table 4.35 Sect

Response Number Percent
Sunni 204 97.1
Shia 6 2.9
Total 210 100.0

However, when it was enquired from the respondents about the sect they belonged
to, so, it was revealed by majority (97.1 percent) of the respondents that were
inclined or belonged to Sunni Sect and only 2.9 percent belonged to the Shia Sect
as indicated in Table 4.35. It is important to point out here that though a
considerable proportion of Shia Population inhibits the Poonch District but only a
meager Shia population migrates to the Gulf Countries because majority of the
Gulf Countries are either dominated by the Wahabi (Hanbali) School of Islamic
Jurisprudence or Salafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence and also because of the
geo-politics involved in the Middle East between Sunni dominated countries led by
Saudi Arabia and Shia Dominated countries led by Iran.

Table 4.36 Difference in Religious Values

Response Number Percent
High or Moderate
170 81
Difference
Less or No Difference 40 19
Total 210 100.0

Furthermore, when asked from the respondents about the religious values which
they might have experienced during their stay in the Gulf and whether they were
different from the religious values in their hometown. About 81 percent of the
respondents stated that the religious values in the receiving counties were either
highly different or moderately different where as 19 percent stated that they
experienced less difference or no difference in the religious values of the receiving
country and their home town.

Table 4.37 Believed Sufism

Response Number Percent
Yes 160 76.2
No 50 23.8
Total 210 100.0

As Poonch is known to be the Land of Sufis, in this regard, the respondents were
also asked whether they had any belief (Aqidah) 3in Sufism as shown in the Table
4.37. Majority (76.2 percent) of them stated that they had a firm faith and belief in
Sufism/Peerprasti, where as 23.8 percent of them replied that they had no belief in
Sufism/Peerprasti and these were those who stated that they didn’t found any
3
Aqidah is word used for person’s belief in a particular idea.
difference in the religious values in the Gulf Countries. Further, they also stated
that they often used to visit a Sufi Shrine when they were in Poonch.
But contrary to this, when it was enquired from them that during their stay
in the Gulf Countries, did they saw any Sufi Shrine, all of them (100 percent)
responded that they did not saw any Sufi Shrine in the GCC Countries and the
main reason for this as pointed out by them was that the School of Thought
(Islamic School of Jurisprudence/Fiqa4) prevalent there did not considered
Sufism as an indispensible part of Islam, which pointed out to the fact that a sharp
difference between the religious values in the Gulf Countries the migrants’ home
town (Poonch) religious values did existed.
[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[[

Table 4.38 School of thought Active in the Receiving Country

Response Number Percent
Hanafi 31 14.8
Maliki 10 4.8
Shafi’i 40 19.0
Hanbali 129 61.4
Total 210 100.0

Moreover, the respondents were asked that which school of Islamic

Jurisprudence was more active in the country where they worked. About 61.4
percent of them responded that Hanbali School of Thought was more active and 19
percent responded that Shafi’i School of Thought was more active. The Hanafi
School of Thought stood at 14.8 percent and the Maliki School of Thought was

4
Islamic Jurisprudence (Fiqh) means understanding of the duties and obligations by which Islam imposes on
Muslims a Code of Conduct that prescribes modes of worship, moral standards and principles of interpersonal
relationship and is derived from four sources- Quran, Sunnah, Ijma and Qiyas and there are mainly four major
schools namely Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’I and Hanbali.
responded by only 4.8 percent as an active school of thought in the Gulf Countries
as highlighted in the Table 4.38.
Here one thing which is worthwhile to mention that in Poonch District
majority of the respondents were more or less connected to the Hanafi School,
which has belief is Sufism as a basic tenet of Islam and when the same respondents
stayed in the countries where other Schools of Islamic Jurisprudence were more
active, so they had to made certain adjustments with regard to that and majority of
them also stated that they were now less inclined to their previous held beliefs
(Aqidah) with regard to faith in Sufism or visiting a Sufi shrine.
Moreover, there was some kind of perceived change by the introduction of
these schools of thought, which have brought about heterogeneity in the religious
values of Muslim Population in District Poonch.

Table 4.39 Response towards New Schools of Thought

Response Number Percent
Positive 170 81.0
Negative 40 19.0
Total 210 100.0

Subsequently, when it was enquired from the respondents that whether these
new school of Islamic Jurisprudence were able to receive positive or negative
response from the population of Poonch as highlighted in the Table 4.39, it came to
fore as stated by about 81 percent of the respondents that these new schools of
thought were able to receive positive response from the people of Poonch and only
19 percent responded they have not been able to receive a positive response from
the people of Poonch District. Those who advocated that these New Schools of
Thoughts have had a positive impact pointed out that they started removing some
of the common misconceptions about the practices of Islam like Peerparasti5,
believing in popular superstitions etc, which were prevalent in the Poonch district
as well as opening up of more Madrasas and Schools imparting both Islamic as
well as modern education and construction of mosques in every village and town
etc.
However, some respondents also pointed out that it had an adverse and
negative impact on the people of Poonch District as it introduced those School of
Thoughts, more strict in terms of following of the practices of Islam and in some
way or the other related to the extremism, which impacted the traditional Sufi
Culture prevalent in District Poonch.

Table 4.40: New Religious Institutions (Madrasas/Mosques) opened in

Poonch
Response Number Percent
Yes 150 71.4
No 60 28.6
Total 210 100.0

Table 4.40 also confirms to the impact of these new schools in form of opening of
more madrasas6 and religious Institutions as 71.4 percent of respondents stated
that they have seen many madrasas and religious institutions having close
affiliations with them being opened in Poonch, whereas only 28.6 percent migrants
5
Peerparasti means to believe that Sufi Saints have divine powers.
6
Madrasas are institutes where students from different parts of that place come and learn about Quran and
Hadiths and get Islamic as well as modern education.
responded that they haven’t seen madrasas and Religious institutions with close
affiliations to them being opened in Poonch, as majority of people still believed in
Hanafi School of Thought and Sufism as a major institutional practice in Islam.

Cultural Changes:

The migration to the predominantly Islamic Gulf Countries has not only helped the
migrants to sustain their religious beliefs but also brought a lot of cultural
transformations in the form of dressing patterns, food, language etc. In the present
study, the respondents stated that they were now more habitual in wearing
Shalwar-Kameez (Khan Suit) and a Traditional Islamic Cap (Topi) along with a
Cloth (Parnah7) which they used to place on their shoulders, instead of Shirt-
Pant/Jeans, as they became accustomed wearing that while they worked in the Gulf
Countries. Though wearing these was a necessity for them as they had to work in
scorching heat as temperature in the Gulf Countries sometimes crosses 50 degree
Celsius. However, these things in the long run have become a part and parcel of
their lives as the said dressing pattern also correlates with their religion, thus, it has
become a part of the culture of the migrants.

They also agree to their changing food habits as they now preferred to have
non-vegetarian food which is consumed more in GCC Countries and they even had
to learn to speak Arabic language if they had to have a good relation with their
Kafil as it helped them to be more conversant with them frequently.

“One of the respondent during the study revealed that he was engaged as a
salesman in the shop of his Kafil (Sponsor) but he was not that frequent in
speaking Arabic language due to his low educational qualification and was
therefore paid less salary. But in the meantime, he learned to speak Arabic and

7
Parnah is a local term for scarf that is worn mostly by men.
started doing conversation with the locals in the Arabic language. This not only
helped him to have better understanding about the local culture and preferences
but also helped him in earning more salary as his Kafil started trusting him more”.

All these cultural changes brought about by these emigrants are visible in
the Poonch District as those who have migrated to the GCC Countries can easily
be identified by their dressing pattern as well as their way of living. Even they
have occupied spaces in Poonch City like Haji Market, which specifically resemble
the market of some old Gulf Countries.

References:
1. Foster Nicholas , 'The Islamic Law of Guarantees ' (2001 ) 16 (2 ) Arab Law Quarterly : 133 -57.

2. Human Rights Watch , Building a Better World Cup , (Human Rights Watch, New York 2012 )

3. Longva Anh Nga , Walls Built on Sand: Migration, Exclusion and Society in Kuwait , (Westview
Press, Oxford 1997 ).

4. Anwar Al Khateeb (2015). Kafala system in GCC: Reformations and

Pressures.
5. A. Kapiszewski in his ''Arab Versus Asian Migrant Workers in the GCC
Countries” (2015),
6. Azhari, Asma. “The Kafala ‘Sponsorship’ System in Saudi Arabia: A Critical Analysis from the
Perspective of International Human Rights and Islamic Law.” The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate
Research 10 (2016-17): 61-80.

7. Rupa Chanda and Pralok Gupta, “Indian Migration to the Gulf: Overview of Trends and
Policy Initiatives by India,” in Philippe Fargues and Nasra M. Shah (eds.), Migration to
the Gulf: Policies in Sending and Receiving Countries (Cambridge: Gulf Research
Centre, 2018): 181-182,
8. Dr. Fahad L. Alghalib Al Sharif in his paper entitled “Kafala Sponsorship
Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Converging Toward International Labor
Standards”
9. Douglas S. Massey (1993) in his paper titled, “Theories of International
Migration: A Review and Appraisal”
10.Biswajit Banerjee in his paper titled “Social Networks in the Migration
Process: Empirical Evidence on Chain Migration in India”,
11.In their paper titled ‘Social Networks and Migration: Theory and Evidence
from Rwanda’, Joshua Blumenstock and Xu Tan (2016)
12.(Atinder Pal Kour also argues in her “Migration and its Discontents” (2019).
13.World Bank Migration and Development Brief, 2018
14.https://pib.gov.in
15.(RBI Remittance Survey, 2021 as published in RBI Bulletin article on
remittances, “Headwinds of COVID-19 and India’s Inward Remittances”,
July 2022)
16. Hanson and Woodruff, 2002; Cox Edwards and Ureta, 2003; Hildebrand and
McKenzie, 2005, Mesnard, 2004)
17. (Adams, 1992; Taylor and Wyatt, 1996)
18. World Bank, 2013
19. Ralitza Dimova and François-Charles Wolff in their study entitled
“Remittances and chain migration: Longitudinal evidence from Bosnia and
Herzegovina” (2014)
20. According to Atinder Pal Kaur in her paper “Migration from Punjab to the Gulf
Countries”, Punjabi Migrants and Social Change in Left-Behind Families
21.
22.
23.K
24.L
25.M
26.N
27.O
28.P
 29.Q
30.R
31.S
32.T
33.U
34.V
35.W
36.X
37.Y
38.z

CHAPTER 5: Impact of Gulf Migration on the Left Behind Family Members.

Migration of male members affects the life of left behind families by bringing
changes to the role and status of left behind women (Hadi, 2001). In this regard, it
was found that the women who remain behind have greater decision-making power
in the home, especially when these women live in nuclear families. Absence of
male figure in the family subsequently pushes the left behind women to interact
with organizations and institutions (banks and government agencies) they were not
used to interacting with before migration (Abadan-Unat, 1977).

It has also been argued that while greater autonomy for women is overall
advantageous for them but there have also been several documented negative
impacts of men’s labour migration on women who remain behind (Roy and
Nangia, 2005). In the absence of men, the left behind women become responsible
for both, their own and their husband’s duties and roles (Khaled, 1995). However,
labor migration, when successful, becomes an economic benefit to families but
families can experience greater economic hardship if migrant men cannot secure
good employment (Sadiqi and Ennaji, 2004). Therefore, women married to such
migrants who fail to fetch rewarding jobs in the destination countries may
experience huge financial burden due to multiple responsibilities imposed upon
them. In other words, women may experience increased autonomy, yet they still
might face large gender inequalities at the household and societal level due to the
vast magnitude of these disparities (Yabiku, 2010).

Many have also observed and concluded that those women, who earlier had
restricted lifestyle and couldn’t take charge of household and outdoor work before
their husband’s migration, are now pushed by circumstances to open their bank
account and deal with public officers to avail variety of services (Zachariah &
Rajan, 2015).
 Subsequently, the migration of the male member of the family has not only
profound impact on the wives but also on the children left behind. Therefore, the
absence of parent (either father or mother) and economic advantages together,
bring a lot of changes among the left behind children's social and psychological
environment. In this regard, it has been seen that not remittances but other things
including new and modern technology gadgets, clothes and other appliances etc.
also bring behavioral changes among the left behind children (D' Emilio, 2007).
Similarly, the remittances help them to access more expensive healthcare options
including clinics, hospitals, medical professionals etc according to (Escalante,
2008).
Moreover, it has also been asserted that the remittances from emigrants
enhance positive educational outcomes, particularly for younger children and
higher income from migration provides ample educational opportunities and better
levels and improving their health facilities for their children (Kandel and Kao,
2000 and 2001). These remittances from migrants contribute significantly to
raising educational opportunities for girls to a level close to that of boys (Curran,
2004).

Taylor (1987) and Jones (1995) made similar conclusions that earning
remittances from international migration, positively affects the household affairs
and children's education and higher remittances have resulted into overall growth
and well-being of children in migrant communities (Kanaiaupuni & Doneto, 1999).

Remittances that the migrant sent home have positive effects on children's
education because money transfer helps family to preserve money and allow the
left behind families to invest more in children's education (Alcaroz, 2012; Amudo-
Dorantes, 2010; Calero, 2009; Edwards & Ureta, 2003; Hansen & Woodruff, 2003;
Taylor & Lopez-Feldman, 2010). Moreover, it has also been emphasized that those
children who live with both parents have a greater opportunity to focus on entry in
respect to socio-economic status in school which automatically delays their entry
into labour force (Saucedo, 2006). Edward and Ureta (2003) in El Salvador study
emphasized the point that remittances reduce the hazard of children's social and
psychological environment and it has also been demonstrated that remittances
increase school enrollment rate and reduce child labour in Ecuador (Calero, 2009).
These are some positive outcomes of remittances on left behind children.

But in many of studies related to the migration of parents, negative effects

on children have also been witnessed. Those children who were staying without
their parents have high dropout rates than those children who have their parents by
their side. Many factors push them to dropout from schools. It was observed that
children who were found to be highly inspired by the thought of migration to gain
economic benefits, have less faith in the ability of education to provide them the
necessary career growth. It has been seen in children that whose father was the
emigrant, his long absence made children's attachment with him reduced with time,
leading to school withdrawal symptoms among children, with no authoritative
figure at home to check their presence in school (Ogbu's, 1987). It has been
found that single parent household faces higher risk of early withdrawal from
school and greater risk exists for those children living with step families (Astone &
McLanaha, (1994). Similar study related to U.S migration emphasized that
such children who grew up in single parent households were disadvantageous and
because of lower incomes, poor school performance was manifested (Garfinkel &
McLanaham, 1986).
It is quite possible that higher remittances may be spent upon capital goods,
consumer goods, instead of investing on children education and more priority may
be given to raise their standards of living (Croll and Ping, 1997; Durand, 1996;
Massey, 1998; Taylor, 1996). It was also demonstrated that children from single
parent households face early withdrawal from school (Astone and McLanahan;
1994), Pong: 1996).
In a study related to Mexico it was found that children left behind by
international migrant parents are worse off in educational attainment than those
living with both parents (Lu, 2014). Moreover, absence of elder or adult household
members has a negative effect on the high school attendance of left behind children
in rural areas, however remittances can partially compensate for such loss (Hu,
2012). McKenzie and Rapport (2006), also analyzed the impact of potential
migration that lowered the chance of children completing high school among rural
Mexico migrant household.

Therefore, the present chapter tried to highlight the consequences of the migration
of the labor migrants on their left behind family members particularly their wives
and children. It was also explored how male migration to the Gulf Countries affects
the emotions, wellbeing and the authority of wives as well as children, who lived
without their husbands/fathers. Thus, to bring out the various consequences of the
Gulf Migration on these left behind members, semi-structured interview/schedule
were conducted with 36 women and most of the interviews were done through
purposive sampling in which only those migrant’s households were visited, where
left behind wives were staying and they were categorized into two groups;

a. Firstly, those wives who resided in the nuclear families and their husbands
being migrated to Arab/Gulf countries from the past 7-10 years; and
b. Secondly, those living with their in-laws and their husbands being migrated
to Arab/Gulf countries from the past 7-10 years.

Moreover, an attempt was also made to get an insight about their perception
towards the migration of their husbands, their perceived role reversal, their coping
up with the changes brought about by the decision making power if any, as well as
the negative fallouts like loneliness, added responsibilities related to their children
as well as in-laws etc. which they had to cope up during the absence of their
husbands.

In order to make the present study more representative and having a better
understanding of the impact of male migration on left-behind wives,
information/data was collected from 36 migrants’ wives in each of the six Tehsils
of district Poonch through a Semi-structured interview/schedule to illicit
information used to bring out the functions as well as the dysfunctions associated
with the migration of their husbands to the Gulf Countries. Moreover, various
variables like age at marriage, type of family, educational qualification, economic
activities and occupation, year of marriage etc. were also employed to find the
socio-economic profile of the wives of the migrants.

Age at Marriage:

Here in two categories of respondents were purposively interviewed:

a. Those below 35 years of age; and
b. Those above 35 years of age.
And the age at marriage of respondents was asked in order to understand the
emotional problems between these two age groups. Those below the age group of
35 years stated that they had more symptoms of emotional sickness, loneliness and
depression due to long distance relationship with husband and less time spent
together with their husbands who only come for 2 or 3 months after their stay of 2
years at the place of their work.

As highlighted in the Table 5.1, out of the total respondents below the age of
35 years, 61.1 percent revealed that they were living in nuclear family and had to
cope up with even more responsibilities during the absence of their husbands as
they had no emotional and physical support system from other family members like
their in-laws, as a result, their lives were more occupied with burden and they had
tension related to their future and insecurity related to their relationship with their
husbands. Moreover, out of the total respondents above 35 years of age, only 27.8
percent used to live in a nuclear family and they stated that they were acting as the
head of the household keeping themselves busy related to household chores and
other works so there was no time for loneliness and emotional sickness.
In fact 38.9 percent of the respondents below the age of 35 years and staying
in joint families revealed that they also had problem of openness with family
members due to norms and values of the society. However, the other hand, women
below the age of 35 years living in joint family revealed that they had more
emotional well-being, stability and no symptoms of loneliness and the main reason
of their happiness was the strong bond with their family members, especially with
their children.

In this regard Atinder Pal Kour in her paper “Male Migration and Its Impact
on the Emotional Wellbeing of Women” (2015), has also concluded in her research
that migration of husbands has more impact on those women of lower age groups,
as they experience more loneliness and emotional breakdown, whereas on the other
hand, women belonging to upper age groups have better emotional well-being,
more security and positive attitude towards their future life and the same can be
concluded with the variation that whether they resided in nuclear families or joint
families, those below the age of 35 years had to experience more loneliness and
emotional breakdown than those above the age of 35 years.
Table 5.1: Age at Marriage and Structure of Family
 Type of
Response Number Percent Number Percent
Family

Nuclear 11 61.1
Between 20 to 35 18 50
Joint 07 38.9

Nuclear 05 27.8
Above-35 18 50
Joint 13 72.2

Total 36 100.0 Total 36 100

Family Structure:
The Second important variable was the structure of family that the respondents
were living in and the sample was purposively divided into two equal parts (50
percent each). As shown in the above table 5.2, types of families in which the
respondents resided were taken into consideration and both nuclear as well as joint
families were chosen. This was done purposely to show the impact of the
migration on respondents who resided either in nuclear families or those staying
with their in-laws under a Joint family structure.

It came to fore that whether it is in a nuclear or a joint family, half of the

respondents stated that they had to experience certain negative fallouts in the form
of loneliness, added responsibilities and more stress, where as the other half of the
wives stated that during the preliminary years of their husbands migration they had
to face certain problems but after sometimes they managed to cope up with the
added responsibilities and were now enjoying their life more happily and were the
one in the families making all the decisions about day to day activities of their
household.
It is also worthwhile to mention here that those respondents, who were still
staying with their In-Laws, were somehow related to them genealogically also
either through their mother or father, but they also stated that they too had to face
some kind of loneliness or mental stress, although their In-Laws were related to
them genealogically, but due to some family issues over land or other assets, their
relationship with their In-Laws somehow became strained and eventually they
had to face even more hardships in the absence of their Husbands.

Table 5.3 Type of Families

Response Number Percent
Nuclear 18 50
Joint 18 50
Total 36 100.0

Education:
Another variable that has been taken into consideration was the educational
qualification of the respondents, which was used to ascertain whether more
educational qualification can be a factor for the better position of the respondents
and that the education qualification helped them better to manage their personal
lives as well as their children and In-laws in the absence of their husbands.
 Table 5.3 Educational Qualification
Response Number Percent
No Education(Illiterate) 11 30
Up to 8th 15 42
Secondary 6 16
Higher Secondary 4 12
Total 36 100.0

The educational qualification of the respondents as shown in the above table 5.3
clearly shows that maximum numbers of them (70 percent) were educated up to
higher secondary class while no one having graduation as educational
qualification. Moreover, 30 percent of them revealed that they received no
education at all and were illiterate. This points out to the fact that the lack of
education among the wives of the migrants was also a binding factor for their lack
of security and mental stress and agony regarding her private life as well as her
relation with regard to her husband, children, in-laws and relatives.

Economic Activity and Occupation:

The economic activity or occupation of the respondents was also explored as
another important variable to show that whether their being able to earn some
money was helpful to them in any sort of manner. In the subsequent below
mentioned table 5.4, economic activities and occupations of the respondents were
highlighted and it was revealed by 55.6 percent of that they were housewives,
while no one was in government services. The respondents engaged in other
activities including laborers or entrepreneurships etc. were 55.6 percent. Thus, the
majority of them were engaged in house-hold activities and major reason behind
their low participation in the economic activities was the role played by their lack
of educational attainment as well as the remittances sent by their husbands from
abroad, which in the long run made their life easier.

However, many of the respondents during the Interview stated that “In the
Initial years of their husbands migration, they use to sell milk and other by-
products of milk like cheese, butter, ghee etc. in the nearby places for earning
some money because the flow of money from their migrating husbands was not
fixed and they used to receive money after a gap of more than 3-6 months.
Therefore, they had to earn some money in order to pay for the day to day
household needs. But, after a while, because of the opening up of banks and other
financial institutions, the flow of remittances became consistent and the need to
work was also reduced as they made their living by the remittances received”.

It has been argued that the financial transfer from migrating members’ benefits
left-behind family members, including women, economically also reducing their
financial vulnerability (Mishra, Khushbu, Olga Kondratjeva, and Gerald E.
Shively, 2022). However, such changes in financial stability in the household due
to the inflow of the remittance also impact the economic behavior and labor force
participation of left-behind members (Mishra, 2022) and the same has been found
true with regard to the present study also.
 Table 5.5 Economic Activity and Occupation

Response Number Percent

Housewife 20 55.6
Other Activities including
16 44.4
laborers, entrepreneurs etc.
Total 36 100.0

Table 5.6 Year of Marriage

Response (Decade) Number Percent
1990-2000 5 13.9
2001-2010 13 36.1
2011-2020 18 50
Total 36 100.0

In terms of the decade of their marriage and for the analysis of results, different
times period were taken which shows that 50 percent of the respondents had
married in the time period 2011-2020 while 36.1 percent of them got married in the
time period between 2001-2010. Moreover, 13.9 percent of the respondents also
stated that they got married in the time period of 1990-2000.
 The analysis of the time period of marriage of the respondents was important
because of the reason as women who had married before 2010 stated they had to
face all sort of problems whether related to taking economic decisions or decisions
related to their child’s education or during an exigency in the family when
someone in the family had died or had fallen ill. The reason behind all these
problems which they stated, was due to lack of means of communication like
mobile phones and electronic communication platforms etc. and the only means of
communication with the migrating husband was either through registered post or
telegram or when someone known to them from their area used to travel to Gulf or
when the Husband used to come back to the place of their origin from their stay of
around 1-2 years.

One of the Wives of the Migrant stated that “The distance between Poonch and
Gulf Countries is in 1000’s of Kilometers. So, unlike those who have migrated to
places within India or J&K and who can easily come back home whenever there is
any family emergency. But in case of Gulf Migration, where as one knows that cost
of migration for getting a job is quite expensive and their husbands have to earn
there in order to pay back the debt and also save money so that after some years
they can either buy some assets or start off their business or any other economic
activity in their place of origin(Poonch district), therefore, one has to bear all the
problems whether emotional, mental, physical or psychological by herself, if one
aspires to live happily in the coming years”(ibid).

Thus, it can be concluded that those respondents who had married in the early
1990’s up to 2010 were more affected by their husband’s migration as has been
highlighted in the Table 5.6.

Economic Decision Making:

The present chapter tried to analyze the economic decision making of the
respondents in the absence of their husbands also tried to figure out how the
remittances that their husband send from abroad help them to have authority in the
family decision making and how they cope up with the negative fallouts during the
absence of their Husbands.
Therefore, a lot of questions were asked during the interview/schedule related to
their knowledge about the earnings of their husbands, the decision on spending the
money/remittances and their utilization for various purposes etc. to understand the
financial independence of the respondents brought about as result of their
husband’s migration and its correlation with their role reversal, if any, occurring in
the respondents lives.

Assessing the impact of the remittances inflow from husbands that they send
home, it was found that as compared to women with husbands at home, left-behind
wives experienced a higher degree of decision-making authority, physical mobility,
and involvement in socio-political spheres. However, the left behind wives were
also found to experience increased unpaid workload and decreased access to
information, together with emotional and psychological costs in the absence of
their husbands (Saroj Koirala). Therefore, the remittance inflow has both positive
impact as well as negative impact on the household of the migrants including their
wives, children and their elderly parents.
 Table 5.7 Knowledge about Husband’s Monthly Earning
Response (Rupees) Number Percent
5000-15000 6 16.6
15000-20000 6 16.6
20000 Above 24 66.8
Total 36 100.0

As shown in the above table 5.7, it was enquired from the respondents about the
monthly earnings of their husbands and 66.8 percent of the respondents stated that
their husbands had told them about their earnings which were above Rs. 20000
monthly. While 16.6 percent of them said that their husbands use to earn an
amount between Rs. 15000-20000 per month and 16.6 percent of them also stated
that their husbands earned an amount between Rs 5000-15000 monthly. Thus, all
of them knew about their husbands monthly earnings.

Table 5.7.1 Knowledge About Husbands Earning

Response Number Percent
Informed by Husband 28 77.8
Informed by family member 8 22.2
Total 36 100.0

Moreover, when it was further probed from the respondents as to who had
informed them about their husbands earning, majority of them (77.8
percent), stated that it was their husband who told them about their monthly
income, while 22.2 percent of them knew about the earning of their husbands from
other family members such as their Father In law or Brother In law as highlighted
in the above table 5.7.1.

Table 5.8 Money sent by Migrant to

Response Number Percent
Wife 20 55.5
Parents 16 44.5
Total 36 100.0

As shown in the above table 5.8, it was enquired from the respondents as to who
was the recipient of the money, which their husband would send from abroad.
Majority of them (55.5 percent) stated that the money was received by them in
their names either through a bank or through a relative who used to come home
after from the Gulf Countries, while 44.5 percent of them told that their husbands
used to send money in their parents name. Thus, majority of husbands used to send
money to their wives, who in turn had the authority and decision making power
with regard to the manner in which the said money could be utilized. However,
majority of the respondents also stated that they would consult their husband and at
times their In-Laws, regarding the manner in which the money was to be spent and
utilized.
 Table 5.9 Mode of Transfer
Response Number Percent
Bank 8 22.2
Western Union 16 44.4
Relatives/ Friends Coming back 8 22.2
Others 4 11.2
Total 36 100.0

Subsequently, as shown in the above table 5.9, mode of remittances for utilized by
the Husbands for sending money from Gulf Countries has been taken into
consideration. Majority of the respondents (66.6 percent) responded that they
received money through financial institutions like western Union and Banks, where
as 33.4 percent stated that they use to receive money through relatives and friends
who, use to come to Poonch after their stay in the Gulf Countries. Here in, one
thing that again came to the fore was that it was only after 2010 that majority of the
respondents started using financial institutions like Banks etc. as a means of
receiving money as before that period most of the remittances were received
through informal institutions like relatives and friends. A major reason which can
be cited behind this drastic shift of using financial institutions for sending and
receiving money was the percolation of the information and communication
technology to the rural areas of the Poonch as well and also due to the increased
awareness regarding the use of official means of money transfer like banks and
other institutions. Thus, the impact that globalization has created through the use of
ICT and other means of communication, has been found in the context of this study
also, wherein it has been found that the use of formal means of money transfer
through banks, Western Unions etc. has not only helped them in receiving the
remittances regularly without the threat of any fraud but has also made their lives
more contented.

Table 5.10 Possession of any property

Response Number Percent
Yes, but alone 8 22.2
Yes, but jointly 8 22.2
No 20 55.5
Total 36 100.0

In the above given table 5.10, it was further enquired from the respondents about
their possession of any kind of property that they may have purchased after their
husband had gone to the Gulf Countries. In response to it, 55.5 percent of them
revealed that they still had no property in their name and stated that the cost
incurred on getting job in Gulf Countries was so huge that the savings which their
husbands use to make in the Gulf Countries were first utilized for settling the
loan/debt taken either from their relatives or money lenders and after that if some
more money was left then it was utilized on the education of children and their
marriages as well as the marriages of their siblings. Still after that, if any amount of
saving was left, then that was to be utilized for building some assets, therefore, the
chances to buy new property depended on the chances of better savings and less
liabilities on the migrants’ family.
However, 22.2 percent of them replied that their husbands have purchased new
property on their name and there were variety of reasons behind that;
 1. Firstly, they stated that their husbands have been working in the Gulf
Countries from the last 10-15 years. So, the amount of savings was more and
liabilities were less.
2. Secondly, the incentives provided by the State Government in the form of
less duty fee on land purchase, if one buys land in the name of wife and;
3. Thirdly, in case of family dispute with any relative with regard to the
distribution of land, it was seen that land which was purchased on the wife’s
name was not made a part of the dispute.
Moreover, 22.2 percent of them also replied that they had some property either
jointly with their husbands or with other members of the family including In-Laws.

Table 5.11 Type of Property Owned

Response Number Percent
Land 10 63
House 4 25
Others 2 12
Total 16* 100.0

(*): The total is 16 as these had bought property either in their names or jointly.
Subsequently, when it was probed from those respondents who replied that they
either had property in their name or jointly with their husband or other family
members, as to what was the type of property which they possessed, majority of
them (63 percent) replied that they possessed property in the form of land, where
as 25 percent of them replied that have purchased a new house and only 12 percent
of them replied that they possessed property in the shape of jewelry or other
valuable assets.

Thus, the figure in the Table 5.11 depicts that majority of migrants i.e., 63
percent owned new land as their major property and also confirmed that they had
purchased that land either within the Municipal limits of the District Poonch or
within the peripheral areas surrounding either Poonch town or Suronkote town or
Mendhar town. When it was enquired about the major reason for their buying of
land close to these towns, they stated the following reason;
I. Better educational opportunities for their children,
II. Better Health facilities,
III. More security from cross border bombardment and terrorism,
IV. More availability of business opportunities in case of return migration etc.
V. More availability of better amenities like electricity, water supply and other
co-curricular activities etc.
Thus, higher the savings by the migrants meant more chances of investment and
possession of property and land nearby the urban towns, which has in turn lead to
further migration of the households from the villages towards these urban towns,
thus, leading to the process of urbanization also.

Decision-Making:

Decision making power of the respondents in the absence of their husbands was
also analyzed as a variable in the present study, to understand the changing power
and authority structure with in their household and also to ascertain whether the
migration had in what so ever manner lead either to an increase, decrease or
stagnation in their decision making power.
Mishra, Khushbu, Kondratjeva, and Shively (2022), in their study have argued the
migration-left-behind nexus as reported by some other studies sometimes reported
mixed and sometimes contradictory results in terms of its impacts on the well-
being of women. It was also indicated that male out-migration could enhance
mobility, decision-making power, and social participation as well as improve
access to assets and resources of left-behind wives (Iqbal, 2014; Fleury, 2016;
Agadjanian and Hayford 2018), However, the left-behind wives sometimes are
also physically and economically more vulnerable given their limited job
opportunities, high dependence on remittances, increased unpaid domestic work
and institutionalized patriarchy (Torres and Carte 2016; Wu and Ye 2016;
Mahapatro 2018).
While investigating the effects of Egyptian men’s emigration on their wives
it was found that rural Arab women experienced a greater degree of decision-
making ability and autonomy if they lived in a nuclear family (Brink, 1991). In this
regard, the following questions were asked from the respondents to ascertain the
degree of autonomy exercised by them during the absence of their husbands.
 Table 5.12 Decisions about household affairs
Response Number Percent
Only Respondent 14 39
Only Husband 2 5
Jointly 8 22
Other Members including In-Laws 12 34
Total 36 100.0

The above Table 5.12, shows that majority of the respondents (39
percent) whether living in joint or nuclear family, replied that the decisions with
regard to day to day affairs were undertaken by them independently and 34 percent
of them replied that decision were made by other members which included their In-
Laws. Moreover, 22 percent of them also stated that the decisions were taken by
them in consultation with their husbands and only 5 percent of them stated that
decisions in the household were taken by their husbands alone and these were
mostly where the migrants had moved after the year 2010 as now the mobile
phones and other means of communication were readily available with them.
 5.12.1 Decision regarding utilization of Remittances
Response Number Percent
Respondent 10 27.5
Only Husband 5 14.0
Jointly 15 41.5
Family members
6 17.0
(such as In-Laws)
Total 36 100.0

Moreover, the decisions taken with regard to the utilization of the remittances was
also analyzed as highlighted in the Table 5.12.1 wherein 41 percent of the
respondents stated that it was both them and their husband, who jointly took
decisions about the utilization of money/remittances. However, 27.5 percent of
them also responded that they independently took decision about the way in which
the amount of money was to be utilized, and the reason they stated was both the
absence of their husbands as well as the lack of communication with them, as there
was no Internet and other facilities before 2010, so they themselves had to take the
decisions in this regard. Furthermore, 17 percent of the respondents also stated that
the decision regarding the utilization of money was taken by their In-Laws and 14
percent also agreed that it was their husband who used to take decisions regarding
the utilization of the said remittances.
 Table 5.12.2 Decision about Household Purchase
Response Number Percent

Respondent 22 62
Only Husband 2 5.5
Jointly 10 27
Others (In-Laws) 2 5.5
Total 36 100.0

Further, Table 5.12.2, depicts the decisions about major household purchases. The
figure shows that majority of household purchase i.e., 62 percent are being taken
by the respondents and only 5.5 percent of the respondents replied that the
decisions are taken by their husbands only and similar number of respondents also
stated that decisions were taken by their In-Laws. Further, 27 percent of them
stated that decisions were taken jointly with their husbands. Thus, majority of
decisions regarding major household purchase were undertaken either the wives
alone or jointly with their husbands.

Table 5.12.3 Decisions about Visiting places

Response Number Percent

Alone 16 44.5
Jointly 7 19.5
Others 13 36
Total 36 100.0
 The decisions regarding visits to family and relatives or to marketplaces by
the respondents in the absence of their husbands has been analyzed as highlighted
in the Table 5.12.3 and it has been found that 44.5 percent of them take decisions
alone, while 19.5 percent of them had to make decision jointly with their husbands
and 36 percent had to depend on the permission their In-Laws if they had to visit a
place. Thus, majority of them stated that regarding visit by them to other family
members or relatives, they had power to take decisions alone or had to depend on
their husbands, thus providing greater autonomy with regard to the decision
making in this sphere of life

Table 5.12.4 Money owned for personal use

Response Number Percent
Yes 8 22.3
No 28 77.7
Total 36 100.0

As shown in the above table 5.14.7, the responses about the decision to use the
money that the respondent/wives owned which they could use according to her will
was asked. In response thereto, majority of respondents (77.7 percent) replied that
they do not own any personal money which they could use as per their will while
only 22.3 percent of them responded that they own some amount of money which
they had saved and also have decision making authority to use that money.

Majority of the them stated that it was only after their husbands had spent more
than 5-10 years in Gulf Countries that they could have saved enough money,
because in the initial years of their migration, the money that they received from
their husbands was used to pay back the debt/loans and after that was done, most
of the money was spent on Children education or other household activities etc,.
They could only save some money and use it for personal expenses only after their
husbands had spent more and more years in the Gulf Countries.

Table 5.12.5 Visiting Places Alone

Response Number Percent
Yes 20 55.5

No 16 44.5

Total 36 100.0

Further, the respondent’s relative independence regarding decisions of going out

all alone to different places like market, Sufi shrines etc. was solicited.
Subsequently, it was revealed by 55.5 percent of them that they could go all alone
to different places, while 44.5 percent replied that they were not allowed visit
places all alone during the absence of their husbands and had to get the permission
of both their husbands as well as their In-Laws if they ever wished to visit
anywhere or had to go with somebody else from the family. Thus majority of
respondents stated that they could go all alone to different places, showing some
degree of independence in decision making to these wives as they could make all
the big and small decision in their day to day life.

Table 5.12.6 Opinion Seeked by Husband for Decisions

Response Number Percent
 Yes 21 58.3
No 15 41.7
Total 36 100.0

The respondents were also asked that whether their husbands were seeking their
opinion while making various decisions about their household. Majority of them
(58.3 percent) stated that their husbands seek their opinion while making any
decision with regard to their household and 41.7 percent of them disagreed.
Further, those who agreed that they both together make decisions were those who
were in regular contact with each other through mobiles and those who disagreed
that their husband doesn’t seek their opinion were those, where the decisions
making power was vested with the elderly members of the husband’s family. One
more thing that came to the fore was that those respondents living in nuclear
families had better chances where their opinion could have been sought by their
husbands and those in joint families had fewer chances for the inclusion of their
opinions.

Table 5.13 Friends to help

Response Number Percent
Yes 27 75
No 9 25
Total 36 100.0

As shown in the above table 5.13, it was enquired form the

respondents about the friends circle around them who help them when
their husbands worked abroad. Majority of them (75 percent) replied
that they have friends circle around them who help them providing
support whenever their husbands are abroad while 25 percent of them
also replied that they do not have friends circle around them and they
have to either take all the responsibilities alone or have to depend
upon other relatives whenever any exigency comes before hand.

Table 5.14 Number of Children

Response (Number) Number Percent
0 2 5
1-2 28 78
3-4 6 17
Total 36 100.0

As shown in the above table 5.16, the numbers of children born to the
respondents have been shown. An analysis of the above data shows
that majority of them i.e., 78 percent stated that they have 1-2
children, while 17 percent of the responding population have 3-4
children and 5 percent of them had no child.

Table 5.15 Better Education of Children

Response Number Percent
Yes 32 89
No 4 11
Total 36 100.0

It was further asked from the respondents that if their children would have been
better in studies if their father was around them. In response thereto majority of the
(89 percent) agreed that if the father of their children and would have been around
them then their children would have been better in studies. While 11 percent of
them also replied that the absence of their husband had no effect at all on the
studies of their children. It points out the relative importance of having the main
male member of the family around which profoundly affects the educational
attainment of the children as highlighted in the Table 5.16.
Many of the respondents stated that, “one of the main reasons of their husband
migration to Gulf Countries is also that when the remittances come, it could be
utilized in the education of their children, so that they could get a good educational
qualification and could also get a suitable Government job, so that unlike their
father, they don’t have to think about getting work abroad and have to leave their
home and family behind”.

Feelings and Experiences:

Table 5.16 Problems in Husband's Absence
Response Number Percent
Yes 30 83
No 6 17
Total 36 100.0

As highlighted in the table 5.16, the respondents were asked that if they had
faced/felt problems in the absence of their husbands. In response, 83 percent of
them stated that they faced problems in the absence of their husbands while 17
percent replied that they didn’t felt any problem in absence of their husbands as
their in-laws and other family members help them in any kind of difficult situation.
Furthermore, it was also probed from those respondents about the nature and
kind of problems they had faced during their husband’s absence, in response to
it all the respondents replied that they faced various problems such as added
responsibility, loneliness, insecurity, health of parents/in-law, bringing up
children, financial adjustments etc.

Table 5.17 Problems in Bringing up children without Husband

Response Number Percent
Yes 29 80
No 7 20
Total 36 100.0

It was also enquired from the respondents, if they faced any problems in bringing
up of their children without husbands as has been highlighted in the Table 5.17.
Majority of them (80 percent) responded that they did faced problems in bringing
up their children in their husband’s absence and the rest of the 20 percent replied
that they did not faces any such problems. Further, those having such problems
mentioned that disobedience, misbehaviour, stubbornness and lack of interest in
studies, money mishandling etc. were the major problems faced by them.
Table 5.19 Good Experiences due to Husband’s Migration
Response Number Percentage
Yes 29 80.56
No 7 19.44
Total 36 100
As highlighted in the table 5.18, information related to the good
experiences of the respondents after the migration of their husband to the
Gulf Countries has been sought. Majority of them (79 percent) replied that
they have had good experience with regard to the migration of their
husbands to the Gulf Countries as it has helped them both socially as well
as economically in the following ways such as construction or repair of
house or building a new house, purchasing of new land, improved status
within relatives, helped in clearing debts, improved lifestyles and life
chances, afford better education for children and exposure to the outside
world etc.

Table 5.19 Bad Experiences due to Husband’s Migration

Response Number Percentage

Yes 28 77.78
No 8 22.22
Total 36 100

Moreover, in the table 5.19 along with the good experiences of the
respondents their bad experiences with regard to the husbands migration to the
Gulf was also asked from the respondents and majority of them (76 percent) also
stated that besides having good experiences, they also have to go through a lot of
bad experiences such as loneliness and isolation, heavy responsibility, insecurity,
children health, anxiety and fear, legal disputes, outstanding debts and other.
Thus, the above two tables rightly point out the functions as well as dysfunctions
related to the migration of the male members of the family to the Gulf Countries
and its consequences on the left behind members whether that may be positive or
negative.
 Table 5.20 Satisfaction About Husband’s Migration
Response Number Percent
Satisfied 24 56
Dissatisfied 12 28
Total 36 100.0

Table 5.22 Preference for Marriage of Daughters

Response Number Percent

Someone working within Poonch

30 83
Someone working outside Poonch but
6 17
within J&K

Total 36 100.0

In the Table 5.24, the respondents were asked to share their views as to whom they
would prefer to marry their daughters in the future and majority of them (83
percent) replied that they would like to marry their daughters to someone working
in Poonch District while 17 percent stated that they would like to marry them to a
person working within Poonch as well as J&K, while no one replied that they
would like to marry their daughters to a person working abroad.

One of the respondent stated that though one will have enough money to buy
any asset or have anything, but the psychological and emotional impact which the
migration of the husband leaves on them is much more beyond expectation and
cannot be just replaced by enough money, as the period of separation from their
husbands has much impact on them.
References:

1. Abadan-Unat (1977)
2. (Hadi, 2001).
3. Roy and Nangia (2005),
4. according to Khaled (1995),
5. Sadiqi and Ennaji (2004),
6. (Yabiku et al., 2010).
7. Zachariah & Rajan (2015)
8. D' Emilio et al, (2007), argued
9. according to Escalante (2008),
10. Kandel and Kao (2000 and 2001)
11. Curran et al (2004) in his study also concluded
12. Taylor (1987) and Jones (1995)
13. Kanaiaupuni &Doneto, 1999,
14. (Alcaroz et al, 2012; Amudo-Dorantes et al, 2010; Calero et al, 2009;
Edwards & Ureta, 2003; Hansen & Woodruff, 2003; Taylor & Lopez-
Feldman, 2010)
15. (Saucedo, 2006).
16. Edward and Ureta (2003)
17. Similarly, Calero et al. (2009)
18. Ogbu's, 1987).
19. Astone & McLanaha, (1994)
20. Garfinkel & McLanaham, 1986
21. Croll and Ping, 1997; Durand, 1996; Massey, 1998; Taylor, 1996)
22. Astone and McLanahan (1994), Pong (1996)
23. Lu, 2014,
24. Hu (2012)
25. Mishra, Khushbu, Olga Kondratjeva, and Gerald E. Shively in their study
“Do remittances reshape household expenditures? Evidence from Nepal”
(2022),
26. In her Article, “Empowering Absence?, Assessing the Impact of
Transnational Male Out-Migration on Left behind Wives”, Saroj Koirala
27.(Iqbal, 2014; Fleury, 2016; Agadjanian and Hayford 2018),
28.(Torres and Carte 2016; Wu and Ye 2016; Mahapatro 2018).
29.(Brink, 1991).
30.
Chapter 6: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation.
The present study unraveled that on the one hand, labor migration to
Gulf countries from the District Poonch has not only helped in the modification of
the traditional occupational structure of the migrants but has played a significant
role in changing the socio-economic structure of the whole district Poonch also.
The present study attempted to unravel the dynamics of Gulf migration and its
consequent impact on the migrants, their families, and their area of origin, i.e.,
Poonch District.
The preceding chapters in the present study focused on labor migration to
Gulf countries and its socio-cultural and economic consequences. In this regard,
secondary data from the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, the CID Office,
Poonch, and the Passport Office, Jammu, was collected and later employed to
understand the pattern and trend of labor migration to Gulf countries from Poonch
District. Moreover, primary data based on detailed and in-depth fieldwork in the
six tehsils of District Poonch was also used to examine the causes and factors as
well as the impact of Gulf migration on the family, religion, and education, along
with the pre-migration and post-migration occupational structures,
Moreover, the networks of migrants both back and forth were examined to
understand the whole process of Chain migration and its importance in the whole
process of Gulf Migration, along with the Kafala system that is prevalent in the
Gulf Countries as a sponsorship system with its attended consequences. The
present study also took into account the changes in the roles of the wives of the
migrants, who have to go through a role reversal in the absence of their migrant
husbands, as well as the impact of the absence of the migrants on the children they
have left behind.
Based on the analysis of the study in the preceding chapters, some of the main
findings of the study are:

Genesis of Labour Migration to Gulf:

The study revealed that the Gulf Migration from the state of Jammu and Kashmir
in general and from Poonch District in particular is not a recent phenomenon and
the consequent findings revealed that the period from late 1970’s onwards can be
considered as the Initial/Beginning Phase of labour migration to Gulf Countries
from District Poonch, though in the initial years many of the migrants went to Gulf
Countries especially to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for religious pilgrimage
(Umrah) and subsequently stayed there as illegal migrants by disguising
themselves as labourers and went to work in far off places like Abha, Dammam
etc. to protect themselves from getting caught by the law enforcement agencies.
However, it was these illegal migrants who became the source of information for
the subsequent migration of the other people, as they provided the needed
information and subsequently helped in building the network of migration which
has helped the labour migration from District Poonch to Gulf Countries to thrive
even today.
Subsequently, the period of 1990’s and 2000’s can be considered as the
Middle/Transient Phase as during this phase the migration to Gulf Countries
began to expand beyond the only Gulf Country i.e. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and
they began migrating to other Gulf Cooperation Countries such as UAE and
Kuwait,
Additionally, it was only during the middle phase of 2000’s and more particularly
after the year 2010 that the migrants from Poonch District began to emigrate to all
the six countries of Gulf Council Cooperation and this phase has been referred to
as the Expanding/Escalating Phase in the process of Gulf Migration form District
Poonch.

Middle/Transient
Initial/Beginning
Phase (Started in
Expanding/Escalating
Phase (Started
Earlyin1990's
late up to
Phase (Started after
1970's up toLate
Early2000's)
2010's onwards.
1990's)

Genesis of Migration
to Gulf From Poonch
(Phases)

Figure: Genesis of Gulf Migration from Poonch.

Factors/Causes of Migration to Gulf Countries:
During the course of analysis, the study found some of the significant factors
(both in terms of push and pull dichotomy) leading to the Gulf Migration from the
Six Tehsils of District Poonch, which are identified subsequently as under:
 Lack of employment opportunities in the State of Jammu and in general and
Poonch District was cited as a major factor or cause of the migration.
 Due to the hilly terrain of Poonch District, agricultural practices are very
hard to perform, so they have to depend on some other mode of occupation
besides agricultural practices for earning their livelihood. Therefore,
migration to Gulf Countries was seen as a solace to their hardships.
 High wages and the possibility of more savings in the Gulf Cooperation
Countries were other major factors in the decision to migrate.
 Border conflict and continuous ceasefire violation was also cited as major
factors by those who lived close to border village of Tehsils like Balakote,
Mankote, Mendhar, Haveli etc.
 Terrorism and Militancy was been also cited as a possible cause by those
who had migrated in the aftermath of the upsurge in Militancy in the Poonch
District which started in 1990’s and reached its peak in early 2000’s, and
revealed that the feared that they would either be taken by the militants to
Pakistan or were asked to work with them as informants and guides, which
could have led death. So, to save their lives they used to migrate and
eventually go the Gulf Countries.
 The lack of educational qualification was also a cited as a major factor and
they stated that due to less education, they had less chances of securing a
Government Job, so therefore to enhance their chances to earn more money,
they had no other option but to move to Gulf Countries, where someone
known from their family was also working and earning what could be
potentially earned while working as a labourer in the Poonch District.

Causes of Migration From Poonch to Gulf Countries.

Puish Factors/Causes Pull Factors/Causes

Terrorism Border Conflict

and Ceasefire
Less Employment
opportunities in Poonch
as well as low
Hilly Terrain of
Poonch and Low
chances for
More Employment
Opportunities in
Higher More
/Militancy Violation educational qualification agricultural practices Gulf Countries Wagees Saving
Socio-Cultural and Economic Consequences: During the analysis of the
foregoing chapters related to the socio-economic profile of the migrants and the
socio-cultural and economic consequences of Labour Migration to Gulf Countries,
following points have been revealed:

1. Labor migration to the Gulf Countries from District Poonch is exclusively

male dominated as no female labour migrant was found who had migrated
for any work related employment.
2. Most of migrant workers belonged to the younger age group between 25-55
years and the presence of this younger migrant’s workforce clearly points
out to the fact that there is a shortage of occupational opportunities in the
place of origin and more occupational opportunities in the place of
destination i.e. Gulf Countries, which became a motivating force for their
migration.
3. Majority of the migrants had an education qualification up to Higher
secondary school level and thus, the less educated were on the fore front of
this migration, as they had low educational qualification and therefore had
no opportunity for any other kind of work or Government job and also
because of low skill expertise required and higher wages with more
incentives to save in the Gulf Countries, prompted them to move there.
4. There was also the presence of migrants belonging to all the Ethno-Lingual
communities inhabiting District Poonch which comprised Paharis, Gujjars,
Bakerwals, Punjabis, Kashmiris and Rajputs. However, majority of them
belonged either to Pahari or Gujjar Community.
5. All the respondents belonged to a particular religion i.e. Islam as both the
State of Jammu and Kashmir as well as District Poonch consisted of Muslim
majority population. Moreover, the place of destination i.e. the GCC
 Countries were also Islamic States, therefore most of them preferred to move
to these Countries.
6. Majority of the respondents were married and it was found that the
supportive attitude of family and the prospects of earning more led to their
migration, whether married or unmarried.
7. In terms of the occupational structure majority of the migrants belonged to
the category of Manual Labourers/un-skilled labour category (i.e. laborers,
construction workers, agricultural farmers whereas a few of them also
belonged to semi-skilled category i.e. drivers, masons, and barbers etc.
8. Migration to Gulf also had a great influence on family structure and it was
found that migrant families are making a shift from joint to nuclear family
structure.
9. The role played by the networks in the form of relatives, friends, neighbors,
villagers etc. present in the destination countries and already working there
was found to be most important as they not only provided the respondents
with the needed information about the various opportunities lying vacant in
these destination countries, which were readily accepted by them but also
provided help by arranging work visa through their Kafils. Moreover, they
also provided them the guidance during the pre-migratory prepration by
helping them to get their medical and police reports and also provided
financial assistance for the cost and expenses incurred during the whole
process of migration to the Gulf Countries. Thus, in a nutshell these
networks become source of knowledge and motivating factor for those who
think of going to the Gulf Countries in the near future and in turn leads to
the creation of a pattern of chain migration.
10.The Kafala Sponsorship System was also found to be an important system in
the present study as majority of respondents revealed that they had to work
 under a respective Kafil, who would sponsor their employment and was also
the legal guarantor for them in the country of their destination, so, therefore,
they had to depend on these Kafils, if they wished to had a successful
venture out there because they used to provide them with “Akamah/Ikamah”
which they had to get renewed after its expiry from their respective Kafils, if
they wanted to extend their stay in the destination countries. However, one
of the negative connotations associated with the Kafala System i.e. not
always receiving the job that may be promised to them before getting the
visa from the Kafil, was also found to be true as it was revealed by them that
when they would reach destination countries, they were provided with jobs
other than what was promised to them. Also their passports were also
confiscated by their Kafils during their stay, which also at times led to their
exploitation at the hands of their sponsors.
11.However, majority of the respondents also stated that whenever they use to
travel back to their home (Poonch), then their Kafil used to gift them with
valuables like blankets, watches, and other items which they use to give to
their relatives and friends. One of the respondents narrated that: “In the
2000’s one could easily recognize by seeing someone wearing a Casio
Watch, that either he himself or any of his relatives were working in the Gulf
Countries particularly Saudi Arabia”.
12.In the present study, it was found that Saudi Arabia was the most preferred
destination for the migration, followed by Kuwait, Qatar and UAE However,
the least preferred choices for destination countries remained Oman and
Bahrain and the main reason was the absence of networks present in these
countries. Moreover, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was the most preferred
destination for these migrants because in the initial phase of migration to
Gulf Countries, most of the migrants from Poonch District revealed that they
 went there on religious pilgrimage (Umrah) and subsequently stayed there
illegally and used to work in far off places like Damman, Abha etc. and also
the presence of networks in the form of relatives, friends, neighbors etc.
13.It was also found that the decision to migrate was not an individual decision
on part of the migrants but collections of factors were responsible for their
migration to the GCC Countries.
14.The pre-migration expenses and the cost incurred during the whole
migration process revealed that the migration to the Gulf Countries is not a
cheap affair as it appears that an amount as low as Rs. 15000 and as high as
Rs. 2, 00,000 was spent on getting the work visa alone., therefore in case of
failure of the migration, to GCC Countries where more than Rs. 2-3 Lakhs
are spent to get the job, if the migration became unproductive and the
migrant laborer failed to earn the amount which he had spent to secure the
said job, then it could have became extremely cumbersome and fatal for
them to survive in such situations and could have led to selling off land,
cattle or other any other asset, so that they could provide a peaceful life both
for themselves as well as those dependent on them including their wife,
children and parents.
15.It was also found that many of the respondents had borrowed money or took
loan either from friend, relatives or from a local money lender for financing
their pre-migration expenses. It is worthwhile to mention here that some of
them who had borrowed money from a local money lender had to pay extra
amount as an interest and for that they had to work more in the Gulf
countries so they could pay back the principal amount as well as interest.
This clearly pointed out that they had an added responsibility not only to
return the principal amount taken by them but also to pay huge interest,
therefore, they could not have afford to make any mistake during their stay
 at the Gulf countries, as any mistake on their part would not have allowed
them to earn more money and this would have rendered them as defaulters
for not paying money and would lead to confiscation of either their property
or any other asset including cattle, house or any other means of livelihood.
16.A major shift in the occupational work that the migrants used to do here and
the one they did in the Gulf Countries was also found in the present study, as
majority of them had to perform a job other than what they used to do in the
area of origin
17.The correlation between higher working hours and more wages was also
found. However, while working for more hours in hostile climatic conditions
to earn more at times profoundly impact their health.
18.With regard to the experiences and psychological impact that they had to
face, it was revealed by them that they could have become injured or had
sustained injury while working or could have died while working in case of
any oversight and also missed their family etc. However, they also revealed
that they enjoyed living there, got along with their employers or co-workers
and earned enough money to send home as they would have liked to clearly
pointing out the positive and negative impacts of Gulf Migration.
19.It also came to fore that most of them had utilized some portion of their
remittances to built or purchase house/apartments and most of them
purchased land close to the Municipal Limits of the different Tehsils of
District Poonch like Haveli and Suronkote, so that they could get access to
amenities like better medical treatment, good education for their children,
more opportunities to start their new business after their return from Gulf
Countries., which in turn led to a rapid urbanization as the people started
settling around the sub-urban areas like Kanuyian, Bhanch, Potha, Samote
 etc of the Poonch district, which can have its own consequences if not
managed properly.
20.Besides, most of them also utilized the remittances on the education of their
children, to pay back their debts, to buy assets like jewellery, consumer
durables like TV, Car, Motor Cycles, Mobile Phones etc., and also utilized
some portion by investing in their villages either by opening grocery shops
or investing money to buy car with permits, which were then used for
commercial activities acting as a source of livelihood for them. These assets
and possession of consumable items lead to a perceived change in the
lifestyles as well as the life chances of the migrants as well as their families.
21.Moreover, the remittances brought about by the Gulf Migrants also led to
circular effect on the economy of both the State of J&K as well as District
Poonch, as most of the money was spent for possession of assets, which in
turn has helped in reducing poverty as well as income related inequalities.
22.The migration to Gulf Countries also had a considerable impact on the
religious values and ideas also as most of them revealed that the religious
values and ideas in the receiving counties were either highly different or
moderately different as they had a firm faith and belief (Aqidah) in
Sufism/Peerprasti and would visit a shrine in Poonch but contrary to this
they did not saw any Sufi Shrine in the GCC Countries and the main reason
for this pointed out by them was that the School of Thought (Islamic School
of Jurisprudence/Fiqa) prevalent there did not considered Sufism as an
indispensible part of Islam, which pointed out to the fact that a sharp
difference between the religious values in the Gulf Countries the migrants’
home town (Poonch) religious values did existed.
23.As there was only a homogeneous School of thought (Islamic School of
Jurisprudence/Fiqa), prevalent in the Poonch i.e. Hanafi School of Thought
 with more inclination towards Sufism but after the migration to Gulf
Countries began there was some of kind perceived change in the form of
introduction of New School of Thoughts (Islamic School of
Jurisprudence/Fiqa) like Salfi, Hanbali amd Maliki, which brought about
heterogeneity in the religious values of Muslim Population in District
Poonch. Moreover, these schools have been able to receive a positive
response from the people of Poonch District as they had a positive impact as
they started removing some of the common misconceptions about the
practices of Islam like Peerparasti, beliefe in popular superstitions etc, which
were prevalent in the Poonch District along with opening up of more
Madrasas and Schools imparting both Islamic as well as modern education
and construction of mosques in every village and town etc.
24.However, it was also pointed out that besides having positive impacts, it also
lead to adverse and negative impact on religious values the people of Poonch
District as it introduced those School of Thoughts which were more strict in
terms of following of the practices of Islam and were in some way or the
other related to the extremism, and also had impacted the traditional Sufi
Culture prevalent in District Poonch.
25.In terms of the cultural changes, it was found that they were now more
habitual in Shalwar-Kameez (Khan Suit) and a Traditional Islamic Cap
(Topi) along with a Cloth (Parnah, placed on their shoulders, instead of
Shirt-Pant/Jeans, as they became accustomed wearing that while they
worked in the Gulf Countries. Though wearing that attire was a necessity for
them while working in the scorching heat as temperature in the Gulf
Countries sometimes crossed 50 degree Celsius. However, in the long run it
became a part and parcel of their lives as well as their culture as the said
dressing pattern also showed a relationship with their religion.
 26.The cultural change was also visible in terms of their changing food habits
as they now preferred to have non-vegetarian food which was consumed
more in GCC Countries and they even had to learn to speak Arabic language
if they had to have a good relation with their Kafil as it helped them to be
more conversant with them frequently and all these cultural changes are
visible in the Poonch District as those who had migrated to the GCC
Countries could easily be identified by their dressing pattern as well as their
way of living. Even they have occupied spaces in Poonch City like Haji
Market, which specifically resemble the market of some old Gulf Countries.

Impact of Gulf Migration on the Left Behind Family Members:

1. During the research, it came to fore that whether living in nuclear or a joint
family structure, whether belonging to lower age group or higher age group,
half of them stated that they had to experience certain negative fallouts in the
form of loneliness, added responsibilities and more stress, where as the other
half of the wives, stated that during the preliminary years of their husbands
migration they had to face certain problems, but after sometimes they
managed to cope up with the added responsibilities and were now enjoying
their life more happily as they were the one who made decisions about the
day to day activities of their household.
2. It was also found that the lack of education among the wives of the migrants
became a factor for their lack of security and mental stress and agony
regarding their private lives as well as their relation with regard to husband,
children, in-laws and relatives.
3. It also came to fore that majority of them were engaged in house-hold
activities and the major reason behind their low participation in the
economic activities was the role played by their lack of educational
 attainment as well as the remittances sent by their husbands from abroad,
which in the long run made their life easier. However, many of the
respondents also stated that in the initial years of their husbands migration,
they used to sell milk and other milk by-products like cheese, butter, ghee
etc. in the nearby places for earning some money because the flow of money
from their migrating husbands was not fixed and they used to receive money
after a gap of more than 3-6 months. Therefore, they had to earn some
money in order to pay for the day to day household needs. But, after a while,
because of the opening up of banks and other financial institutions, the flow
of remittances became consistent and the need to work was also reduced as
they made their living by the remittances received.
4. It was found that those respondents who had married in the early 1990’s up
to 2010 were more affected by their husband’s migration as they stated that
they had to face all sort of problems whether related to taking economic
decisions or decisions related to their child’s education or during an
exigency in the family when someone in the family died or had fallen ill.
The reason behind all these problems which they stated, was due to lack of
means of communication like mobile phones and electronic communication
platforms etc. and the only means of communication with the migrating
husband was either through registered post or telegram or when someone
known to them from their area used to travel to Gulf or when the Husband
used to come back to the place of their origin from their stay of around 1-2
years.
5. The information related to the knowledge about the earnings of their
husbands, the decision on spending the money/remittances and their
utilization for various purposes like buying of any property in their name etc.
was also drawn on to understand their financial independence brought about
 as result of the husband’s migration and its correlation with their role
reversal, if any, occurring in their lives and it was discovered that they
experienced a higher degree of decision-making authority, as it was either
them or husband and them jointly who would take all the decisions with
regard to the utilization of the remittances.
6. It was also revealed by majority of them that they could go all alone to
different places liken markets, Sufi shrines in District Poonch etc., showing
some degree of independence in decision making to them as they could
make all the big and small decision in their day to day life.
7. Regarding opinion seeking of the respondents by their husbands or In-Laws
it came to fore that majority of husbands were seeking their opinion while
making any decision with regard to the household. Further, those who
agreed that they both together make decisions were those who were in
regular contact with each other through mobiles
8. Further those who disagreed that their husband doesn’t seek their opinion
were those, where the decisions making power was vested with the elderly
members of the husband’s family.
9. One more thing that came to the fore was that those respondents living in
nuclear families had better chances where their opinion could have been
sought by their husbands and those in joint families had fewer chances, with
regard to the inclusion of their opinions.
10. It also came to fore that one of the main reasons of their husband migration
to Gulf Countries was that when the remittances were received, it be utilized
in the education of their children, so that they could get a good educational
qualification and could also get a suitable Government job, so that unlike
their father, they don’t have to think about getting work abroad and have to
leave their home and family behind. However, the absence of the male
 member of the family had profound impact on the educational attainment of
their children as majority agreed that if the father of their children would
have been around them, then their children would have been better in
studies.
11.Further, it was also discovered that they faced problems in the absence of
their husbands such as added responsibility, loneliness, insecurity, health of
parents/in-law, bringing up children, financial adjustments etc.
12.Additionally, it was also revealed that problems in bringing up the children
in their husband’s absence was also faced by them and such problems
included disobedience, misbehaviour, stubbornness and lack of interest in
studies, money mishandling etc.
13.Regarding the good experience with regard to the migration of the husbands
to the Gulf Countries revealed that it helped them both socially as well as
economically in the following ways such as construction or repair of house
or building a new house, purchasing of new land, improved status within
relatives, helped in clearing debts, improved lifestyles and life chances,
afford better education for children and exposure to the outside world,
decision making power etc. Moreover, besides having good experiences, it
was also found that they also have to go through a lot of bad experiences
such as loneliness and isolation, heavy responsibility, insecurity, children
health, anxiety and fear, legal disputes, outstanding debts etc., rightly
pointing out to the functions as well as dysfunctions related to the migration
of the male members of the family to the Gulf Countries and its
consequences on the left behind members.
14.It was also revealed that though one will have enough money to buy any
asset or have anything, but the psychological and emotional impact which
the migration of the husband leaves on them is much more beyond
 expectation and cannot be just replaced by enough money, as the period of
separation from their husbands has much impact on them.

Recommendations and Suggestions: The following recommendations and

suggestions with regard to the Gulf Migrants will help in making it a viable source
of income top many more in future and thereby helping both the State of J&K as
well as the emigrants also.
I. A robust policy should be made by the State of J&K with regard to the
migration to the Gulf Countries, as it can be the future source of
employment for the residents of the State.
II. The Administration should start collecting data with regard to the
remittances sent by the migrants from the Gulf Countries to understand the
impact of these remittances on the economy of the State.
III. As revealed by many respondents that whenever any misfortune happens
with them during their stay in the Gulf Countries like sustaining injuries, or
in case of death of anyone, they should be provided with some kind of relief
or incentive in form of pension by the social welfare department of the State
as they don’t have any other source of earning then.
IV. Moreover, the Government of J&K should also make it compulsory for all
the labour migrants to have a life insurance policy to be funded by the
Government, as in case of any accident/misfortune happening to them, some
kind of money may be provided to the family members left behind, which
can help them during their bad times as most of the migrants take loan or
borrow money and therefore, they would not have to sell off their assets
during those times of turmoil.

Conclusion:
On the basis of the findings, it thus can be inferred that the migration to Gulf
Countries has not only impacted the socio-cultural and economic structures
including the occupational structure, religion, structure of family, better life
styles and life chances of the migrants due to remittances etc, but has also
impacted the left behind members such as wives and their children’s in ways
like better educational opportunities for children, better decision making
authority for the wives etc. However, it has also found that both the migrants as
well as their families also had to cope up the psychological and emotional
impact, which shows that the migration to Gulf has both its positive and
negative fallouts.