HAS THE POSITION OF THE CHIEF BECOME ANACHRONISTIC IN CONTEMPORARY GHANAIAN POLITICS? Chris Abotchie Introduction The Gilianaian chief emerged as a natural leader. He was essentially the founder and, therefore, the father of the traditional state over which he pre- sides, The chief was highly respected because he was considered the most capable person to lead and speak on behalf of his people, based on his per- sonal qualities as a man of valour and wisdom, He was not only the military leader and the defender of his people against aggression, he also was the chief priest of the people, performing such rituals of sacrifice and redemp- tion as are required on ceremonial occasions. Additionally, the chief per- formed judicial, administrative, legislative, economic and cultural functions, ‘On the basis of these functions, the chief was the embodiment of the beliefs, hopes, fears and aspirations of his people. In the wake of social change, however, modern institutional mi have taken over most of these functions rendering the position of the chief merely ceremonial and, therefore, in the view of some, obsolescent. Obje The main thrust of this paper is to: Determine the origins of chieftaincy and a constitutional definition of the chief Provide a summary of the traditional functions of the chief and the rationale behind these. Illustrations will be drawn mainly from the dominant Akan, Assess the impact of social change and the contempo- rary position of the chief Appraise the debate concerning the need for the continuity or not of chieftaincy, given that most of the chief's traditional functions have been taken over by modern administrative mechanisms.170 ‘Chicfainey in Ghana: Culure, Governance and Development Definitions Several definitions have been suggested According to Arhin (1985) for example, in accordance with customar Wield authority and pe the lete as to who constitutes a chief, @ chief isa person elected or selected usage and recognized by the government to ‘form functions derived from tradition or assigned by -d area. Athin’s definition became obso- ut governmental recognition as a b; ‘central government within a specific after the 1979 constitution ruled {or Jegitimizing the chief's postion. The position ofthe ehiet vee legitimate once his/her installation followed ‘the ary law and usage’ Thus, the most tained in Articte 181 of the 1 ing from the appropriate ass became requisite applicable custom- authoritative definition of a chief 979 Constitution of Ghana is “a pe family and line elected and enstooled, enskinne accordance wi 5 as con- erson, who, hail- ‘age has been validly nominated, 'd o installed as a chief or queenmother in "th the requisite applicable customary law and usa Officially therefore, the chief isan individual, who has, in accordance with the custom- aw, been nominated, elected and enstooled as such, and whose ame for the time being appears as a chief in the nation al register Origins Asa political institution, cicftancy originated from three sources * A person became a chief by virtue of be first settlers. Histori internal migrations in s i the leader of the group of lly, during the earlier periods of external carch of suitable of people followed a particul the first to occupy the autom: and places for settlement, groups lar leader to a settlement, area. The group leader in e atic chief and the territory occupied is appropriated to his state Through conquest, a person became a chief and imposed his on the vanquished. (These conquests were Colonial tribal wars and invasions) and, and they became +h case became the authority Possible during the pre- A person could also become a chief through military (Prowess or bravery) in traditional society was appa Persons who distinguished themselves in times of ei oF in exceedingly perilous situations during asters had their names and deeds immortal are rewarded with chi Persons who be gallantry. Gallantry tuded and rewarded ises whether in wars peace time or in natural di lized in oral traditions, or they fdoms ~ the highest honor. came chiefs through any one of these avenues automati-The Position ofthe Chie in Ghanaian Socity: An Overview 171 cally transformed their families into royal lineages from which subsequent chiefs were selected, This way, the legitimacy of the chief is said to be vali- dated by a mythical charter, in the sense that a particular clan or lineage is recognized as possessing the prerogative to provide the ruler or chief based on the validity ofits claims to extraordinary achievements in the past. Centralization The institution of chieftaincy is an example of a centralized political institu: tion in Ghana. The concept of centralization refers generally to the concen. tration of political power in the hands of a single ruler (a centralized author ity) with an administrative machinery or a bureaucracy, the presence of which goes to “indicate the existence and working of a government” (Assimeng, 1981: 89) a government, which in the words of Radcliffe-Brown (1961:xiv) deals with ‘he maintenance and establishment of social order, within a ter- Trial framework, by the organized exercise of coercive authority, through the use, or the possibility of the use of physical force” Functions As the founder and father of the land, the chief performed military, religious, judicial, administrative, legislative, economic and cultural functions Although the chief played different roles in these respective capacities, all of these functions are directed towards achieving one goal, namely, the mainte- hance of law and order so that peace and progress would reign Military functions Unlike kings and presidents in modern day nation states who in times of eri- sis (such as wars) ordered their armies into battle and sat in the comfort of their homes sipping champagne and watching the battle unfold on television, the chief in traditional Ghanaian societies physically led his people in war and became the primary target for the enemy, since his capture meant the sur. render of his military forces. Among the Akan, exemplified by the Akimn Kotoku, there are five principal divisions of the military. These included the Benkum, Adonten, Nifa, Kronti and Gyase each of which was commanded by @ wing chief whose capture led to the surrender of his forces. The chief is thus said to represent the society's continuity and permanence172. chictaney in Gana: Cute, Governance and Development Religious functions As the person who sits on the ancestral stool, the tant of the beliefs, hopes, fears and aspiration this person is considered s; of his people. The sacredn that he is scarcely chief is cons 1s of sacred and he becomes, auto ls of the chief's person fi seen in public except on very impor Since one of the important responsibilities of th his people. Consequently, omatically, the chief priest inds expression in the fact lant state occasions, he chief is to maintain a , his religious functions nportant festive occasions such a he Akwasidae, Wukudae and Odwira fest among the Akan, for example, Vals: On these occasions, the chiet performs rie, to cleanse the blackened anols believed to be the original stools upon whieh the first chief in line sat) and pa clsit the assistance ofthe ancestral forces fox the peace, prosperity and progress of the individual andthe state. The chief's religious obligation, manne to Nakunya (1992:70) “places serious tabree on him to enable him ‘maintain his ritual purity” A predominant activity of the chic Iudicial functions. These include, bring reconciliation among, implies ultimately, that the utes and prevention of crimes, In traditional societies, Naan’ is an act which offends the strong and defi- nite dispositions of the collective Consciousness, and is harmful to the gods his collective consciousness is enshrined in the laws of public and private delicts. The private deli deal with the behavior of the individual within hi ‘ad deals with violations of are designated as things hateful to the is family. The lineage he these delicts. The laws of public deliets gods and they include chief include, the death h penalty, removal Public offic exile, imposition of fines |172 (Chieaiocy in Gana: Culture, Governance and Development Religious functions iment Peton who sis on the ancestral soo, the cies considered the embod- this pena beliefs hopes, fears and aspirations of his people, Consequently, this person is considered sacred and he becomes, automatically, the chief priest tush People, The sacredness of the chiefs person finds express the fact tha hei Searcely seen in public except on very important coe occasions ce One of the important responsibilities of the chief is to maintain a link between his people and the ancestral spi include performing elaborate rituals on importa among the Akan, for example, the vals. On these occasions, the chief Stools (believed to be the original st 80 as to solicit the assistance of the and progress of the individual and t according to Nukunya (1992 ‘maintain his ritual purity” nt festive occasions such as, Alwasidae, Wukudae and Odwira festi. Performs rituals to cleanse the blackened ‘ools upon which the frst chief in line sat) ancestral forees for the peace, prosperity he state. The chief's religious obligation, 70) “places serious taboos on him to enable him Judicial functions A predominant activity of the cl judicial functions, These include, bring reconciliation among, and between, men and the implies ultimately, that the chief's utes and prevention of crimes, In traditional societies, crim nite dispositions of the This collective consciou hief in traditional society derives from his + according to Assimeng (1981), the need to Piritual forces. This Judicial role includes the settlement of dis. ne is an act which offends the strong and defi- collective consciousness, and is harmful to the gods, css is enshrined in the laws of public and private slits, The private delicts are prohibitions, which deal with the behavior of the individual within his family. The lineage head deals with violations of these delicts. The laws of public delicts are designated as things hateful to the gods and they include murder (including suicide) adultery, stealing, certain forms of abuse, incest, witchcraft, treason, rape assault, the invocation of a thea bon the chief, violation of taboos and sorcery. All transgressions of these laws are tried by the chief's court This court ie constituted by the chief and his councilors who are usually heads of clans ‘The punishments available to the chief include, the death penalty, from office, disqualification to hold public office, exile, and ostracism, removal imposition of finesThe Postion ofthe Chie nGhanaian Society: An Overview Administrative functions In the general administration of his state, the chief seeks and obtains counsel from his traditional council. In this sense, the Ghanaian chief is not an auto- rat. The oath of office that the chief swears during his installation includes a declaration that he will never act contrary to the advice given him by the traditional council. Failure to conform to this oath constitutes grounds for his destoolment. Among the Akan, according to Assimeng (1981), the chief's administra- tive staff includes the following elders who are traditionally regarded as the inner cabinet: the asafohene, krontihene, asafoakye, gyasehene asafosipi, three linguists and the queenmother. In addition there are other elders described by Field (1960) as ‘without portfolio” who are occasionally con- sulted on the basis of their experience. Legislative functions ‘The chief performs both the administrative and legislative functions through the Traditional Council. As head of the Council, the chief presides at its meet ings to take decisions affecting the state, such as land tenure, customary mar- Hage, tributes, trade, sanctions, communal labor, ete. These decisions become customary laws. The clan heads, as members of the Traditional Council, act as interpreters of the customary laws to their clans men. Apart from the Council members, the chief utilizes the town crier, otherwise known as the gong-beater to com- municate policy decisions. The town crier usually beats the gong in strategi- cally located neighborhoods to announce decisions and injunctions; to issue reminders and invitations to communal activity; and to outline new sanctions and prohibitions, Economic functions ‘The chief contributs to the economic development of his state by mobilizing his people for communal labor. In the pre-colonial times, the chief also con- tributed to the prosperity of his stool through the retention of monopolies of certain scarce commodities such as gunpowder and gold and through taxation and the collection of tributes. The chief also derived funds what Assimeng (1981) called ‘death duties’ under which a certain percentage of the property of an elder who dies is appropriated to the stool, Funds also for the stool from174 Chictainey in Ghana: Cukure, Goverance end Development accrued from fines imposed by the courts. Royalty, levies on gold and other Ihinerals resources and war booties also traditionally increased the wealth cf the state. Further, there was trading in gold and cola nuts, slaves, livestock ad shea butter between the southern and northern parts of the country. The incomes derived from these activities were used in granting hospitality according fo Assimeng (1981) and in buying war materials to equip and mai. tain the army. It was also used for the upkeep of the palace and the mainte. Rane ofthe stool regalia. Misappropriation of stool funds was, and stills. « Serious offence and constituted grounds for the destoolment of a chief Cultural Functions tw c sent ‘that which is refined, sophisticated or beauti- ful’ or ‘bush’ person is said to be ‘uncul- {red while a cultured person is one with refined and well cultivated habits Who is given to listening to classical music such as these of Bach or Beethoven, instead of pop musi embodying the cultural heritage of his people and the chief's come an avenue through which this heritage is transmitted Traditionally, the selection of the Ghanaian chief was associated with all that was refined and noble; namely, moral uprightness, wisdom, comeliness, Valour, fair speech, and other noble attributes cherished by Ghanaian society, Ifa potential candidate for the stool did not possess these qualities, he was ‘most likely to be ignored in favour of another. The chief was the symbol of sity and authority. He was also the symbol of society's continuity and per- seanne®. His stool was the embodiment of the value beliefs, hopes, fees end tore uions of the people. He was thus, looked upon as perpetuating the eus- {Oms and traditions of the people. Chiefs were useful agents of soviaiztien since they were the transmitters of heritage AS a person, the chief is considered as Impact of Social Change Significant changes took place in the functions ofthe chief Inthe wake of Poth colonialism and the political independence of Ghana, most ofthe chek, functions were taken over largely by new and modernized institutions. However, some of the functions, such as the religious and the cultured have tended to persist"he Postion ofthe Chief inGhansisn Society: An Overview M8 Weusils the mibitary functions, with the taking over of the adminis- Bi wl the Gold Coast by the British and the consequent cessation of Ho! wos. there was no longer the necessity for chiefs to retain arenen Wi eon thatthe chiet no longer had the need to perform hie traditional ler. When independent Ghana established its own fititie! sued forces, (the army, navy and air force) which were responsi, pt forthe defence of the entire nation, no room was now left far separate > Wliivval nultary organizations and chiefs to displ Waty capacity, The loss of the military functions m wi ww inilitary lay their traditional mil- reant that two important, vin ihr @cendaney to chiefship were removed; namely, military gal- Ns lish was rewarded with a chiefdom; and secondly, military con. {West wich made the victor the ruler over the vanquished. Just as the lin, RiP hel the chief retained his position as the head of his state (that i hig Mwwlutonal arca) but this headship became more ceremonial than executive uh the promulgation of the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance of 1883 by ihe culonial authorities, the judicial powers of the traditional rulers were iluiled. “The power of life and death was taken from them,” noted Wusuunicy (1964) according to whom “the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance nllwsed the chiefs to pass by-laws on 15 subjects and inflict fines up to five wails and two sheep, or one month’s imprisonment; and in civil uit, te Ibi cases up to twenty-five pounds and fifty pounds in succession suite {Amcnumey, 1964:235). The chief's powers were further eurtailed after \mlependence when the judicial service was expanded and Hig! Courts, Moxistrate’s courts and tribunals were established in the Re ‘gions and Distriets thro ‘out the country. The chief, from now on, is mostly an arbi- ‘tor in minor domestic disputes, which, can be settled out of court the chief's administrative and legislative functions gradually disap- peared under the colonial administration and the parliamentary system of Werument introduced after independence. Although the chief continued '0 preside over Traditional Council meeting: , which enacted customary laws, these laws, were largely superseded by the constitution and other laws cmcied from time to time by Parliament. And with the emergence of the sew three-tier local government structure (Regional Coordinating Councils, District Assemblies and Town Area Councils and Unit Committees during the PNDC regime, the chiefs became mere interpreters and enforcers ve customary laws. Under the PNDC gime, these customary laws were even publect to critical debate by local Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), which sometimes referred them directly to the chiefsi 176 Chiefsiny in Gana: Cure, Governance and Developmen for amendment, and subsequently to the District Assemblies. ‘The traditional sources of the chiefs economic power are no longer avail- able to him. In contemporary Gl taxes on their subjects (for this is the responsibility of Parliament) or collect tributes since they no long ina, chief can no longer legally impose held sovereign power over subjects other than their own people. Neither are there any longer war booties for seizure, since the tribal wars have ended. Nor do chiefs any longer hold any monopolies vices in the wake of state and private ownership of the ‘means of production and distribution in the modern economy. Further, “with over goods or the chief's control and administration of stool lands taken away, the econom- ic basis of their power has further whittled down.” (Assimeng, 1981:110). ‘These stool lands are subject to appropriation by the central g when required for national development. Chiefs now earn salaries from the central government and can, or are indeed, easily outstripped in monetary income by their own subjects; namely, the new power elite who, in compari- son to their chiefs, “command more social and economic respectability in especially the urban communities” in the words of Assimeng (1981:109) The only traditional role largely retained by the chief has been h gious functions. This has largely been the result of the persistence of tradi- vernment s reli- tional religious beliefs and practices in spite of conversions to Christianity. Thus, as the occupant of the traditional stool, the chief is still regarded by his, people as the high priest; namely, the most effective intermediary between them and the ancestral spirits and deities. ‘Thus, in spite of their education and Christianity, most chiefs continue to perform traditional customary rituals on important festive occasions. Among the Akan, these occasions include Akwasidae, Odwira and Wiskudae, and among the Ga, Homowo, while the Ewe chief features predominantly in the Hogbetsotso festival. Chiefs of other ethnic groups performed similar rituals to invoke the blessings of the ancestral spirits and the gods for the security and progress of both individuals and their state. It should be noted however that the persistence of this traditional religious function is currently increas: ingly being threatened by the rise of charismatic Christianity through which some Christian chiefs are reportedly being born again and have become less disposed towards favourably participating in these rituals. Because of the persistence of the traditional criteria for the nomination, selection and enstoolment of chiefs, and the retention by the chief of much of the traditional paraphernalia and the customs regulating his appearance in public, he has continued to be regarded as the repository of the traditionalThe Position ofthe Chie in Ghanaian Society: An Overview Gultural heritage by virtue of which the chief has remained an important ‘uent of the transmission of traditional culture. With the erosion of much of the chief's traditional functions, the question ‘fen asked by critical observers is whether chieftaincy is an anachronism in contemporary Ghanaian society. In other words, given that the chief no longer performs most of his traditional functions, does Ghana have any more need to retain chiefs? The question is debatable, given that various reasons have been suggested for and against. Assimeng who has commented at length on the issue observes: Chieftaincy, like so many other institutions of the country, has been under- boing a series of changes for a very long time now, The first blow to it came Irom the colonial rule which undermined the power and authority of the chief. Through Lord Lugard’s policy of indirect rule, effective authority was luken away from traditional rulers, although ostensibly they have remained rulers. Warfare, for instance, is no more the concern of local chiefdoms, and the rise of Christianity and Islam has undermined the spiritual position of the chief. Education has given rise to the emergence of new men, a new power clite which commands more social and economic respectability in especially the urban communities... Modern notions of republicanism, and revolts ‘against supposed feudalism and obscurantism, have served as a challenge to the idea of some people being born to rule. Add to this, the humiliation which chiefs have suffered and continue to suffer, at the hands of politicians, some of whom actually put into practice, a pledge that that chiefs would one day run away and leave their sandals behind (1981:109-110) It would seem that the main argument underlying the anachronism of chieftaincy hinges predominantly on the reduction of the effective authority of chiefs in the wake of several institutional changes initiated by both the colonial authorities and post independence social control mechanisms. However, there are other disaffections for the institution. For example, as observed by Assimeng (1981), the attitude which most Ghanaians have of chicftaincy as it is today hinges on the perennial time- and money-wasting litigations that often centre on conflicts over stools and skins. Chieftaincy, however minimal or powerful its power structure, is often regarded in some circles as a conservative, and even a counter-revolutionary force which is believed to be a hindrance in nation building and healthy social development. The framework within which chiefs operate is said to be archa- ic and obsolete, while others regard the traditional system of operation as inefficient and therefore dispensable (1981:109)178 chietsincy in Ghana: Culture, Governance and Development Busia,(1951) who was a royalist himself, although not advocating outright abolition of the institution, observed, in his study of the position of the chief in the modern political system of Ashanti, that the chieftaincy institution har- ours an enormous amount of corruption and dirt! Ghanaian chiefs have not been unaware of the trends in the fortunes of their institution. The various shades of public opinion both written and oral, range, according to Assimeng, (1981:110) from “the most conservative demand for the restoration to the chiefs of their former pristine powers by which political administrativ tive, judicial military and cultural and spiritual functions were all rolled into ne in the hands of traditional rulers, on the one hand, to the revolutionary view which advo -s the abolition of chieftaincy in the present and future governmental administrative set up, on the other: Restoration or Abolition of Chieftaincy, What Should Be Done? The persisting sociological notion is that, because Ghana is still a nation in transition from traditionalism to modernity, which means that there is a grad- ual emergence of Ghanaians from traditional beliefs of their ‘enlightenment’ through the modern educational process, as a conse- quence, the people have begun to appreciate and accept the rational princi- ples of bureaucratic administration. The result is that the people's loyalties are torn between allegiance to the traditional or to modern political adminis- tration But the transformation is slow and traditionalism has persisted given that the larger majority of Ghanaians (about 60%) live in traditional society. The predominance of traditionalism means that the worldview of the majority of Ghanaians is still dominated by traditional beliefs. This is a worldview that Jooks on the chief as the founder and father of the people. In his absence, an unfixable vacuum would be created, Thus the utility of retaining the position of the chief should find support in the argument that Ghanaians are predom inantly traditional and still look up to their chiefs for | 1d practices as a result \dership. It is in this sense that in the traditional societies chiefs naturally act as interpreters of government policies to their people, and have thus remained an important link between their subjects and the government. As the La Mantse, quoted by Assimeng (1981:110) has said “the influence of the chief so permeates the whole fabric of social life in the rural communities that if only a purposefulThe Position ofthe Chief inGhansian Society: An Overview 179) effort had been made in the past to reshape the institution to gi outlook, chieftaincy would have played a more useful role in the life of the nation.” a modern summary The main issues highlighted in this paper include the following: Chieftainey in Ghana is basically a centralized political system, of which the Ashanti sys- tem is an illustrative model. A person originally assumed the position of a chief by reason of being the leader of the first group of settlers, or being the leader of a victorious invading force, or was made a chief as a reward for mi itary gallantry. Chieftaincy became hereditary and the person who ascended to the position had to be nominated, elected or selected form the appropriate royal lineage and enstooled, enskinned as a chief or a queenmother according, to tradition, Traditionally, the chief's main functions included military, reli- gious, judicia Asares pendence, most of these traditional functions have been taken over by mod- em administrative institutions. Based on the fact that most of his traditional functions are no longer performed by the chief, the chief's position has been rendered redundant. There have been calls con- sequently, that the position should either be abolished or there should be restored to the status quo ante. Sociologists who have mainly countered the views of the protagonists have strom is still predominantly traditional in spite of the transition to modernity via urbanization. Given, according Nukunya (1992) that 43.8% only of the pop- ulation is urbanized, the remaining 56.2%, which is predominantly tradition- Al, still looks upon their chiefS as performing important ritual funetions by ensuring that the people’s relationship with the ancestral forces promotes peace, prosperity and progress. Further, contemporary governments rely on chiefs as important links between them and the people in the rural ar have utilized the offices of the chiefs to explain important policies to the peo- ple. The general feeling, hov afford chiefs the opportunity to play an effective role in national develop- iment. There is a need, therefore, for the redefinition of the roles that a chief can play to make him an integral part of the modern developmental process. 1, administrative, legislative, economic and cultural functions. It of social change mainly. brought about by colonialism and inde- is strongly suggested 1! suggested that the Ghanaian society s, and er, is that these residual functions do not180 Chieftaine in Ghana: Culture, Govemance and Development Concluding Remarks The main purpose of this paper is that it draws attention to the basic dilem- ‘ma facing the institution of chieftaincy, namely, the fact that the institution has lost most of its traditional executive functions and is currently merely ceremonial. Ghanaian chiefs have themselves acknowledged their current declined position and are anxious to find an appropriate redefinition of their role within national development. As lamented by Nana Wercko-Ampem II in his opening remarks during the international conference on Chieftaincy in Africa in Acera (at which this paper was presented), “at the district levels, chiefs have been marginalized to the extent that their contribution is very small.” For chieftaincy to remain relevant, he said, the basic principles of good governance and development programmes need to be integrated with the institution, There is a need therefore to define the role that chiefs should play in the developing world. This latter view was re-echoed by Mr. JH Mensah, the Senior Minister in the current NPP government, who, represent- ing the Ghanaian President, Mr. Kuffuor at this conference, observed that in order to restore the utility of chieftaincy, “we should apply our minds assidu- ously to reshaping the institution for today’s world”, To initiate the move towards the redefinition of the functions of the chief in order to integrate them in the current national developmental process, this writer strongly suggests the following: * Chiefs should be made automatic members of local government administrative mechanisms at Regional, district and town levels. In ‘other words, itis strongly recommended that they should have auto- ‘matic representation on the current three-tier local government stru » namely, on Regional Coordinating Councils, District Assemblies and on Town Area Councils and Unit Committees. The representation of chiefs on these structures will afford them the opportunity of pat- ticipating in dis using at the local level, the perceived needs of the people, This way, they would, together with the Assemblymen and the people, take ownership of policy initiatives and b menting them committed to imple- * Asan important corollary to the participation of chiefs in these organs of local government, the call by the La Mantse Nii Kwakwranya II that “there should be an attempt to get all occupants of stools and skins in the country to be formally educated” (Assimeng, 1981:110) is strong- ly supported. We recommend that this attempt be initiated by thethe Position of the Chief inGianaian Society: An Overview 181 National House of Chiefs, with the support of the government, «+ In keeping with the modernizing trends, it would be psychologically ‘useful, to re-designate the title “Chief” to “Mayo tate the occupants of these positions to a new perception of themselv new mental attitudes and a new focus. «Further, the call by the La Mantse for the modernization of all existing customary practices and the abolition of those that are not in conso~ hance with civilized life in a modern community or health, social and ‘moral development, is also strongly recommended. so as to re-oriet Bibliography [Abotchie, C., 1997. Social Control in Traditional Southern Eweland of Ghana ‘Relevance for Modern Crime Prevention. Accra; GUP. Amenumey D.E.K., 1964. The Ewe People and the Coming of European Rule 1850-1914, (unpublished MA Thesis, University of London), ‘Athin A.K., 1985. 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