A Phonological Study of Derived Words in Kikuyu With Reference to Nouns and Adjectives ( PDFDrive )

A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF DERIVED
WORDS IN KIKUYU
WITH REFERENCE TO NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES
BY
MUTHUI JOB WACHIRA
UNI VERS I T Y OF NAIROBI

EAST AFRICANA C O LL EC T I O N
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment

For the degree o f Master o f Arts in the University o f Nairobi
Nairobi, April 2001

D E C L A R A T IO N
This dissertation is my original work and has not been presented for a degree in any other
university.
MUTHUI JOB W.
This dissertation has been submitted for examination with our approval as university
supervisors.
d r .'Ft e s h d n
11
D E D IC A T IO N
TO MUM AND DAD
Without whose moral, financial and spiritual

Support, this far would be illusory
UNI VERSI T Y OF NAIROBI

EAST AFRi Ca NA C O L L E C T I O N
111
ACKNOW LEDGEM ENTS
Besides acknowledging my debt to other linguists, I would like to particularly thank my

supervisors Dr F Eshun and Dr Alfred Burgeya for the invaluable guidance they have
offered to make this study what it is now.
Thanks to Dr Marete for his friendly advice and assistance. I am also greatly indebted to
all my informants. Your assistance was valuable. To Rufus Irungu who gave his free
moments to assist in arranging all the data collected.
Thanks to Rachel Muthui for finding time to type this script. To classmates and friends
and all those who contributed in making this work a success. To you all, I say, Thank
you.
IV
A B ST R A C T
This study is an attempt to investigate the phonological processes in Kikuyu nouns and
adjectives derived from verbs.
Chapter one provides some background information on the language, a brief discussion
o f the analytical tool (theory) and the methodology. The study proceeds to investigate
the sound system o f Kikuyu, by presenting examples o f sounds at word initial and medial
position for consonants and word initial, midial and final for vowels, to establish their
phonemic status. The study established that Kikuyu has eighteen consonant phonemes
and seven vowel phonemes.
In Chapter Three is a discussion o f the phonological processes in nouns derived from

verbs, where all sound changes have been accounted for in terms o f phonological rules.
A discussion o f the phonological processes involved in the derivation o f Kikuyu
adjectives, from verbs, follows in Chapter Four. The study then summarises the changes
occurring in the N C clusters in the underlying representation, and establishes a sequence
structure condition.
This study proved that although derivation is a morphological process there are changes
involved which can only be accounted for phonologically.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ii
DEDICATION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ---------------------------------------------------------------- iv
ABSTRACT ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- V
TABLE OF CONTENTS ------------------------------------------------------------------- vi

LIST OF SIGNS AND SYMBOLS ------------------------------------------------------ x
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY----------------------------------------------- 1
1.1 BACKGROUND--------- --------------------------------------------------------------- 1
1.1.1 THE P E O P L E -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1
1.1.2 THE LANGUAGE------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ----------------------------------------------2
1.3 GOAL AND OBJECTIVES -------------------------------------------------------- 4
1.4 HYPOTHESES ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4
1.5 JUSTIFICATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 5
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS ----------------------------------------------------- 5
1.7 LITERATURE REVIEW ----------------------------------------------------------- 6
1.7.1 KIKUYU STUDIES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------6
1.7.2 OTHER RELATED W O R K S -------------------------------------------------------------------- 8
1.8 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ----------------------------------------------- 9
1.9 METHODOLOGY -------------------------------------------------------------------- 13

CH A PTER TW O
2.0 KIKUYU PHONOLOGY --------------------------------------------------------------14
2.1 INTRODUCTION ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 14
2.2 PHONETIC INVENTORY ----------------------------------------------------------- 14
2.3 CONSONANTS -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 14
2.3.6 6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------20
2.3.8 g -----------------------------------------------— --------------------------------------- 22
2.3.13 j --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------26
2.3.15 n ------------------------------- 28
2.3.17 rj--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------29
2.3.18 h --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------30
2.4 CONSONANT CLUSTERS---------------------------------------------------------- 31

2.5 VOWELS 33
2.5.2 e --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 35
2.5.3 8 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------36
2.5.5 o -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 37
2.5.6 0 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 38
2.6 VOWEL CLUSTERS ---------------------------------------------------------------- 40
2.6.1 PERMISSIBLE SEQUENCES --------------------------------------------------- 40
UNI VERSI T Y OF N A I R O B I
CHAPTER THREE EAST AFRICANA C O L L E C T I O N
3.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN NOUNS
FORMED FROM VERBS ------------------------------------------------------------ 49
3.1 INTRODUCTION----------------------------------------------------------------------- 49
3.2 GLIDE FORMATION ----------------------------------------------------------------- 51
3.3 INSERTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 55
3.4 DELETION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 56
3.5 ASSIMILATION ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 59
3.5.1 VOWEL ASSIMILATION--------------------------------------------------------------------------- 61
3.6 DISSIMILATION ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 62
3.7 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING-------------------------------------------------64

C H A P T E R FO U R
4.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN ADJECTIVES
FORMED FROM VERBS-------------- 67
4.1 INTRODUCTION -------------------------------------------------------------------- 67
4.2 GLIDE FORMATION -------------------------------------------------------------- 67
4.3 INSERTION----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 68
4.4 DELETION------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 71
4.5 ASSIMILATION----------------------------------------------------------------------- 72
4.6 VELARIZATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 74
4.7 DISSIMILATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 75
4.8 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING --------------------------------------------- 78
4.9 ^ AND d z --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 80
4.10 THE NC CLUSTER IN KIKUYU------------------------------------------------ 82
4.10.1 VOICELESS CONTINUANTS-------------------------------------------------------------------- 82
4.10.2 VOICED CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------------------------83
4.10.3 VOICELESS NON-CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------- 84
4.10.4 VOICED NON-CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------------- 85
4.11 CONCLUSIONS --------------------------------------------------------------------- 87
IX
I 1ST OF SIGNS AND SYMBOLS
c Consonant
V Vowel
(D Indication for insertion or deletion
# Word boundary
A—>B/ — C A becomes B before C
A—B/C— A becomes B after C
A—B/C — D A becomes B between C and D
**- X
CH A PTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

1.1 BACKGROUND
1.1.1 The people
The Kikuyu community is the largest ethnic group in Kenya with a population o f
about 5,302,479. (Census 1999). The Kikuyu mainly live in Central Province, a region
with numerous rivers running eastwards from the Aberdare mountains and westwards
from Mount Kenya, giving the region a characteristic river-ridge landscaped. It is
administratively divided into seven districts, namely, Nyeri, Muranga, Nyandarua,
Maragwa, Thika, Kirinyaga and Kiambu.
Being mainly an agricultural community the Kikuyu engage in cash crop farming
and horticulture. They also grow food crops such as maize, beans, and potatoes. Their
main cash crops include coffee, tea, rice and sisal, while their horticultural products are
French beans, cabbages, tomatoes, onions and fruits. These are both for domestic
consumption and export, thus serve as a major source o f income.
The original name o f the people is ‘Agikuyu’ and that o f their language is ‘Gikuyu’
which derives from their mythical ancestor’s name Gikuyu. The present form Kikuyu was
adopted by the early Europeans from the Swahili inhabitants o f the coast (cf Barlow
1960).
1.1.2 The Language
The language to be studied in this work is Kikuyu, a north eastern Bantu language.
According to Mutahi (1977), the language comprises seven dialects. These dialects are
the Northern, Southern, Ki-mathira, Ki-ndia, Ki-gichugu, Ki-embu and Ki-mbeere. The
Northern dialect is spoken both in Nyeri, and Murang’a and its area lies between Chania
over to the south and N. Mathioya river to the North. The Southern dialect is spoken in
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the area that lies between N. Mathioya river and the city o f Nairobi. The Ki-mathira
dialect is spoken mainly in Mathira division o f Nyeri district. It is found west o f Ragati
river and between Mount Kenya and Tana river. The native speakers o f this dialect are
found mainly around Karatina town. The Ki-ndia dialect is spoken in Ndia division o f
Kirinyaga district, with speakers living between rivers Thiba to the east, Tana to the south
and Ragati to the west. Ki-gichugu dialect area lies between river Rupingazi and Thiba.
Ki-embu is spoken in Embu district and its area lies between four rivers. To the north is
river Thuci, to the east, river Tana to the south, river Ena and to the west, river Rupingazi.
Ki-mbeere is also spoken in Embu district and their area lies between three rivers. These
are Tana which lies east and south o f the region, Rupingazi which lies to the west and Ena
which separates Mbeere from Embu. The dialect o f study will be the Northern dialect
spoken in Nyeri and M urang’a. The reason for choosing this dialect is because it is the
one I am most familiar with.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
This study is geared towards providing a phonological analysis o f derived nouns

and adjectives. I will set out to investigate the changes (Processes) occurring in such
derivations and attempt to account for them in terms o f phonological rules.
To understand this, it is important to be familiar with the term ‘derivation’.

Derivation is one of the principal devices speakers use to produce a new word from
another that already exists in their vocabulary. Malkiel (1978) says derivation is,
“the interplay of a root morpheme with at least one grammatical morpheme

as the typical mechanism used to extract the new word from the available
resources”
The form of derivation best known from modem European languages is affixation;
the addition o f an affix to a root or stem to form a new word.
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The process o f derivation could be class changing or class maintaining. Class
maintaining derivation does not change the syntactic category o f a word. For example,
one could form a noun from another noun or an adjective from another adjective.
However, this process does not occur in Kikuyu. The nouns for example, belong to a
particular class denoted by a prefix.
Class changing derivation as the term suggests, changes one part o f speech to
another. For example, a verb to a noun, an adjective, to a noun, verb to adjective etcetera.
In this study I will focus on nouns and adjectives formed from verbs. In Kikuyu, a large
proportion o f nouns is derived from verbs, (cf Barlow 1960). Below I present examples in
standard Kikuyu orthography.
Verb Gloss Noun Gloss

roga ‘to poison’ murogi ‘witch’
tura ‘to smith’ muturi ‘smith’
rima ‘to cultivate’ murfmi ‘farmer’
enda ‘to love’ wendo ‘love’
onja ‘become handicapped’ wonje ‘handicap’
aka ‘build’ mwaki ‘builder’
endia ‘sell’ mwendia ‘seller’
toga ‘to smoke’ ndogo ‘smoke’
rwara ‘become ill’ ndwari ‘disease’
na ‘eat’ ndTa ‘party ’(w ith a lot o f eating)
Adjectives in Kikuyu can also be derived form verbs as in the following examples.
Verb Gloss Adiectives Gloss

hokeka ‘be trustworthy’ mwihokeku ‘trustworthy’
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onja ‘become handicapped’ mwonju ‘handicapped’
thoma ‘read’ muthomu ‘educated’
uma ‘become dry’ muumu ‘dry’ (eg tree)
enyuka ‘to break’ nyenyuku ‘broken’
ora ‘rot’ njoru ‘rotten’
agana ‘become naughty’ njaganu ‘naughty’
raiha ‘become tall/long’ ndaihu ‘tall/long’
kiga ‘become stupid’ ngTgu ‘stupid’
kura ‘grow ’ nguru ‘old’
In the derivation o f both nouns and adjectives there are some sound changes involved.
Therefore I hope to be able to investigate and account for these sound changes.
UNI VERSI T Y OF NAIROBI

1.3 GOAL AND OBJECTIVES EAST AFRiCArtA C O L L E C T I O #
This study aims at providing a phonological analysis o f words derived from verbs
within the framework o f Generative Phonology. I will be guided by the following
objectives
1. To investigate the sound system o f Kikuyu.
2. To investigate the phonological changes involved in the derivation o f both nouns and
adjectives in Kikuyu.
3. To establish possible phonological factors influencing or motivating the changes.
4. To account for the changes in both nouns and adjectives in terms o f phonological
rules.
5. To verify whether the theory o f Generative Phonology can be used to account for the
sound changes in Kikuyu.
1-4 HYPO TH ESES

The working hypotheses for this study are that,
1. Kikuyu nouns and adjectives can be derived from verbs.
2. Although derivation is a morphological process, it also involves sound
changes which can be accounted for, phonologically.
3. Generative Phonology has been used to describe other languages, hence it
is an adequate theory to describe the phonology o f Kikuyu.
1.5 JUSTIFICATION
Generally not much has been done on Kikuyu phonology, although there have been
a number o f studies done on other aspects o f the language such as, phonetics, morphology
and syntax. For example, Armstrong (1940)?Njogu (1978), Gathenji (1981) and Mwangi
(1992).
Derivation, for instance has been studied in morphology by Njogu (1978), and in a
section by Barlow (1960). Our Study is however justified in that it attempts to further
analyse Kikuyu derivations from a phonological point o f view.
The study will provide insights into the phonological structure o f Kikuyu,
benefiting Kikuyu speakers as well as non-Kikuyu speakers who may wish to learn the
language as a second language. It will be helpful in that it will show the different ways o f
deriving nouns and adjectives from verbs. It is therefore a major contribution to the study
o f Kikuyu and to the study of Bantu linguistics.
Most linguistic theories have been applied in the description o f Indo-European

languages, which have no genetic relationship with Kikuyu. It will be interesting to check
if the theory of Generative Phonology will be adequate to describe the phonology o f an
African language like Kikuyu.
16 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This study is an attempt to investigate and account for the sound changes involved
in the derivation of Kikuyu nouns and adjectives. The study will therefore be
p onological. However, since one cannot study one aspect o f language in isolation, I will
m e reference to the morphology whenever the need arises.
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Kikuyu nouns may be formed from other syntactic categories, that is, from verbs
and adjectives. Adjectives on the other hand may only be derived from verbs. This study
will be limited to those words which are derived from verbs.
In phonology there is a distinction between segmental and supra-segmental

elements. The segmentals are individual sounds; phonemes, divided into consonants and
vowels. The supra-segmentals are those phonological units above and beyond these
phonemic units. For example tone and intonation. In this study I shall solely deal with the
segmental elements.
As mentioned earlier Kikuyu comprises seven dialects. The dialect o f study will be
the Northern dialect spoken in Nyeri and Murang’a.
1.7 LITERATURE REVIEW
The review o f literature will be divided in to two sections namely, review o f

studies done on Kikuyu and review o f other related studies done on other languages.
1.7.1 KIKUYU STUDIES
There have been a number o f attempts in the study o f Kikuyu, one o f the earliest
being Armstrong (1940). In her work, published after her death, she explores the phonetic
and tonal structure of Kikuyu by setting out an ordered selection o f data, an area that had
not been studied before. She has also attempts to document the vowel and consonant
phonemes, and the acceptable and unacceptable sequences in the language. Ford (1974)
says that had she finished her work before she died, “ there is no doubt she could have
expanded her range of data and probably presented some rigorous analysis, which is sadly
lacking in the published work”.
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Barlow (1960) is another scholar who has done work on Kikuyu. In his book he
has dealt with most o f the outstanding aspects o f grammar with reference to the various
syntactic categories. In a section, Barlow presents a discussion o f nouns showing the
various noun classes in Kikuyu. The forms he studies could be thought to be the
‘common’ forms since there is a whole lot o f other nouns which are derived from verbs.
Infact he acknowledges that “a large proportion o f Kikuyu nouns are those formed from
verbs” In his discussion, he does not go into the phonological aspect o f such derivations,
but limits himself to their morphological form.
Barlow also discusses Kikuyu adjectives showing the various types o f adjectives
such as adjectives of quality, quantity, demonstrative adjectives, interrogative adjectives,
distributive adjectives, etcetera. He however does not mention that adjectives may be
derived from verbs. Nonetheless, his work is representative o f Kikuyu grammar despite
that fact that it was written many years ago. A native speaker may disagree with him in
only a few instances.
Ford (1974), deals with two aspects o f intonation in Kikuyu, viz the tone system
and the chief intonational uses o f tone in helping distinguish chief moods and the two
polarities. In one o f his sections he discusses Kikuyu nouns and states that:
“there are many ways o f forming nouns from verbs though they vary
greatly in their productivity....”
Mutahi (1977) is the first study done by a native speaker o f Kikuyu, in a Ph D

dissertation. Mutahi attempts to classify the dialects o f Southern Mount Kenya on the
basis o f sound change. He generally discusses phonological changes in the dialects and
especially those that play a major role in dialect classification.
Njogu (] 9 7 8 ) deals with Kikuyu deverbatives and other norminalizations. He

presents the morphological form o f nouns derived from verbs and those formed from
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adjectives. In a section o f his work he discusses Kikuyu sounds. He concludes that
Kikuyu has a total o f eighteen consonants and fourteen vowels; seven long and seven
short.
Gathenji (1981) analyses the morphology o f Kikuyu verbal extensions using a

functional approach.
Mwangi (1992) attempts to provide a typological classification o f empty categories

in Kikuyu. In one o f her chapters however she states that nouns in Kikuyu can be formed
form other syntactic categories.
1.7.2 OTHER RELATED WORKS
Schane (1973) discusses phonological processes with reference to various world

languages - mainly Indo-European. He classifies phonological processes into four
categories namely, assimilation; where segments become more alike, syllable structure;
involving alteration in the distribution of consonants and vowels, weakening and
strengthening and neutralisation. Schane notes that:
“When morphemes are combined to form words, the segments of

neighbouring morphemes become juxtaposed and sometimes undergo change.”
He gives the example o f ‘electric’; an adjective and electricity; a noun. In his

example the final [k] o f electric becomes [s] after addition o f the derivational suffix -{ity}
- a phonological change.
Lidonde (1978) investigates rules involving consonant alternation in Lwitakhu; a

Luhya dialect, within the framework o f Generative Phonology. She discusses assimilation
processes such as homorganic nasal assimilation, palatalization and nasalization. She also
iscusses phonological rules o f vowels such as vowel deletion, and glide formation.
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Othiambo (1981) deals with major phonological processes in dholuo vowels. He
discusses vowel deletion, glide formation and vowel harmony. Although his study is based
on a language genetically unrelated to Kikuyu, his work offers useful insights to this study.
1.8 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The framework o f description to be used in this account derives from the theory o f
Generative Phonology developed by Chomsky and Halle in The Sound Pattern of
English (1968). In this model, the Lexicon, the syntactic component and readjustment
rules provide the ‘phonological component’ with information. The syntactic component
consists of a string o f minimal elements called ‘formatives.’ Each o f these is assigned to
various categories which determine its abstract underlying form, its semantic properties
and the syntactic functions it can fulfil. For example, the formative ‘boy’ belongs to the
category of elements with initial voiced stops, category ‘noun’, ‘animate’ ‘male’ etc. This
information about formatives will be presented in the lexicon. The syntactic component
thus enumerates abstract structures which underlie the meaning and which are related to
Surface structures by means o f transformations. In this model, the role o f the
phonological component, which consists o f a system o f rules (phonological rules) is to
relate such Surface structures to phonetic representations.
Phonological rules constitute the formalised representation o f the phonological

processes of a language and apply to phonological Surface structures. These rules
account for the alternations that occur in the phonetic representation o f morphemes joined
together to form words. For example in the pair ‘electric and electricity’ where there is
alternation between [k] and [s]. The abstract form o f a phonological rule is
® / C — D. This rule will necessarily apply to all A’s in the environment C— D at the
point in derivation. The phonological rules modify phonological representations in diverse
ways. To indicate a few:
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• Phonological rules change the feature specification o f columns in classificatory
matrices to agree or disagree with adjacent segments. The rules affecting such
agreement formalise the process o f assimilation.
• Entire phonetic segments absent from classificatory matrices are inserted by

phonological rules into the appropriate positions in the phonetic
representations; a process referred to as insertion
• Phonological rules may also delete entire phonological segments from

classificatory matrices. The rules represent the process o f elision.
• The ordering o f phonological segments relative to each other can be altered by

phonological rules; a process o f metathesis.
UNI VERSI T Y O F N A I R O B I
EAST AFRlCANA C O L L E C T I O N
The application o f phonological rules, is considered to be ordered in a linear
sequence. In this linear ordering, a rule may apply to some given string and yield an
appropriate output string. The next rule in the sequence will have access to the output
string derived from the preceding rule. This output string may serve as the input in the
next rule. In a language for example, if we have consonants palatalized before the high
front vowel [i], this theory provides that all consonants palatalize before an [i], whether
an underlying [i] or an [i] derived from, say [e] by some vowel raising rule. If all
consonants that appear phonetically before [i] are palatalized this fact is accounted for by
ordering the vowel-raising rule; which merges underlying [i] and [e] to [i], before the
palatalization rule. If however, there were sequences o f palatalized consonants, before [i]
and sequences of non-palatalized consonants before [i], this fact would likely be accounted
for by ordering the palatalization rule before that o f vowel raising (i.e. the rule that raises
[e] to [i].)
Phonetic representations in Generative Phonology are considered to be

segmentable into discrete units. The segments are defined as bundles o f features. For the
most part the features were given previously by Jakobson and revised slightly in Jakobson
Fame and Halle (1951). Jakobson emphasised the arbitrary ‘phonetic’ distribution
een consonants and vowels. It has since been the trend in generative work to
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characterise all systematic phonemes both those which will be realised as phonetic
consonants and those which will be realised as phonetic vowels by a set o f features.
The phonetic representation has the form o f a two-dimensional matrix in which the
rows stand for particular phonetic features, and the columns stand for the segments. The
entries in the matrix determine the status o f each segment with respect to the features
(distinctive features). As classificatory devices distinctive features play a role in the full
specification of a lexical entry, alongside with syntactic, semantic features and
idiosyncratic classifications o f various sorts that determine the behaviour o f a lexical entry
with respect to rules o f grammar. As phonetic parameters the distinctive features provide
a representation o f an utterance which can be interpreted as a set o f instructions to the
physical articulatory system.
The major devices of generative grammar dealing with the phonological aspect may be
summarised as in the next page:
11 □
MAJOR DEVICES OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR
1
Phonological Surface structure with
Phonological representations
I
Phonological component
Phonological rules
1
Phonetic
Representations
Adapted from (Fudge ed. 1973.230)

I q METHODOLOGY
In this study, I will take advantage o f the fact that I am a native speaker o f Kikuyu;
being bom and brought up in Nyeri, to provide myself with data through introspection.
This will involve writing or recording relevant words form my own intuitions. To cross
check this data I will refer to other native speakers o f Kikuyu through informal interviews.
These informants will be required to be individuals bom and brought up in the Northern
dialect speaking regions; namely, Nyeri and M urang’a.
I will also use the technique o f naturalistic observation where data will be sort
through contact with other Kikuyu speakers, without involving the speaker in a form o f
interview. This requires listening and writing down words thought to be relevant to the
study. This method proved useful after an experience with a middle-aged man when I was
planning on the topic. I had requested this man to give me examples o f nouns formed
from verbs in Kikuyu, through an informal interview. After some time o f deep thought, he
said he did not know o f any, yet I later identified several derived nouns in his speech, in
the conversation that ensued.
The data collected will then be grouped depending on the form o f the new words
to enable me to identify the phonological changes.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 ICIKIIYIJ PHONOLOGY
2.1 INTRODUCTION
In chapter I, it was stated that our study is concerned with the phonological
processes involved in derivation o f Kikuyu nouns and adjectives. Before we embark on
this, it is important to highlight some o f aspects o f Kikuyu phonology, which will provide
background information for the ensuing discussion.
2.2 PHONETIC INVENTORY
In Kikuyu, as in other languages there is a distinction between segmental and

supra-segmental elements. The segmentals are divided into two major classes o f
consonants and vowels. The supra-segmentals are those phonological units larger than the
segment, (cf Hyman 1975). Examples o f such supra-segmentals in Kikuyu are tone and
intonation.
2.3 CONSONANTS
Kikuyu has a total of eighteen consonants. The table below illustrates the
correspondence between the IPA representation and the orthography.
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IPA Symbol Orthographic Representation
b mb
m m
w w
f b
d th
n n
t t
d nd
r r
j c
dz nj
r ny
j y
k k
g ng
0 ng’
X g
h h
Generative Phonolgy; the theory on which this study is based, provides for two
levels of representation; the underlying level-an abstract form consisting o f phonological
representations and the Surface level which is the phonetic representation. In Kikuyu
some consonants may be underlying or Surface realizations in specific environments.
Surface realizations involve phonological changes (processes) discussed in chapter three
four. Following is a discussion o f the consonants, giving examples o f their occurrence
m Wor(* initial and word midial position, to verify their status as phonemes in Kikuyu. We
ere, that word final consonants do not occur in Kikuyu. In the discussion, all
15D
examples are provided giving both the phonetic representation and the Kikuyu
orthography.
2.3.1 b
1. Examples
a Word Initial Orthofiraohv Gloss
(i) [be*o] mbegu Seed
(ii) [bata] mbata duck
(iii) [beta] mbembe maize
(iv) [ba*a) mboga cabbage
(v) [bata] mbota bottle top
(vi) [bujd] mbugi cow bell
(vii) [bao] mbau wood
(viii) [bori] mburi goat
(ix) [badi] mbathi bus
(x) [beja] mbTa rat
(xi) [bei] mbei
U ni versi ty
east AFRICANA collectioh
b. Word Midial
(i) [moraba] muramba banana stem
(ii) [bsbe] mbembe maize
(iii) [ijebe] iyembe mango
(iv) [itube] itumbT egg
(v) [aba] amba lay foundation
(vi) [abata] ambata climb
(vii) [kaba] komba take on credit
(viii) [abora] ambura undo
(*x) [hubera] humblra cover
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2.3.2 f
Examples
2.
Word Initial OrthoeraDhv Gloss
a.
[fafa] baba father

(>)
[fara] bara road
(ii)
(iii) [faga] banga arrange
(iv) [fera] bTra stir
[fu5a] butha rot

(v)
(vi) [fadi] bathi iron box
[futa] buta pluck

(vii)
(viii) [foksra] bokera load
h Word Midial
(■) [dufu] thubu soup
(«) [kefojo] kibuyu flask
(iii) [ifufa] ibuba drum
(iv) [keferi] kibTri stirring stick
(v) [kefiriti] kibiriti match box

(vi) [$efara] gibara steering wheel
(vii) [ifati] ibati iron sheet
(viii) [mofago] mubango arrangement
2.3.3 t
3. Examples
a. Word Initial OrthoeraDhv Gloss
(i) [tara] tara count
(ii) [t£*a] tega trap
(iii) [toma] tuma send
(iv) [terna] tema cut
[tuda] tutha break
(V)
(vi) [tuga] tunga compose
(vii) [t*a] toga smoke
(viii) [toga] tonga become rich
(ix) [tidia] tithia hesitate
^Vnrd Midial
[ruta] ruta remove
0)
00 [ota] uta bow
(iii) [sotara] gutara become lazy
(iv) [$etada] gTtanda bed
(v) [*ete] gTtT chair
(vi) [ti*iti] tigiti ticket

(vii) [mata] mata saliva
(ix) [iratadi] iratathi a paper
(x) [*a*ata] gagata sour
2.3.4 d
4 Examples
a. Word Initial OrthograDhv Gloss
0) [d6*wa] ndegwa bull
(ii) [darama] ndarama drum
(iii) [doma] nduma arrow root
(iv) [dudi] nduthi water pump
(v) [daka] ndaka mud
(vi) [dars] ndare berries
(vii) [dcê] ndege aeroplane
(viii) [duma] nduma darkness
(ix) [daxa] ndogo smoke
b. Word Midial
(i) [$etada] gitanda bed
(ii) [sda] enda love
(iii) [ fud^] nyundo hammer
(iv) [modo] mundu person
(V) [mokada] mukanda rope
(vi) [hada] handa plant
(vii) [mo*oda] mugunda garden
(viii) [edia] endia sell

(ix) [$ada] ganda become numb
(*) [roda] runda cause one to fall
2.3.5 I
5. Examples
a. Word Initial OrthograDhv Gloss
(i) [Wo] cucu grandmother

(ii) [luma] cuma metal
(iii) [jura] cura to burn
(iv) [luka] cuka report/gossip
(v) [jeha] ceha prune
(vi) [lama] cama taste
(vii) [luha] cuha swing
(viii) [lufa] cuba bottle
(ix) [lo*a] cuga to spring
b. Word Midial
(') [haija] haica climb
('■) [rajia] racia pay dowry
(iii) [|o|o] cucu grandmother

(iv) [*ujia] gucia pull
(v) [6efa] theca pierce
(vi) Uaja] gaca to stain
(vii) [ha/ia] hocia hook
(viii) [i*fa] gooca praise

(ix) [a/a] aca no
2.3.6 6
6. Examples
a. Word Initial OrthofiraDhv Gloss
(0 [6eji] theci fork jembe
00 [dumu] thumu manure
(iii) [doka] thuka go bad
(iv) [5iga] thinga plaster
(v) [diire] thiiii debt
(vi) [dena] thina poverty
(vii) [duda] thutha behind
(viii) [dima] thima measure
(ix) [dira] thira get finished
b. Word Midial
(0 [moduri] muthuri man

(») [modogo] muthungu white man
(iii) [ho6a] hutha become light
(iv) [oda] utha play
(v) [ha5a] hotha to give offerings
(vi) [hida] hitha hide
(vii) [sda] etha search
(viii) [meda] metha table
(ix) [duda] thutha behind
M [mada] matha gather
2.3.7 k
7. Examples
a. Word Initial OrthocraDhv Gloss
(>) [kora] kura grow old
(ii) [kofa] konya uproot

(iii) [kua] kua die
(iv) [kama] koma sleep
(v) [kama] kama milk
(vi) [kima] kima marsh
(vii) [karia] karia crash
(viii) [ke*a] klga become foolish
(ix) [ki fa] kinya step on
b. Word Midial
(i) [iki fa] ikinya sole
(») [mokada] mukanda rope
(iii) [i&ekuo] gikuo death
(iv) [okera] ukTra wake up
(v) [okoro] ukuru old age
(vi) [riika] riika age group
(vii) [ikara] ikara charcoal
(viii) [ikia] ikia throw
(ix) [$ekeno] gikeno happiness
2.3.8 £
8. Examples
Word Initial OrthoeraDhv Gloss
(i) [g»r3 ngoro heart
(•>) [gari] ngari car

(iii) [gade] ngathT ladder
(iv) [gare] ngari leopard
(v) [goko] nguku hen
(vi) [goma] ngoma satan
(vii) [gere] ngiri warthog
(viii) [gorwe] ngurwe Pig
(ix) [gaara] ngaara field mouse
b. Word Midial
(>) [higa] hinga close
(H) [riga] ringa hit
(iii) [nuga] nunga smell
(iv) [toga] tonga become rich
(v) [raga] ranga step on
(vi) [diga] thinga plaster
(vii) [hogo] hungu hawk
(viii) [roga] runga straighten
(ix) [modogo] muthungu whiteman
(x) [foga] cunga doze
2.3.9
9. Examples
0) [$aada] gaatha tighten
00 [$oroka] guruka go mad
(iii) [suJia] gucia pull
(iv) foora] gura buy
(v) [*aja] gaya share
(vi) [*eria] geria try
(vii) [$uda] gutha grab
(viii) [îta] gita thatch

(ix) [sedamo] githomo education
b. Word Midial
0) [hi*o] higo kidney
(«) [ko*a] kuga bark

(iii) [i*a] iga keep
(iv) [iûa] igua hear
(v) [ke$a] kiga become foolish
(Vi) [aâna] agana become naughty
(vii) [ke&ada] kTganda factory
(viii) [i*ana] igana to be enough
(ix) [i&oro] iguru up/high
2.3.10 dz
10. Examples
a. Word In itia l OrthoeraDhv Gloss
(>) [dzera] njira way
(») [dzoô] njugu peanut
(iii)
[dzjû] njogu elephant
(iv) [dzajp^ njogoo cock
[dza] nja compound

(v)
(vi) [dzaba] njamba cock/brave man
(vii) [dzata] njata star
(viii) [dzao] njau calf
(ix) [dzo£oma] njuguma club
b. Word Midial
(i) [dedza] thlnja slaughter
C«) [sdza] enja dig

(iii) [dadzu] thanju stick
(iv) [kodza] kunja fold
(v) [kejdzc] kTonje cripple
(vi) [bdzi] konji lock
(vii) [hedza] hTnja to slim
(viii) [hehedza] hehenja to make humble
(ix) [madzani] manjani tea leaves
(x) [>dzxidia] onjorithia utilize
2.3.11 r UNI VER SI TY OF NAIROW

EAST AFR1CANA COLLECTION
11. Examples
a. Word Initial Orthography Gloss
(i) [rada] ratha shoot
(«) [rara] rora look
(iii) [r*a] roga poison
(iv) [rera] rera bring up
(v) [rehe] rehe bring
(vi) [roâ]
ruga jump
(vii) [ratal
rota dream
(viii) [raga]
ranga step on
24 □
r
(ix) [rida] rinda soak
b. Word Midial
(i) [arama] arama become wide
(>■) [karamu] karamu pencil/pen
(iii) [kuruma] kuruma crawl
(iv) [aria] aria talk
(v) [iratadi] iratathi a paper

(vi) [korora] kurura scrab
(vii) [toria] toria become victorious
(viii) [kora] kura grow
(ix) [tora] tura pierce
(X) [dar6] ndare berries
2.3.12 w
12. Examples
a. Word Initial OrthosraDhv Gloss
(0 [wera] wira work
(>i) [wed^ wendo love
(iii) [warn] warn potatoes
(iv) [waânu] waganu naughtiness
(v) [wadeki] wathTki obedience
(vi) [wetekio] wTtikio belief
(vii) [wEtereri] wetereri patience
(viii) [warie] wariT width
(ix) [wero] weru browness
b. Word Midial
(0 [gorwe] ngurwe Pig
(u) [mwaki] mwaki fire
25D
(iii) [mwarimo] mwarimu teacher
(iv) [kwaba] kwamba laying foundation
(v) [mokwadzo] mukwanju walking stick

(vi) [rwara] rwara finger nail
(vii) [i^weta] igweta fame
(viii) [riowa] riuwa sun
(ix) [rwoja] rwoya feather
2.3.13 i
13. Examples
a Word Initial Orthoeraohv Gloss

(i) [jakwa] yakwa mine
(ii) Da fu] yanyu your(s)
(iii) [jaku] yaku your
(iv) [jake] yake his/hers
(v) [ja^ yao theirs
b. Word Midial
(0 [wejedi] wTyendi selfishness
(ii) [ijebe] iyembe mango
(iii) [ija] iya steal
(iv) [aja] oya take
(v) [koja] kuya start(to sing)
(vi) [wejadi] wTyathi independence
(î) [rw*a] rwoya feather
(viii) [Jtajaj gaya share
2.3.14 m
14. Examples
a. Word Initial. OrthograDhv Gloss
(i) [mami] mami mother
(«) [mama] mama uncle

(iii) [moturi] muturi black smith
(iv) [mae] mal water
(V) [mata] mata saliva

(vi) [mani] mani beans
(vii) [mo£oda] mugunda garden
(viii) [mote] mutT tree
(ix) [men] meri ship
b Word Midial
(i) [kama] kama to milk

(ii) [aetama] gitama cloth
(iii) [mama] mama uncle
(iv) [bma] koma sleep
(v) [inama] inama bend
(vi) [mami] mami mother
(vii) [ |am a] nyama meat
(viii) [doma] nduma arrow root
(ix) [roma] ruma bite
(X) [gama] ngoma satan
270
2.3.15 n
15. Examples
(i) [nana] nana become naughty
00 [nogaro] nungaru straight
(iii) [nina] nina finish

(iv) [nora] nura become fat
(V) [ne^sna] negena make noise

(vi) [nomu] numu firm
(vii) [negera] nengera give

(viii) [nene] nene big
(ix) [nuga] nunga smell
b. Word Midial
0) [kena] kena become happy

(») [tinia] tinia cut
(iii) [ana] ona see
(iv) [Iona] cuna lick
(v) [ina] ina sing
(vi) [kaana] kaana deny
(vii) [$ana] gana praise(eg a person)
(viii) [kania] kania warn
(ix) [hana] hona heal
2.3.16
16. Examples
a. Word Initial Orthography Gloss
(i) [ fama] nyama meat
(u) [ feki] nyeki grass
(iii) [ |ini] nyoni a bird
28 □
(iv) [jeni] nyeni greens
(v) [ fata] nyota bottletop
(vi) [ fuds] nyundo hammer
(vii) [ foba] nyumba house
b. Word Midial
(i) [ke fa] kinya gourd
(») [sofa] gonya bend
(iii) [k*fa] konya uproot
(iv) [ki fa] kinya step on
(V) [tafa] tonya enter

(vi) [ku fa] kunya pinch
(vii) [i fa fa] inyanya eight
(viii) [i fa] inya four
(ix) [e fora] enyura break
2.3.17
17. Examples
a. Word Initial Orthoeraohv Gloss
(i) [rpbe] ng’ombe cow
(u) [rpdu] ng’ondu sheep
(iii) [gara$u] ng’aragu hunger
(iv) [rjara] ng’ara become thirsty
(v) [goreka] ng’urika become disgusted
(vi) [rjaQia] ng’athia become angry
(vii) [garata] ng’orota snore
(viii) [gaara] ng’aara bend slightly
b. Word Mirtiai
(i) [kerjagi] kTng’ang’i crab
(ii) [kerptare] kTng’otore ten cents coin

(Hi) [rorjaflio] rung’athio anger
(iv) [Sega] thing’a pester
(v) [dzaji] njong’i ugly
2.3.18 h
18. Examples
0) [huroka] huruka rest
(H) [hana] hona heal
(iii) [to*a] hoota win
(iv) [hi /a ] hinya strength

(v) [haata] haata sweep
(vi [heha] heha become cold
(vii] [hio] hiu hot
(viii) [hubera] humbTra cover
(ix) [hoota] huuta become hungry
(x) [hswka] honoka be/become saved
b. Word Midial
a) [mahaja] mahoya prayer
(ii) [kehso] klheo present
(iii) [tuha] tuha become blunt
(iv) [Jtha] ceha prune
(v) [kahee] kahii boy
(vi [Juha] cuha swing
(vii [re he] rehe bring
(viii) [tihia] tihia injure
(ix) [hshu] hehu cold
From the analysis, Kikuyu has eighteen consonant phonemes, since each o f the
consonants may appear both in the word initial and midial position. In the theory used in
my analysis, the phonemes are described in terms o f distinctive features and it is on the
basis o f this set o f phonetic features that the phonetic level is presented.
DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR KIKUYU CONSONANT PHONEMES
b f t d 6 k dz r w j m n h
/ g & f 9
Consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + - - + + + + +
Syllabic -
Sonorant + + + + + + + -
Anterior + + + + - + - - - - + - - + + - - -
Coronal - - + + + + - - - - - - - + - - -
High - - - - + - + + + + - + + - - + + -
Back - - - - - - + + + - - + - - - - + -
Voice + - - + - + - + + + + + + + + + + -
Continuant - + - - + + - - + - + + - - - - +
Nasal + + + + -
UNIVERSITY OP NAIROBI
2.4 CONSONANT CLUSTERS EAST AFRICAN A C OL L EC T I ON
First o f all, I want to point out that Kikuyu does not have consonant clusters.
However, I decided to find space for this section because earlier studies; such as Barlow
(1960), Amstrong (1940), Mutahi (1977) and Njogu (1978) have all stated that consonant
clusters occur in Kikuyu. Njogu (1978) for example argues that Kikuyu allows consonant
clusters and that each cluster forms a single consonantal sound. He presents the following
examples:
31D
19. Gloss
(') [Ogwaix] patridge fowl
(ii) [keombwa] heap

(iii) [ndwara] finger nails
(iv) [6e j*dzwo| get slaughtered
To argue out this case, I shal 1use Swahili and English borrowings in Kikuyu.
20. SW A H ILI KIKUYU GLOSS
a) [mlarjgo] [moraga] door
(ii) [mkate] [moâte] loaf o f bread

(iii) [mgorjgp] [mo*>gj the back
(iv) [mkwadzu] [mokwadzo] walking stick
(v) [rarjgi] [ragi] paint
(vi) [ fumba] [ Joba] house
(vii) [kitambaa] fcetabaja] cloth
(viii) [kikambe] [êkabe] cup
(ix) [kitanda] [$etada] bed
(x) [ jundaj [/uddj hammer
b. EN G LISH KIKUYU G LOSS

a) [haildnd] [haeladi] highland
(ii) [kaemp] [kabe] camp
(iii) [bndzitju:d] [bgitjudi] longitude
(iv) [ailand] [aeladi] island
(v) [kaempein] [kabeini] campaign
(vii) [endzin] [idzini] engine
(vii) [Arjkl] [anik^ uncle
(viii) [sku:l] [jukuru] school
In the data above, there are two processes namely, insertion and deletion. Deletion
involves the loss o f the nasals before voiced non-continuants, while insertion involves the
addition o f a vowel in the C C environments. The two processes ensure that all consonant
clusters are broken.
Given that all borrowed words adapt to the phonological structure o f the
borrowing language, and that all consonant clusters in the data have been broken, it
follows that Kikuyu does not allow consonant clusters. Njogu’s examples therefore, could
be better represented as follows:
NJOGU GLOSS
21
(I) [rjgware] [gware] patridge fowl
(ii) [keombwa] [keobwa] heap

(iii) [ndwara] [dwara] finger nails
(iv) [d^dzw i] [dedzwo] get slaughtered
2.5 VOWELS
Kikuyu has a total o f seven vowels. As for the consonants, thôrthography does
not exactly correspond to the phonetic symbols. Below is a tabulated representation o f
the vowels with their orthographic symbols.
33D
IPA Symbol Orthographic Representation
i i
e T
6 e
u u
0 u
0 0
a a
To establish the Phonetic status o f the vowels, following is a discussion o f these

vowels giving examples o f their occurrence in Word Initial, mfelial and final position. The
examples are presented giving both the phonetic representation and the Kikuyu
orthography.
2.5.1 i
22 Examples
(i) [ihede] ihldT bone
(ii) [ijebe] iyembe mango

(iii) [ituda] itunda fruit
(iv) [iratadi] iratathi paper
b. Word Midial
(0 [sdia] endia sell
(ii) [Jina] cina bum
(iii) [diga] thinga plaster
(iv) [rida] rinda soak
c. Word final
(0 [£ n i] nyoni bird
(ii) [grii] ngothi skin
(iii) [ feki] nyeki grass
(iv) igoti coat
2.5.2 e
23 Examples
a. Word Initial O rthoeraD hv Gloss
(>) [eka] Tka do
(ii) [eta] Tta call
(iii) [era] Ira tell
(iv) [etea] Ttia boast
b. Word Midial
(i) feete ] gitio respect

(ii) [kedo] kTdu something
(iii) [k e ja ] kinya gourd
(iv) [dzera] njira way
c. Word final
(0 [mote] mutT tree
(ii> [*ete] gTti chair
(iii) [ihede] ihldT bone
(iv) [gere] gin warthog
2.5.3 8
24. Examples
a. Word Initial
(i) [edia] endia sell

(H) [e Jora] enyura break
(iii) [edza] enja dig
(iv) [eda] enda love
b. Word Midial
(i) [meria] meria swallow

(«) [tema] tema cut
(iii) [tfemia] gemia colour
(iv) [kena] kena become happy
c. Word Final
(i) [gorwe] ngurwe Pig

(H) [rwere] rwere side
(iii) [motwe] mutwe head
(iv) [bwe] mbwe fox
2.5.4 u
25 Examples
a. Word Initial Orthoeranhv Gloss
(i) [uma] uma come out
(ii) [uru*a] uruga stir
(iii) [una] una break
(iv) [u«a] uga say
b. Word Midial
(i) [tuda] tutha cut

(ii) [monugjj munungo smell
(iii) [motumia] mutumia woman
(iv) [dutu] ndutu jigger
c. Word final
(i) [motu] mutu flour
(ii) [&utu] gutu rust

(iii) [dzj£u] njogu elephant
(iv) [rodadzu] ruthanju small stick
2.5.5 0
26. Examples
a. Word Initial
(i) [ora] ura run away

(ii) [oma] uma become hard/dry
(iii) [ota] uta bow
(iv) [os*] ugo witch craft
b. Word Midial
(i) [mote] mutT tree
(ii) [*ora] gura buy
(iii) [modo] mundu person
(iv) [moduri] muthuri man
c. Word final
0) [diro] ndiru bad luck
(ii) [Wo] cucu grandmother
(iii) [iQato] ithatu three
(iv) [goko] nguku hen
2.5.6
27. Examples
(0 [>na] ona see
(ii) [»ja] oya take
(iii) [3dza] onja become crippled
(iv) [aga] onga suck
b. Word Midial NAIROBI

U N I V E R S I T Y OF
EAST AFRiCANA COLLECTION
(i) [taga] tonga become rich
(ii) ndogo smoke
(iii) [t?*a] toga to smoke
(iv) [k»ja] konya uproot
c. Word final
(i) [motuô] mutugo mannerism
(ii) [keheo] kiheo present
(iii) [monm^j muromo Hp
(iv) [sedjm^ glthomo education
2.5.7 a
28. Examples
a. Word Initial
(0 [aka] aka build
(ii) [aria] aria talk
(iii) [akana] akana go up in flames
(iv) [aâna] agana become naughty
38D
b. Word Midial
(i) [mami] mami mother
(«) [fai] cai tea
(iii) [gan^ ngano wheat
(iv) [gai] Ngai God
c. Word final
0) [itua] itua decision
(ii) [tuda] tutha break
(iii) [kama] kama milk
(iv) [rada] ratha shoot
From the data above, all the vowels may occur in any o f the three positions; that is,
word initial, midial and final. Therefore Kikuyu consists o f seven vowel phonemes. The
vowel phonemes can also be described in terms o f distinctive features.
DISTINCTIVE FEATURE MATRIX FOR KIKUYU VOWEL PHONEMES
i e 8 0 0 u a
High + - - - - + -
Back - - - + + + -
Low - - - - - - +
Tense + - + -
39D
2.6 VOWEL CLUSTERS
Kikuyu allows a vowel cluster o f two. This cluster can either be V 1V 1 ; identical
vowels or ViV2; different vowels. While almost any vowel can follow any other, not all
sequences are possible.
2.6.1 PERMISSIBLE SEQUENCES
V,Vi
ii
29,a) Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [tiira] tiira support
(ii) [Qiire] thiirT debt
(iii) [monafii] munabii prophet
ee
b. Examples Orthography Gloss
0) [teeri] tTfri soil
(ii) [reetwa] rfftwa name
££. Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [keeda] keenda nine
(ii) [modes] muthee old man
uu
d. Examples Orthography Gloss
0) [huuha] huuha blow
(ii) [kuura] kuura to rain

00
e. Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [moodi] muuthi player
(ii) [&ooka] guuka come
f 22.
Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [loa-a] koora small frog
(ii) [xufa] gooca praise
Here, we emphasise that Kikuyu allows all V 1V 1 sequences. Amstrong (1940) presents
this phenomenon as vowel length. Infact she states that:
“all the vowels o f Kikuyu may occur long or short”.
Some o f the examples she gives are as follows: (she uses a V 1V 1 sequence to represent
length)
30. Gloss Gloss

(') [koora] uproot [kora] grow
(ii) [haata] sweep [hata] get stuck
(iii) [daaka] play [daka] beautiful
(iv) [gaara] field mouse [gara] roasted maize
(v) [seekoj pipe(smoking) [xek^ dirt
She claims that these words differ in vowel length only implying that length is Phonemic.
Similarly Mutahi (1977) argues for vowel length as phonemic. Some o f his examples are
as follows:
41D
31. Gloss Gloss
(i) [ri:ka] age group [rika] go into water
(ii) [ka:na] deny [kana] fourth
(iii) [re: 3] be drunk [rei] that one (past)
Njogu (1978) in an M.A dissertation agrees with Amstrong and Mutahi, and states
that Kikuyu has fourteen vowels; seven short and seven long. However from e»t ViVi
data, we note that Kikuyu allows identical vowels in a sequence. These vowels are
discrete with individual tones, and are thus not single long vowels. To elaborate more on
this let us place tone on Armstrong and Mutahi’s examples.
Amstrong
32. Gloss Gloss
(i) [koorA] uproot [kora] grow
(H) [h ^ ta] sweep [hata] get stuck
(iii) [6aaka] play [daka] beautiful

(iv) [gaara] fieldmouse [gara] roasted maize
(v) [xeeB] smoking pipe [xek3j dirt
Mutahi
33.
(0 [ri:ka] age group [rika] go into water
(ii) [ka:na] deny [kana] fourth

(iii) [reS| be drunk [reS] that one (past)
Each o f these authors incorrectly impose English vowel analysis on Kikuyu. Thus,
they miss one o f the basic elements o f the phonology; that is tone. Their examples not
only differ in what they refer to as vowel length but also tone, since each vowel in Kikuyu
carries its own distinctive tone. Therefore, the pairs o f words they present do not pass as
minimal pairs to justify vowel length.
VlV2
ie
34 a Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [8ie] thil go
(ii) [nie] nil me
k
b. Examples
(i) [dinie] ndinie that I cut
(ii) [ jsdie] nyendis that I sell
iu
c. Examples
(i) [kiujp] kiugo word
(ii) [kiuâ] kiuga gourd
io
d. Examples
(i) [kahio] kahiu knife
(») [morio] muriu son
i2
e. Examples
(i) [iris] irio food
(H) [diara] thiora twist

■o
14
f. Examples
(i) [aria] aria talk
(ii) [edia] endia sell

43 □
35 _ei
a.. Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [&edei] gTthiT maize mill
(ii) [reidia] mthia look after animals

eu
b) Examples
(i) [moreu] munu drunkard
(H) [reu] nu now
eo
c) Examples
(i) [keora] klura frog
(ii) [êoQi] giuthi game
ep
d) Examples
(0 [kexlzs] kTonje disabled person
(ii) [kejdcj ldondo basket
d
b Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [tsidia] teithia help
(ii) [xeidia ] geithia greet
44 □
£0
b. Examples
(i) [beo] mbeu seed

(ii) [keoka] keuka crack
£2
c. Examples
(i) [kehe^ kiheo present

(ii) (te^ teo be thrown away
ea
(i) [hsana] heana give

(ii) [teana] teana loose each others contact
ui
37.
a. Examples Orthography Gloss
(i) [gui] ngui dog
(ii) [Jui5ia] nyuithia to make drink
U£
b. Examples
0) [gue] ngue that I die
(ii) [due] ndue that I pick

uo
c. Examples
(i) [guo] nguu dead
(ii) [guo] nguu hippo
45 □
!L2L
d. Examples
(i) [xuok^ guoko hand
(«) [gUJ] nguo clothes
ua
e. Examples
(i) [fu a ] nyua drink
(*i) [i*ua] igua hear
oi
38.
a. Examples Orthography Gloss
0) [$oidia] guithia drop
(») [moira] muira witness
oe
b. Examples
(i) [roe] ruT river
00 [idoeroj ithuTro west
ou
c. Examples
(i) [tou] tuu those(small ones)
00 [hou] huu fallen height (in liquids)
46 □
Qj.
39.
a Examples O rthography Gloss.
0) [g>i] ngoi baby carrier

(ii) [mohai] muhoi begger
£8
b Examples
0) [dzae] njoe that I take

O') [me] noe beans
U N I V E R S I T Y O F NAIROBI
ai EAST AFRICANA COL L ECT I ON
40. a Examples O rthography Gloss

(0 [gai] Ngai God
(ii) [ikai] ikai cheek
ae
b. Examples
(i) [hwae] hwaT yesterday evening
O') [mae] mat water
ae
c Examples
(i) [gae] ngae that I share
(ii) [hae] hae that I cough
47D
au
d. Examples
(i) [hau] hau there
(><) [ /a u ] nyau cat
ao
c. Examples
(>) [dzao] njau calf

(ii) [bao] mbau wood
22
f. Examples
0) [kwa^ kwao their place

(ii) [wa:$ wao their (person)
In Kikuyu therefore, we have a large number o f permissible sequences. However,

there are a few seqeucnes which are not possible. These are the following:
[ee] * [ea]
[eu] *M
[o3 * [®o]
[06]
[oa] *[>u]
[ee] * [ue]
48 □
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN NOUNS FORMED FROM VERBES .
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous section, was a discussion o f the sound system o f Kikuyu as a

general background to the study. In this chapter I focus on the phonological processes
involved in the derivation o f nouns from verbs. During derivation, the nouns take
different prefixes which give the nouns a particular class. Since the prefixes involved
correspond to those of the noun classes, I present the noun classes below.
NOUN CLASSES
CLASS SING PL EXAMPLE
1/2 mo- a- [moiretu] ‘girl’ [airetu]

[mofcekojo] ‘a Kikuyu’ [a&ekojo]
[moturi] ‘blacksmith’ [aturi]
3/4 mo- me- [mokwa] ‘rope’ [mekwa]

[mote] ‘tree’ [mete]
[morimo] ‘disease’ [merimo]
5/6 i- ma- [ibako] ‘play’ [mabak o]

[idadoko] ‘box’ [mabadoko]
[ituda] ‘fruit’ [matuda]
re- [reetwa] ‘name’ [mareetwa]

[riik^ ‘cooker’ [mariik^
[riibaj ‘eye’ [maib^
7/8 ke- i- [kehat^ ‘broom’ [ihat o]
[kedo] ‘thing’ [id>]
[kehig^ ‘gate’ [ihigj]
J- [keara] ‘finger’ [Jiara]

[keiba] ‘corpse’ [Jiiba]
[keod^ ‘basket’ [Jiado]
9/10 N N . [gare] ‘leopard’ [gare]
[r)*e] ‘cow ’ [0* e ]

[ f ogo] ‘pot’ [ /o g o ]
11/10 ro- N- [roko] ‘firewood’ [go]

[roân^ ‘story’ [rjan^
[rojiar^ ‘generation’ [dziar^
12/13 ka- to- [kaana] ‘small child’ [twana]

[kamote] ‘small tree’ [tomete]
[kahee] ‘small boy’ [tohee]
14/6 0- ma- [odo] ‘thing’ [maodo]

[ota] ‘bow ’ [nujta]
[odio] ‘face’ [maxMo]
15/6 koma- [koxoro] ‘leg’ [maôro]

[*oto] ‘ear’ [mato]
16/15 ha- ko- [hado] ‘place’ [kodo]
50 □
3.2 GLIDE FORMATION
Glide formation is one o f the most common processes in Kikuyu phonology. It is

a process that results in the formation o f the semi-vowels; glides. Schane (1973) states
that:
“syllable structure processes affect the distribution o f consonants and

vowels within a word. Consonants may be deleted or inserted... A
segment may change minor class features such as a vowel becoming a
glide”.
The glide is formed in the derivation of agentive, abstract and manner nouns.
Agentive nouns are words refering to agency, usually refering to human beings. Let us
look at the following examples.
Underlying Surface Gloss
1a) (i) /mo + akaJ [mwaki] builder

(ii) /mo + edia/ [mwedia] seller
(iii) /mo + eda/ [mwedi] one who seeks
(iv) /mo + adeka/ [mwadeki] writer
(v) /mo + edza/ [mwsdzi] one who digs
(vi) /mo + ehiaJ [mwehia] sinner
(vii) /mo + abata/ [mwabati] climber
(viii)/mo +ota/ [mwati] one warming around a fire
(ix) /mo + atora/ [mwatori] one who cuts eg firewood
(x) /mo + >ja/ [mwji] one who takes
In these examples we note that the mid vowel [o] in the class 1/2 prefix changes to
the glide [w], at the morpheme boundary. The low vowel in the root final position also
51D
changes to a high front vowel, except in cases where we have a verb root ending in [—ia].
In such words, the ending is maintained in the derived noun. In the last example, [x] the
semi vowel [j] in the root is deleted, that is, /mo+ ja/ > [mwd] (see section 3.4)
Abstract nouns are words referring to entities without physical or practical

existence. These words are formed in a number o f ways but only two ways are relevant
here. One o f the ways is by prefixing {o-} to a verb root. Examples include: -
b)(i) /o+ aka/ [waki] art o f building
ii) /o + eda/ [wsdi] willingness
iii) /o + ehia/ [wehia] sin
iv) /o + eterera/ [wstersri] patience
v) /o + a da/ [wada| law
vi) /o + sda / [weda] love
vii) / o + etekia/ [weteki o] belief

viii) /o +0dzjria/ [wjdzxia] utilization
ix) /o + eka/ [weki] ability to do something
In these examples the class 14 [o-] prefix changes to the glide [w] when the following
segment is a vowel. The final vowel in the newly formed noun also changes. In this case
the low vowel either changes to the high vowel [i] or the mid vowel [D]
The second way of forming abstract nouns is by using the prefix [mo-] Below are
examples.

C) i) / mo + etea/ [mwete^ conceit
ii) /mo + aria / [mwari o] voice
iii) /mo + adeka/ [mwadekoj writing
iv) / mo +3r*a/ [mwarX^ aim
In the data above, like in agentive nouns that take the [mo-] prefix the mid vowel [o], in
the prefix changes to a glide. In these abstract nouns the final low vowel changes to the
mid vowel [0].
Manner nouns are words that refer to the way or manner o f doing something. Consider
the following examples.
d)i) /mo + akera/ [mwakere] manner/way o f building

ii) /mo + areria/ [mwarerie] manner/way o f talking
iii) /mo + 'etera/ [mwetere] manner/way o f calling
iv) /mo + sdzsra / [mwedzsre] manner/way o f digging
v) /mo + jjera / [mwêrs] manner/way o f lifting
vi) /mo + sderia/ [mwcdEris] manner/way o f selling
vii) /mo + arera/ [mwarerc] manner/way o f spreading
viii) /mo + aberaJ [mwabere] manner/way of laying foundation
ix) /mo + edera/ [mwedere] manner/way o f looking for
In the examples above, a glide too is formed at the morpheme boundary. A notable
characteristic of manner nouns is the change o f the low vowel [a], to the mid vowel [e], in
the word final position.
The data presented here illustrates that a glide is always formed at morpheme boundary
whenever the vowel [o], precedes another vowel in the initial position of the verb stem.
However, there are cases when this process is blocked.
Underiving Surface Gloss
e) (i) /mo + una/ [muuni] one who breaks

(ii) /mo + u$a/ [muu$i] one who says
(iii) /mo + oda/ [mood i] player
(iv) /mo + oba/ [moobi] potter
(v) /mo + ita/ [moiti] hangman

(vi) /mo + iâ/ [moi&i] one who keeps
In these examples the glide is not formed. In examples e (i) and (ii) the mid vowel [o] in
the prefix is raised to [u]; a high back vowel. This is an assimilatory process discussed in
section 3.5.1. The final low vowel changes to the high vowel [i] a common change in
words referring to human beings, (agentive)
Since [i] and [u] are high vowels - the only high vowels in Kikuyu, the glide is formed
whenever the vowel [o] is followed by a non high vowel except [o]. This environment
may be specified in the form o f a rule as follows.
1.
+ syllabic
-high
+ back -syllabic V
+ tense +back [-high]
Rule statement
The vowel [o] becomes [w] before a non-high vowel except [o]
3.3 INSERTION
Insertion is a phonological process that involves the addition o f segments mainly to

break clusters. There are two types o f insertion, namely, prothesis and epenthesis.
Prothesis is the insertion of segments in word initial position, and epenthesis is the
insertion o f a segment in any other position. Let us look at the following examples in
Kikuyu.
2 a) (i) /o + e + a 6 a/ [wejadi] self rule

(ii) /o + e + anagaJ [wejanagi] self destruction
(iii) /o + e + e d a / [wejedi] selfishness
(iv) /o + e +eta / [wejeti] self calling
(v) /o + e +aka/ [wejaki] self growth (eg materially)
(vii) /mo + e + eraj [mwejer^ one’s assumption
The data above illustrates the insertion of the glide [j] at the morpheme boundary, between
the first person singular marker {e-} and the following vowel in the verb stems; an
example o f epenthesis. Thus this insertion breaks the V V cluster. In the example, the
glide [w] is also formed, as the /o + e/ sequence, creates an environment for the process.
The final vowels in all words have also been raised to either [I] or [a].
In certain environments, however, the insertion o f the glide is blocked.
b (i) /o + e + i*a/ [weifci] self reliance

(ii) /o + e + ira/ [weiri] feeling o f inferiority
5SU
(iii) /o + e + ita/ [weiti] suicide
In these examples there is the formation o f the glide, and final vowel raising. However,
unlike in 2 a) the glide [j] is not inserted. This indicates that the environment for insertion
is created when the vowel [e] precedes a vowel in the initial position o f a verb stem,
except the high front vowel. The phonological rule for insertion is as follows: -
* ------- ►
Rule statement
The glide [j] is inserted after [e] and before another vowel except [i]
3.4 DELETION
Deletion is a process that involves the loss of segments. Hyman (1975) says,
“In general consonants are deleted and vowels inserted to facilitate natural
syllabification”
The process of deletion can either be apocope or syncope. Apocope is the loss o f a
segment at the end of a word, while syncope is the loss o f a segment or segments from
some part o f a word other than the end. Consider the following examples.
3 a) (i) /mo + taja/ [moha] begger

(ii) /mo + saja/ [moâi] one who shares
(iii) /mo + kaja/ [mokai] one who screams (eg for help)
(iv) /mo +oja/ [mwai] one who takes/lifts
(v) /mo + kija/ [mokii] one who prepares (eg fermented porridge)
(vi) /mo + kojaJ [mokoi] starter (of a song)
(vii) /mo + Jaja/ [mojai] one who pants
(viii) / mo +$ ija/ [moîi] one who disturbs
In the data given, the glide [j] in the verb roots has been deleted. Vowel raising
also occurs; in this case the low vowel changes to the high front vowel since the new
words refer to human beings - class 1/ 2 .
UNI VER SI TY OF NAIROBI
EAST AFRICAN A COLLECTION
Here vowel raising is an important change for it creates an environment for glide
deletion; a case o f feeding and bleeding. A rule A feeds rule B, if rule A acts as an input
for the application o f rule B. In such a case, rule B is a bleeding rule. In the examples
above, the environment for deletion is created when the final vowel is raised to a high
front vowel. Thus the vowel-raising rule is a feeding rule for the deletion rule. To
confirm this consider the following examples.
b) (i) /i + hjja/ [ihaja] prayer

(ii) /ro + kaja/ [rokaj^ a scream
(iii) /re + sj + ana [resjan^ lifting of each other
(iv) /mo +s ij + ana/ [mofcijan^ disturbance
(v) /mo + kijaJ [mokij^ porridge (prepared after
fermentation
57D
In these examples, the final low vowel changes to [a] and [q], thus the glide is not
deleted. This supports the assertion that the glide is deleted when it comes before a final
high front vowel. Since vowel raising plays a vital role in glide deletion, below are the
two phonological rules in their order o f application.
3.
[+ low] +high
- back
Rule statement
The low vowel becomes [i] in word final position
4.
-cons
-syllabic
-back
-back
Rule statement
The glide [j] is deleted before the high vowel [i]
Earlier, glide insertion was discussed and determined that the process is geared towards
natural syllabification. However, the glide deletion rule, rule 4, works against the
preferred syllable structure, resulting in a C V V structure. This is a case o f a phonetically
preferred structure in opposition to another phonetically preferred structure. It further
explains why the glide is not inserted in data 2 b.
58D
3.5 ASSIMILATION
Assimilation is a process whereby a segment acquires the features o f a
neighbouring segment. Consider the following examples.
Underlying Mid- underlying Surface Gloss
4 a) (i) /mo +rjga/ /monxi/ [mworwDsi] witch
(ii) /mo + tua/ /motui/ [mwotwui] one who picks
(iii) /mo + twara/ /motwari/ [môtwari] driver
(iv) /mo + kua/ /mokui/ [mwokwui] one who carries alot
(v) /mo + rea/ /morei/ [mworei] one who eats a lot
(vi) /mo + rema/ /moremi/ [mwuremi] farmer
(vii) /ro + &ana/ /roxanV [rwosan a ] story
(viii) /ro + rajia/ /rorajio/ [ r 'V a f a dowry
(ix) /ro + irisa/ /roiris^ [rwoiriswo] fence
(x) /ke + maka/ /kemak^/ [kemak'o] astonishment
(xi) /ke + rjta/ /kentV [kerot'o] dream
(xii) /ke + reraJ /kerer^ [kerer'S] crying

In the examples above, all the consonants that come before a round vowel are
produced with some degree of lip rounding; a process referred to as labialization. The
final low vowels also change after norminalization. In this case, to the high front vowel [i]
and the mid vowel [o]. The phonological rule for labialization is as follows.
5 /
C ► [+round] / ______________V
' [+round]
Rule statement
A consonant becomes labialized before a round vowel.
59D
Let us look at another set of data, below
Underlvine Mid-underlvine Surface Gloss
b) (i) /mo + tura/ /moturi/ [moturi] smith

(ii) /mo + £sna/ /modern/ [moxenl] visitor
(iii) /mo + rada/ /moradi/ [moradi] shooter
(iv) /mo + teâ/ /mote^V [moteso] trap
(v) /mo +nugaJ /monugy [monug^ smell
(vi) /mo + rema/ /moremi/ [moremT] farmer
(vii) /mo + rema/ /nioremi/ [moremT] naughty person
(viii) /o + £ema/ /oêmu/ [o&emu] colourfulness
(ix) to + rutana/ /orutani/ [orutani] teaching
(x) /i + ki fa J /iki fa / [ikT/a] sole
In the data above, all the vowels neighbouring the nasal consonants become
nasalized by virtue o f their being contiguous to the nasal segments. This process is
referred to as nasalization, and may be represented in the form o f a phonological rule as
follows.
V ------------------- ► [+nasal] *C
[+nasal]
Rule statement
A vowel becomes nasalized when neighbouring a nasal segment.

3.5.1 VOWEL ASSIMILATION
In certain environments, a vowel may assimilate the features o f another vowel.

Schane (1973) states that:
...‘T h e vowel o f one syllable may become more like the vowel o f some other syllable.”
The major difference between assimilatory rules affecting vowels and those
affecting consonants is that while in consonants no cases o f total assimilation exist, in
vowels we have some. Examples include:
C (i) /mo + una/ [muuni] one who breaks

(ii) /mo + uma/ [muumi] one who goes out
(iii)/mo+u£a/ [muuî] one who says
(iv) /ro + una/ [ruun^ hem
In these examples, while the final vowel is raised to a high or mid vowel, the vowel
[o] in the prefix assimilates all the features o f the following high back vowel at morpheme
boundary. This is a case o f total assimilation. The phonological rule for this phenomenon
is as in-thp neyt page. joVu>uo<*.
7.
-high
+back > [+high] C V
-low Thigh
+tense +back
61D
Rule statement
The vowel [o] becomes [u] before [u]
3.6 DISSIMILATION
Dissimilation is a process whereby consonants become less similar. It contradicts the

motivations o f assimilation which aim at making sounds more alike. Mutahi (1977) states
that:
“The motivations for dissimilation have been said to be both conceptual

and articulatory. The first involves the efforts by the speaker to make two
sounds more distinct while the second involves the inability by the speaker
to produce two sounds in a sequence.”
Consider the following examples.

5 a) (i) /ke + kena/ [seksnjj happiness

(ii) /ke + te a / [ête^ respect
(iii) /ke + tahaJ feetahi] something for drawing (eg water)
(iv) /ke + toma / [setomi] reason
(v) /ke + kuneka/ [xekuneka] cover
(vi) /ke + kunora/ [sekunor^ opener
(vii) /ke + loba/ [selob^ credit
(viii) /ke + janora/ [sejanori] comb
(ix) /ke + fera / [$eferi] stirring stick
In the examples above, the voiceless segment [k] in the prefix changes to the voiced
continuant
[& ] .This happens when the following consonant in the verb stem initial position is a
voiceless segment. This phenomenon is referred to as Dahls law. There are segments
however, that violate Dahls law. Examples include.
Underlvin2 Surface Gloss
b) (i) /ke + 6 jma/ [$edjm 3 education

(ii) /ke +dima/ [sedimpj measurement
(iii) /ke + dedzera/ [sededzerc^ slaughterhouse
(iv) /ke + hata/ [kehat^ broom
(v) /ke + hata/ [kehatil fact
(vi) /ke + haniaJ [kehsiia] what heals (eg medicine)
(vii) /ke + heha/ [kehsho] a whisper
(viii) /ke + higa/ [kehig^ gate
In examples (i) - (iii), [6 ] behaves like a voiceless segment resulting to the change o f [k]
to [$] In examples (iv) - (viii), on the other hand, the voiceless segment [h] behaves like a
voiced segment. Thus, the [k] in the prefix does not change. These two cases may be
considered as exceptions to Dahls law. The phonological rule will therefore be as follows.
8.
C
-voice
+high [+ voice] V C
+back_ [-voice]
Rule statement
[k] becomes voiced in word Initial position when the following consonant in the stem is
voiceless except [5] and [h].
3.7 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING
Consonant strengthening is a phonological process involving two changes; namely

voicing, and defricativization. Consider the following examples.

6.
(i) /n + Joka/ [dzak d] a retu rn
(ii) /n + Jina/ [d z in ^ ro a st m eat
(iii) /n + Jam a [d zam jj tastin g
(iv ) /n + Juka/ [d zu k o ] g o ssip
(v ) /n + JuhaJ [d z u h ^ sw inging
(vi) /n + Jiara/ [dziaroj g e n e ra tio n
(vii) /n + ro ^ a J [d o * 3 ju m p in g
(viii)/n + re a / [dea] p a rty
(ix) /n + s s re k a n ia / [g sre k a n ^ p arab le
(x ) /n + s e r a / tg £ r^ d isa ste r
(x i)/n + * a ja / [gajo] a share

(x ii)/n + ^ a ro ra / [g a ro r^ m ass o f c u t b u sh es
(xiii)/n + k u J a / [g u fo ] a pinch
(x iv )/n + kiri J a n a J [giri j a n ^ d isp u te

(xv)/n + kima/ [gimo] mashed food
(xvi)/n + kadaJ [gad^ dough
(xvii)/n + keda/ [gedo] something woven
(xviii)/n + tu ja / [du jo ] theft
(xix)/n + tuma/ [dum^ a stitch
(xx)/n + taâ/ [dJKa] smoke
(xxi)/n + tugata/ [dugata] servant
In the above examples, when the nasal is prefixed to the consonants [r, k, t] they become
voiced stops. This process is referred to as strengthening. After strengthening, the nasal
is deleted. The final low vowels in the stems also change to [o] and [o] except in 6 (vii)
and (xxi) where the vowel is maintained. The phonological rules for these phenomena
are as follows in the order o f application.
Strenthening rule
9
+anterior
+voice +coronal
continuant +nasal
Rule statement
A consonant becomes a voiced stop after the nasal [n],
Tnl deletion rule
10
+anterior
+coronal
+nasal
65 □
Rule statement
The nasal [n] is deleted before a voiced stop.
66 □
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN ADJECTIVES FORMED FROM VERBS

4.1 INTRODUCTION
As mentioned earlier Kikuyu adjectives can be derived from verbs, although such
adjectives are not as numerous as the nouns. The derived adjectives usually take the class
prefix o f the nouns they are describing. These prefixes are shown in section 3.1. In this
section I shall focus on the phonological processes involved in the derivation o f adjectives
from verbs.
4.2 GLIDE FORMATION
Glide formation is a process that involves the formation o f a semi-vowel; a glide.

Consider the following examples.
1 a i) /mo dza/ [mwodzu] crippled
ii) /mo + aâna/ [mwa&anu] naughty
iii) /mo + aêra/ [mwaêru] good (person)

iv) /mo+ adeka/ [mwadeki] obedient
v) /mo + etea/ [mwetei] proud
Vi) /mo + ora/ [mwxu] rotten
In the above examples, when {mo} is prefixed to a vowel initial stem, the vowel
[o] changes to a glide. The final vowels also change to [i] and [u]. There are instances
however when glide formation is blocked.
67 □
b) i) /mo + ira/ [moiro] black

ii) /mo + ora/ [mooru] lost
iii) /mo + oma/ [moomo] hard
iv) /mo + ura/ [muuru] rainy
In these examples the glide is not formed. This occurs when the initial vowel in the stem is
[i],[o] or [u] The phonological rule for glide formation may therefore be written as
follows:
1.
+syllabic
-high V
+back] *► [-high]
+tense
Rule Statement
The back vowel [o] becomes [w] before a non-high vowel except [o]
4.3 INSERTION
Insertion is a phonological process, which involves the addition o f a segment or

segments in a word. Let us look at the following examples.
2 a)
i) /mo + e + aba/ [mwejabi] proud
i>) /mo + e+ anaga/ [mwejanagi] extravagant
iii) /mo + e+ sda/ [mwejedi] selfish

iv) /mo + e +aria/ [mwejaria] defensive
V) /mo + e + aka/ [mwejaki] up coming
vi) /mo + e + ada/ [mwejadi] independent
In these examples the glide [j] is inserted between the vowels at stem boundary and the
glide [w] is also formed. This is a case o f rule ordering. In chapter two, it was noted that
Kikuyu allows a vowel cluster o f two. In the data above there is a sequence o f three
vowels in the underlying representation, thus prompting insertion, to break the vowel
cluster. After the insertion the vowel [o] becomes a glide. There is an environment
however, when the glide insertion is blocked.
b) (I) /mo + e + ima/ [mweimu] mean on oneself

(ii) /mo + e + iâ/ [mweigu ] settled
In these examples the glide is not inserted. This occurs when the vowel in the initial
position o f the stem is [i] since the two segments [j] and [i] share similar features, that is,
[+ high] [- back]. The glide [w] is however formed, reducing the three vowel cluster to
two. The two rules, glide insertion and glide formation may be written as follows in their
order o f application.
2
- cons
<!> -syllabic
back V V - V
-high
-back
-low
+ tense
Rule statement
The glide 0] is inserted after two vowels; the latter being [e], and before a stem with an
initial vowel except [i]
3
V
-high
+back
-low
+tense
Rule statement
The vowel [o] becomes a glide; [w], in the environment before [e]
70 □
4.4 DELETION
Deletion is the opposite of insertion and it involves the loss o f a segment or segments.
Consider the following examples
3 a) (i) /n + roma/ [nomu] firm

(ii)/n + rema/ [nemu] naughty
(iii)/n + rogara/ [nogaro] straight
(iv)/n + rama/ [name] woven
(v)/n + roga/ [noge] without curves or bends
(vi)/n + rema/ [nems] cultivated
(vii)/n + ruma [nume] cursed
(viii)/n + rida/ [nids] soaked
In the data above when the nasal is prefixed to the stems with [r] in the initial position, the
[r] is deleted. The final vowels also change to [u] [o] and [e]. To verify the environment
for deletion let us look at the following examples.
b) (i) /n + ritaJ [ditu] foolish

(ii) /n + rora/ [doro] bitter
(iii) /n + rika/ [diku] deep
(iv) /n + raiha/ [daihu] long
(v) /n + roka / [doku] loose
(vi) /n + rjta/ [datu] rusted
71D
In these examples when the nasal is prefixed to the stem, there is a different change. The
[r] becomes [d] and the nasal is deleted. This occurs when the following consonant in the
stem is voiceless and/or a continuant. Thus theCrl- deletion rule may be written as follows:
+cons
+sonorant > <t> +nasal
-(-anterior -(-anterior V jC
-nasal +coronal -(-voice
-continant
Rule statement
[r] is deleted after a nasal when the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-
continant.
4.5 ASSIMILATION
Assimilation is a phonological process whereby a segment acquires the features o f a

neighbouring segment. Let us look at the following examples.
4 a) Underlying Mid-underivins Surface Gloss
(i) /mo + hsha/ /mohshu/ [mohehu] cold

(ii) /mo + nora/ /monoru/ [monoru] fat
(Hi) /mo + dena/ /modenu/ [modenu] poor
(iv) /mo + hara/ /moharu/ [mohjru] cold
(v) /mo + haha /mohahu/ [mohAu] weathered
(vi) /mo + ijora/ /moijoru/ [moijoru] full
(vii) /mo + ritaJ /moritu/ [mdritu] foolish
(v iii) /n + r o g a r a / /n o g a ro / [n o g a ro ] s tra ig h t
(ix ) /n + ra m a / /n a m e / [nam S ] w oven
(x ) /n + r o g a / /n o g s / [n o g e] w ith o u t c u rv e s
(x i) /n + ro m a / /n o m u / [n o m u ] firm
(x ) I n + ru m a J /n u m e / [n u m S ] c u rs e d
(x iii) In + ab o k a / / f aboku/ [ f aboku] w o rn o u t
(x iv ) In + e j o k a J / e f oku/ [fefoku] b ro k e n
(x v ) In + om aJ i f om o/ [ C om o] h a rd
(x v i) In + a b a / / I'a b e / [ ja b e ] s p re a d o u t
(x v ii) In + s e r n a / /rje m u / [q sm u ] b e a u tifu l
(x v iii) In + x u m d J / qum u/ [rju m u ] dum p
(x ix ) In + s e m ia / / q e m ie / [q e m le ] c o lo u r e d
(x x ) In + s a d a / / qadu/ [rjad u ] g o n e bad
(x x i) In + suda/ / rju d u / [rju d u ] r u s te d /r u s ty
In the data above, all the vowels neighbouring a nasal segment in the mid-underlying
representation have been conditioned by the nasals to acquire nasality; a process referred
to as nasalization. The phonological rule for this phenomenon is as follows.
5 U N I V E R S I T Y OF NAIROW
EAST AFRICANA COLLECTION
[-•-syllabic] [+nasal] *C
[nasal]
Rule statement
A vowel becomes nasalized when neighbouring a nasal consonant.

In other environments a different kind o f assimilation occurs. Consider the following
examples.
Underlying Mid-underlving Surface Gloss
b) (i) /mo + rwara/ /morwaru/ [mworwarwu] ill

(ii) /mo + n ^ a/ /monû/ [nTon^su] tired
(iii) /mo + ke$a/ /moke$u/ [mwokeXwu] foolish
(iv) /mo + bga/ /mobgu/ [mwot^gwu] rich
(v) /mo + hjrera/ /mohxeru/ [mwohw
^r£rwu] calm
(vi) /ro +tuha/ /rotuhu/ [rwotwuhwu] blunt
(vii) /ro +rika/ /roriku/ [rworikwu] deep
(viii)/n + oma/ / jomo/ [ f vomwo] hard
(ix) /n + rora/ /doro/ [dworwo] bitter
In these examples, all consonants preceding round vowels in the mid-underlying

representation, are produced with some secondary degree o f lip rounding. This process is
referred to as labialization. The phonological rule for labialization is as follows:
6.
[+cons] > [+round] V
[+ round]
Rule statement
A consonant becomes labialized before a round vowel.
4.6VELARIZATION
In certain environments a back segment may be conditioned by a neighbouring
segment to become a high back nasal. This involves the lowering o f the velum to enable
air to escape through the nose; a process referred to as velarization. Consider the
following examples.
5 (i) /n + %e.mdJ [rjemu] beautiful

(ii) /n + $ana/ [gane] praised
(iii) /n + xuma/ [gumu dump
(iv) /n + ûda/ [gudu] rusty
(v) /n + âda/ [gadu] gone bad
(vi) /n + 2Pma/ [g?mu] on strike
(v) /n + aemia/ [gemie] coloured
In these examples, while the final low vowels become [u] and [e], the back continuant [2$]
is velarized to [g ]. This occurs after prefixing the nasal to stems with [a] in the initial
position, and when the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant. The
nasal [n] is then deleted. The phonological rule for velarization as below.
C
+high
+back
+continuant w -continuant / +anterior
+voice + nasal / +coronal V C
-nasal —1 / +nasal +voice
-continuant
Rule statement
The back consonant [$] in the stem initial position, becomes [rj] after a nasal, when
the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant.
4.7 DISSIMILATION
Dissimilation is the opposite o f assimilation. In dissimilation sounds become more

unlike each other, either because o f the problem o f producing two similar sounds in close
positions or the need to make the two sounds more distinct. Consider the following
examples

6.
a) (i) /ke + kena/ [&ekenu] happy
(ii) /ke + kora/ [aekoro] old
(iii) /ke + tcga/ [jetogu] rich
(iv) /ke + tuha/ [&etuhu] blunt
(v) /ke + ke$a/ foekesu] foolish
(vi) /ke + Jina/ [*ejin£] roasted
(vii)/ke + Jama/ [sefamu] with taste
(viii)/ke + Jura/ [xejuru] burnt
(ix) /ke + fu6a/ [xeflidu] rotten
In the data above, the voiceless segement [k] in the prefix becomes [3 ]. This happens
when the initial consonant in the stem is voiceless. The final low vowels also change to
[u] [o] and [e]. Let us consider more data when the initial consonant in the stem is voiced.

b) (i) /ke + ££maJ [ke^smu] beautiful
(ii) /ke + sada/ [keâdu] gone bad (eg food)
(iii) /ke + suma J [kexumu] dump
(iv) /ke + maka/ [kemaku] astonished
(v) /ke + noraJ [kenoru] fat
(vi) /ke + nugaJ [kenugu] smelly
(vii) /ke + rikaJ [keriku] deep
(viii)/ke + rataJ [kenatu] rusty
(ix) /ke + roka/ [kerokul detached
In these examples, the [k] does not change, since the stem initial consonant is voiced. The
final low vowel however, becomes [u]. There are cases though, when the dissimilation
process is blocked.
C (i) /ke + hsha/ [ketohu] weathered

(ii) /ke + heha/ [kehehu] cold
(iii) /ke + hioha/ [kehiohu] hot
(iv) /ke + doka/ [#edoku] bad
(v) /ke + Sera/ [$e5eru] clean
(vi)/ke + Sakara/ [sedakaru] good looking
In these examples, when the stem initial consonant is [h]; a voiceless segment, the [k] does
not change. On the other hand when the stem initial consonant is [5]; a voiced segment,
the [k] becomes voiced. The two sounds [h] and [5], violate the rule for dissimilation.
Thus, the phonological rule is as follows.
+cons
+high
+back -(-voice
-voice -(-continuant
-continuant
Rule statement
The voiceless segment [k] becomes [g] at word initial, when the following consonant in
the stem is voiceless except [5 ] and [hi.
4.8 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING
Consonant strengthening is a process that involves two changes, that is, voicing
and defricativization. Let us look at the following examples.
7 (i) /n + jura/ [dzuru] burnt

(ii) /n + jamaJ [dzamu] with taste
(iii) /n + juha/ [dzuhu] hanging
(iv) /n + jara/ [dzars] drawn
(v) /n + jona/ [dzone] licked
(vi) /n + jina/ [dzine] roasted
(vii) /n + rita/ [ditu] stupid

(viii) /n + rora/ [doro] bitter
(ix) /n + rika/ [diku] deep
(x) /n + reêra/ [deêro] loose
(xi) /n + Dta/ [dctu] rusty
(xii) /n + roka/ [doku] detached
(xiii) /n + rasa J [doje] cursed
(xiv) /n + kesa J [ge*u] foolish

(xv) /n + kora 1 [goro] old
(xvi) /n +kenaJ [genu] happy
(xvii) /n +tuha/ [duhu] blunt
(xviii) /n + tinia/ [dinie] that is cut
(xix) /n + taga/ [dpgu] rich
(xx) /n + fuda/ [budu] rotten
(xxi) /n + futa/ [buts] without feathers
In the data above, while the low vowels change to [u] [o] and [e] the segments [j, r, k, t
and fj become voiced non-continants, [dz d, g, d, b] respectively. In this case, if a
segment in the underlying representation is voiced, the voicing rule applies vacuously.
Again, if a segment in the underlying representation is a non-continuant the
defficativization rule also applies vacuously. This process occurs when the nasal is
prefixed to the verb stems with [/, r, k, t and f] in the initial position. After strengthening
has taken place the nasal is deleted. The phonological rules for the two processes are as
follows.
+voice / +anterior
-continuant / +coronal
+nasal
Rule statement
A consonant becomes a voiced stop after a nasal.
10
+anterior
+coronal C
+nasal +voice
-continuant
Rule statement
The nasal [n] is deleted before a voiced stop.
79 □
4.9 j* and dz
and dz are underlying consonants in Kikuyu. However, in certain environments,

they are realized in the Surface. Let us look at the following examples.
8 a) Underlying Surface Gloss
(i) /n + aboka/ [ jaboku] worn out

(ii) /n + e joka/ [ |e foku] broken
(iii) In + inama/ [ f inamu] slanting
(iv) In + omaJ [ fom o] hard
(v) In + edia/ [ f edie] sold
(vi) In + aneka/ [ janeke] hanged
(vii) /n + adeka/ [ |adeks] written
In these examples, when the nasal is prefixed to stems with vowels in the initial position,
and the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant, the [n] becomes [ £|.
The final low vowels in the stems become [u] [o] and [e]. Let us consider more data when
the following consonant is the stem is not a voiced non-continuant.
b) Underlying Surface Gloss
(i) In + arokaJ [dzaroku] unmade

(ii) In + iraJ [dziro] black
(iii) In + atoka/ [dzatoku] cracked
(iv) In +ora/ [dzaru] rotten
(v) In +3$oma/ [dzaKxnu] crooked
(vi) In + aêra/ [dzaxeru] nice
(vii) In + arama/ [dzaramu] wide
80 □
(viii) In + a$anaJ [dzaânu] naughty
(ix) In + etea/ [dzetei] boastful
(x) In + adekaJ [dzadeki] obedient
In the data above, when the nasal is prefixed to the stems with an initial vowel and the
following consonant is not a voiced non-continuant, the nasal becomes [dz] while the low
vowels become [u] [o] and [i]. Thus the phonological rules for [ f* ] and [dz] formation
are as follows.
f 1 Formation rule
11
+anterior -anterior
+coronal w -coronal V C
+nasal +high +voice
-continuant
Rule statement
The nasal [n] becomes [ J) before a vowel when the following consonant in the stem is a
voiced non-continuant.
dz formation rule
81D
Rule statement
The nasal [n] becomes [dz], before a vowel followed by a consonant, except voiced non
continuants, when it becomes [
4.10 THE NC CLUSTER IN KIKUYU
From the data presented in this study, it is evident that the nasal prefix [n] in
Kikuyu conditions several changes. Below is a general summary o f the nasal-consonant
combinations in the underlying representation and the resultant Surface forms.
4.10.1 Voiceless continuants
UNI VERSITY OF N A I R O B I
a ) /n + J / > [dz]
l A S T AFRICANA COLLECTION
9 E x am p les
(i) /n + Ju ra/ [d zu ru ] b u rn t
(ii) /n + Jina/ [dzins] ro a ste d
b) /n + > [b]
10 E x am p les *
(i) /n + fudaJ [budu] ro tte n
(ii) /n + fiita1 [b u ts] w ith o u t fea th ers

4.10.2 Voiced continuants
a) /n + r/ When the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant > [n]. In
this case [r] is deleted.
11 Examples
(i) /n + roma [nomu] firm

(ii) /n + rema/ [nsmu] naughty
b) /n + r/ When the following consonant in the stem is not a voiced non-continuant:
12 Examples
(i) /n + rora/ [doro] bitter

(ii) /n + reta/ [d*u/ rusty
c) /n +-&J when the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant > [g]
13 Examples
(i) /n + ssm a J [rjemu] beautiful

(ii) /n + *ada [qadu] gone bad
d) /n +$ / When the following consonant in the stem is not a voiced non-cortfrfluant > [g]
14 Examples
(i) /n + $ora/ [gore] that I buy

(ii) /n + xajj*/ [gaje] that I share
4.10.3 Voiceless ndlf-continuants
a) /n + 1 / > [d]
15 Examples
(i) /n + toga/ [dsgu] rich

(ii) /n + tuha/ [duhu] blunt
b) /n + k/ > [g]
16 Examples
(i) /n + kfexa/ [ge*u] foolish

(ii) /n + kena/ [genu] happy
4.10.4 Voiced non-continuants
a )/n + b/ > [b]
17 Examples
(i) /n + bori/ [bori] goat

(ii) /n + basa/ [twca] cabbage
b) /n + d / > [d]
18 Examples
(i) /n + doma/ [doma] arrow root

(ii) /n + dare/ [dare] berries
c) /n + g/ > [g]
19 Examples
(i) /n + gare/ [gare] leopard

(ii) /n + goko/ [goko] hen
85 □
/n +dz/ > [dz]
20 Examples
(i) /n + dz:>*u/ [dZ3£U] elephant

(ii) /n +dzo$o/ [dzo$o] peanuts
Thus, it is from the data that I conclude that, in all N C clusters in the underlying
representation, the nasal is always deleted before the surface voiced non-continuants,
except /n + r/. In /n + r/ if the following consonant in the stem is a voiced non-continuant
the [r] is deleted while the nasal is maintained. On the other hand, if it is not a voiced non
continuant the [r] becomes [d], then the nasal is deleted. With this in mind a sequence
structure condition for N C clusters in Kikuyu may be written as follows.
If N c
4- Jr
Then ♦ +voice
-continuant
86 □
4.11 CONCLUSIONS
This study set out to establish and discuss the phonological processes involved in
the derivation of Kikuyu nouns and adjectives from verbs, within the framework o f
Generative Phonology.
First, I have established that Kikuyu has a total o f twenty five sounds; eighteen
consonants and seven vowels. Earlier studies, such as Armstrong (1940), Barlow (1960),
Mutahi (1977) and Njogu (1978) have indicated that Kikuyu has long vowels, making a
total o f fourteen; seven short and seven long. However, this study has clearly illustrated
that Kikuyu does not have long vowels. It is important however, to note that Kikuyu
allows a vowel cluster o f two and that it allows identical vowels in a sequence which
scholars have incorrectly considered as single long vowels.
Secondly, the study has proven that Kikuyu does not allow consonant clusters in
the surface representations. Earlier studies claim that Kikuyu allows the NC consonant
cluster. Here the confusion arises because there is a difference between the orthography
o f Kikuyu and the phonological representation. Phonology deals with sounds; what is
actually heard from a speaker, and thus, a scholar studying any language should not be
influenced by the orthography but should concentrate on the sounds produced. This study
has shown that although Kikuyu has an underlying NC cluster, the nasal is deleted in the
surface.
Thirdly, this study has established that Kikuyu nouns and adjectives are derivable
from verbs. Different prefixes may be used in their derivation with varying productivity.
In such derivations, there are phonological processes involved, which are motivated by
various factors.
Finally, in this study, I have been able to discuss the sound changes occurring in
Kikuyu derivations using the two levels o f representation, that is, the underlying and the
surface representation, and to account for these changes using phonological rules.
87 □
Thus, the study has demonstrated that the theoiy o f Generative Phonology is an
adequate theory to describe and explain the different phonological changes in Kikuyu.
REFERENCE
Armstrong (1940) The phonetic and tonal structure of Kikuvu London:
International African Institute
Bartow (1960) Studies in Kikuyu Grammarand Idiom Edinburgh:

William Blackwood and Son Ltd
Botha, R P (1973) T he phonological component of a Generative Grammar’ in

Fudre fed') phonology: Selected writings middlesex:
Hazell Watson and Viney Ltd (pg 213-231)
Chomsky N and Halle (1968) The sound pattern of English. Newyork: Harper and Row
Dinnen (1967) An introduction to General Linpuistics Newvork: Holt.

Rinehart and Winston Inc
Ford K (1974) Tone and intonation in Kikuvu Unpublished manuscript:

University of Nairobi
Fudge E (ed) (1973) Phonologv: Selected writings Middlesex: hazel Watson

and Viney Ltd
Gathenji W. (1981) Morpholopv of Kikuvu verbal extensions. Unpublished

M.A. Dissertation: University of Nairobi.
Hyman L. (1972) A phonological studv of FeFe Ix>s Anpeles: University of

Califonia
Hyman L (1975) Phonolopical theory and analysis Newvork: Holt Rinehart

and Winston
Jakobson R and Halle (1971) ‘Phonology and Phonetics’ in Jakobson (ed) selected
writings. Paris: mouton and Co
Kithaka Wa Mberia (1981) The consonants of Kitharaka Unpublished M.A.

Dissertation: University of Nairobi
Lidonde, A.M. (1978) A e-enerative phonologv of Lwitakhu. Unpublished M.A

Dissertation. University o f Nairobi.
Mutahi K. (1977) Sound changes and the classifications o f the dialects of

southern Mt Kenya Berlin: Dietrich Reime Verlap\
Malkiel, Y (1978) Derivational Categories’ in Universals of human language:

Stanford, Califonia: Stanford University Press.
MwangiJ (1992) A typology of empty categories in Kikuyu.

Unpublished M.A. Dissertation University of Nairobi
Nida, E.A. (1949) The descriptive analysis of words Michigan: University ol
Michigan press.
Njogu D (1978) Kikuyu dcverhaliv.es and other norminalizations.

Unpublished M.A. Dissertation: University of Nairobi
Odhiambo, O. (1981) Dholuo phonology: A study o f the maior vowel processes.

Unpublished M. A. Dissertation. University of Nairobi.
Postal P. (1968) Aspects of phonological theory Newyork. Harpen and

Row
Schane S.A (1972) ‘Natural rules in phonology’ in R P stockwell and

Macauley (eds) Linguistic Change and Generative theory
Bloomington: Ind I U P
Schane S A (1973) Generative phonology

Englewood Cliffs N J practice Hall.
wmveKanr of
E A S T AFRICANA COLL EC T I OK

A Phonological Study of Derived Words in Kikuyu With Reference to Nouns and Adjectives ( PDFDrive )

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A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF DERIVED

MUTHUI JOB WACHIRA

UNI VERS I T Y OF NAIROBI

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment

Nairobi, April 2001

TO MUM AND DAD

Without whose moral, financial and spiritual

UNI VERSI T Y OF NAIROBI

Besides acknowledging my debt to other linguists, I would like to particularly thank my

In Chapter Three is a discussion o f the phonological processes in nouns derived from

TABLE OF CONTENTS ------------------------------------------------------------------- vi

1.0 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY----------------------------------------------- 1

1.1 BACKGROUND--------- --------------------------------------------------------------- 1

1.1.1 THE P E O P L E -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1

1.1.2 THE LANGUAGE------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ----------------------------------------------2

1.3 GOAL AND OBJECTIVES -------------------------------------------------------- 4

1.4 HYPOTHESES ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4

1.5 JUSTIFICATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 5

1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS ----------------------------------------------------- 5

1.7 LITERATURE REVIEW ----------------------------------------------------------- 6

1.7.1 KIKUYU STUDIES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------6

1.7.2 OTHER RELATED W O R K S -------------------------------------------------------------------- 8

1.8 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ----------------------------------------------- 9

1.9 METHODOLOGY -------------------------------------------------------------------- 13

2.0 KIKUYU PHONOLOGY --------------------------------------------------------------14

2.1 INTRODUCTION ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 14

2.2 PHONETIC INVENTORY ----------------------------------------------------------- 14

2.3 CONSONANTS -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 14

2.3.8 g -----------------------------------------------— --------------------------------------- 22

2.4 CONSONANT CLUSTERS---------------------------------------------------------- 31

2.6 VOWEL CLUSTERS ---------------------------------------------------------------- 40

2.6.1 PERMISSIBLE SEQUENCES --------------------------------------------------- 40

3.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN NOUNS

FORMED FROM VERBS ------------------------------------------------------------ 49

3.2 GLIDE FORMATION ----------------------------------------------------------------- 51

3.3 INSERTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 55

3.4 DELETION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 56

3.5 ASSIMILATION ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 59

3.5.1 VOWEL ASSIMILATION--------------------------------------------------------------------------- 61

3.6 DISSIMILATION ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 62

3.7 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING-------------------------------------------------64

4.0 PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN ADJECTIVES

FORMED FROM VERBS-------------- 67

4.1 INTRODUCTION -------------------------------------------------------------------- 67

4.2 GLIDE FORMATION -------------------------------------------------------------- 67

4.6 VELARIZATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 74

4.7 DISSIMILATION --------------------------------------------------------------------- 75

4.8 CONSONANT STRENGTHENING --------------------------------------------- 78

4.9 ^ AND d z --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 80

4.10 THE NC CLUSTER IN KIKUYU------------------------------------------------ 82

4.10.1 VOICELESS CONTINUANTS-------------------------------------------------------------------- 82

4.10.2 VOICED CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------------------------83

4.10.3 VOICELESS NON-CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------- 84

4.10.4 VOICED NON-CONTINUANTS--------------------------------------------------------------- 85

4.11 CONCLUSIONS --------------------------------------------------------------------- 87

(D Indication for insertion or deletion

A—>B/ — C A becomes B before C

A—B/C— A becomes B after C

A—B/C — D A becomes B between C and D

1.0 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

1.1.2 The Language

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

This study is geared towards providing a phonological analysis o f derived nouns

(x) [aata] gagata sour