Bongo David

G24D4172

Tutor: Mutsawashe Chuma

Lecturer: Craig Paterson

Assignment 1: The Significance of Mapungubwe in African History

PLAGIARISM DECLARATION

This assignment is my own work. I have not ‘rehashed’ previously submitted work to this (or
any other) course as this would be deemed asself-plagiarism.
I understand that I am liable to lose my DP if I plagiarise and that will be reflected on my
academic transcript.

Prior to the late 1970s, Mapungubwe was regarded as a lower-order settlement under Great
Zimbabwe, having been discovered in 1931. As from the onset of the 1980s, Mapungubwe
emerged as the birthplace of Zimbabwe culture, with Great Zimbabwe emerging as a result of
the existence and fall of Mapungubwe.1 Huffman argues that the Mapungubwe society is
comparable to other centers of complex society because of a combination of wealth and
population increase within the boundaries of the region. 2 The essay below will utilize
Huffman and other authors to strengthen the argument of Mapungubwe being the cornerstone
of cultural development in African societies of antiquity, as well as an exemplification of an
early form of pre-colonial cultural and social complexity in Africa, by looking at aspects such
as social and political hierarchy , as well as trade.

A number of activities in the Mapungubwe society were significant to its economic and
popularity growth, one of which being trade on the West and East Coast. Between AD 700
and 1200, there is evidence of contact between the Southern African Region and regions
outside of Africa. This example of peer-polity occurred during the Iron Age, a term used to
refer to a cultural system defined by various things such as the use of iron for a variety of
purposes, the construction of semi-permanent villages, the production of ceramic vessels with

1
Munyaradzi Manyanga and Shedreck Chirikure, “The Mapungubwe-Great Zimbabwe Relationship in history
“Goodwin series 12, (2019) 72.
2
Thomas Huffman, “ Mapungubwe and the origins of the Zimbabwe culture” Goodwin series 8, (2000) 27.
similar decorations prior to the year 1000 AD, and an economy dependent on domestic
animal husbandry and agriculture. A new feature of the economy appeared after
approximately AD 700 in the form of involvement in external networks of
trade.3Archeological evidence retrieved from excavations on the historical site, indicate the
active participation of the inhabitants of the society of antiquity, in trade. Three "royal"
burials on Mapungubwe Hill were discovered during excavations conducted between 1933
and 1940. Among the artifacts discovered were gold bangles, funerary antiques, and glass
beads that were imported.4 The situation of Mapungubwe was highly favorable for trade, due
to its central position nestled at the confluence of the Limpopo and Shashe rivers. Old camel
caravan routes led to Egypt and the Mediterranean trade, while the Limpopo River connected
it to the east coast of Africa, where monsoon-based trade extended as far as China. Moreover,
trade along the west coast of Africa could be reached from the hinterland via Botswana and
Angola, where Portuguese traders transacted in European beads.5 Certain areas of the sub-
region saw the emergence of new political, social, and economic organizations as soon as
evidence for foreign trade became visible.6 The evidence of participation in trade of pre-
colonial African societies, dispels the Eurocentric ideologies on the assumption that Africans
were only assisted into civilization by colonialism. This amongst various other aspects
indicates the economic and social inclination of pre-colonial African societies. According to
Huffman7 A number of internal changes affecting the economy, social structure, ideology,
religion, and settlement patterns were sparked by the enormous income from long-distance
trade and a growth in population.

Mapungubwe had a distinct social organization, Zimbabwean society was divided into two
socioeconomic classes, nobles and commoners, this can be extrapolated from anthropological
and archaeological evidence. An elite group with established rights, obligations, and
standards of conduct was referred to as the noble class. A unified bureaucratic upper class,
isolated by wealth, prestige, and political influence, was developed by senior families from
various cultural backgrounds. The access to wealth, status, and power was not the same for

3
G Pwiti, “Trade and Economics in Southern Africa: The Archaeological Evidence” Zambezia, (1991) 119.
4
Linda Prinsloo and Philippe Colomban, “A Raman Spectroscopic study of Mapungubwe oblates: glass trade
beads excavated at an Iron Age archeological site in South Africa.” Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, (2008)79.
5
Linda Prinsloo, “A Raman Spectroscopic study of Mapungubwe oblates” Journal of Raman Spectroscopy,
(2008)79.
6
G Pwiti, “Trade and Economics in Southern Africa: The Archaeological Evidence” Zambezia, (1991)125.
7
Thomas Huffman, “ Mapungubwe and the origins of the Zimbabwe culture” Goodwin series 8, (2000)14.
commoners. Nobility established equal marriage partnerships by offering and accepting
daughters from the same households. Conversely, commoners formed asymmetrical alliances.
Because of the way this marriage system reorganized family ties, elites were able to construct
their own group apart from the common people. As a result of this restructuring, there was a
civil contradiction because the upper class held political power. 8 Mapungubwe was arranged
geographically to represent contrasts in status. The hilltop was exclusively inhabited by elites,
because of the hill's steep sides and restricted access to the peak, the ruling class had much-
needed security.9 In the valleys, residences for common people were frequently built a
reasonable distance apart. What archaeologists refer to as the central cattle pattern or
Zimbabwe Pattern distinguishes both residential types.10 In southern Africa, elite homes
marked the transition from more heterarchical to hierarchical social structures. At
Mapungubwe, the top of the hill was reserved for a select few members of the community,
while livestock and most people resided below it. Refined ceramics in a variety of shapes and
styles, gold beads and wire bracelets, iron and copper artefacts, and trade beads are among
the archaeological discoveries unearthed from the noble residences. At the top of the hill were
elaborately decorated elite graves, while a flexed burial position was customary in the central
cattle pattern, high-status individuals were frequently buried sitting upright. The three
persons buried on Mapungubwe Hill were therefore rulers, as evidenced by their
upright position and gold ornaments, and the items they were buried with, show the vast
wealth that the ruling class controlled. 11 The most attractive property was on the hilltop. 12
Commoner homes, on the other hand, were distinguished by mud on wood frames, frequently
enclosed by a wooden and occasionally stone wall. Archeologists find it difficult to
differentiate between the location of residential areas and livestock corals because homes
were frequently situated next to them. The majority of the archaeological artefacts found at
these sites are utilitarian ceramics, which are of lower quality than those found at homes
positioned on hillsides.13The vast difference between the location and quality of residential

8
Thomas Huffman, “ Mapungubwe” Goodwin series 8, (2000)14.
9
Kim Nam and Chaphuruka Kusimba,” Pathways to Social complexity and state formation in the Southern
Zambezian Region.”African Archaeological Review 25,(2008)140.
10
Kim Nam,” Pathways to Social complexity. “African Archaeological Review 25,(2008)140.
11
Thomas Huffman, “ Mapungubwe and the origins of the Zimbabwe culture” Goodwin series 8, (2000)21.
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid.
areas , of nobbles and commoners, amongst other things, indicates a difference in status and
wealth between the two socio-economic classes.

An example of the division in wealth and status can be seen through the Zhizo settlement,
Schroder. It was the largest and most important settlement in the area, it’s political
significance and social position was indicated by its size. Due to the unequal distribution of
income, settlement size and political influence were correlated in Southern Africa in the
recent past. By acquiring more cattle than anyone else through death duties, court fines,
forfeits, tributes, raids, and the high bride price of his daughters, the senior leader was
typically the wealthiest person in the nation he led. Due to his affluence, the senior leader
received the greatest settlement because he had more wives, more fields, more followers, and
more court officials. This demonstrates how important individuals in their society were
housed in larger communities and had greater privileges.14

From the above, one can conclude that Mapungubwe played an integral role in setting the
social, political and economic foundations for development in societies that superseded it,
such as Great Zimbabwe. The societies that followed after the fall of Mapungubwe, may have
adopted these social and cultural concepts and integrated the systems into their newly
established societies, The Shashe-Limpopo Valley's settlement sequence offers a model for
identifying the historical adoption of new social structures. The ways of living of the
inhabitants of Mapungubwe signified cultural and social complexity, through the
interconnected role of wealth and population growth.

14
Thomas Huffman, “ Mapungubwe and the origins of the Zimbabwe culture” Goodwin series 8, (2000)17.
 Bibliography

1. Huffman, Thomas. 2000. “Mapungubwe and the origins of the Zimbabwe Culture.” Goodwin
series 14-29.

2. Manyanga, Munyaradzi and Chirikure, Shedreck. 2019. “The Mapungubwe-Great Zimbabwe

Relationship in history.” Goodwin Series 72-84.

3. Nam, C and Kusimba, M. 2008. “Pathways to Social Complexity and state formation in the
Southern Zambezian Region.” African Archeological Review 131-152.

4. L, Prinsloo. n.d.

5. Prinsloo, Linda and Colomban, Philippe. 2008. “A Raman Spectroscopy study of

Mapungubwe oblates: glass trade beads excavated at an iron age archeological site in South
Africa.” Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 79-90.

6. Pwiti, G. 1991. “Trade and economics in South Africa: The Archaeological Evidence.”
Zambezia 119-129.