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 VILFREDO PARETO:
AN INTELLECTUAL BIOGRAPHY
VOLUME II
THE ILLUSIONS AND DISILLUSIONS
OF LIBERTY (1891–1898)
Fiorenzo Mornati

PALGRAVE STUDIES IN THE

HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT
 Palgrave Studies in the History
of Economic Thought

Series Editors
Avi J. Cohen
Department of Economics
York University & University of Toronto
Toronto, ON, Canada

G. C. Harcourt
School of Economics
University of New South Wales
Sydney, NSW, Australia

Peter Kriesler
School of Economics
University of New South Wales
Sydney, NSW, Australia

Jan Toporowski
Economics Department
SOAS, University of London
London, UK
Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought publishes contri-
butions by leading scholars, illuminating key events, theories and
individuals that have had a lasting impact on the development of modern-
day economics. The topics covered include the development of economies,
institutions and theories.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14585
 Fiorenzo Mornati

Vilfredo Pareto:
An Intellectual
Biography Volume II
The Illusions and Disillusions
of Liberty (1891–1898)

Translated by John Paul Wilson

Fiorenzo Mornati
Department of Economics and Statistics
University of Turin
Turin, Italy

Translated by John Paul Wilson

Milano, Italy

Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought

ISBN 978-3-030-04539-5    ISBN 978-3-030-04540-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04540-1

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 Preface

In this second volume of the trilogy, we will turn our attention to the
early stages of Pareto’s professional academic and, more particularly, sci-
entific activities.
The starting point will be a reconstruction of his key relations with the
University of Lausanne, in as much detail and in as fully documented a
manner as possible. This will be followed by an examination of the ongo-
ing observations Pareto made regarding political events in Italy and in
Switzerland between the years of 1891 and 1898. Having thus outlined
the issues which stimulated and fostered Pareto’s thinking, we will trace
the evolution of this latter, once again supplying detailed analysis and
with the support of documentary evidence, while systematically high-
lighting continuities with themes appearing in the previous volume of
the trilogy. We will investigate all aspects of his thinking on economics,
following what appears to be the most logical sequence, passing from
pure economics to the concept of general economic equilibrium, the eco-
nomics of well-being, international trade and the money, the economic
theory of socialism and the statistics, together with all the other topics in
applied economics which occupied Pareto’s attention, such as the demo-
graphic question, the public finance, the functional distribution of wealth
and the recurrence of economic crises.

v
vi Preface

Thereafter we will identify the early elements which later would be

developed, during the period covered in the next volume, into Pareto’s
groundbreaking system of sociological and political ideas. We will end
with an overview of immediate reactions in Italy and abroad to the pub-
lication of his first major work, the Cours d’économie politique (Course in
political economy), and to his first original theory, the law of income
distribution.
Our treatment of these various themes will progressively reveal our
interpretation of Pareto’s intellectual biography over this period, where
the heights of his enthusiasm for liberal and free-trade ideas appear to
give way to a rapid disillusion which led him to pursue his intellectual
work for the love of science alone.
We have made very selective use of sources in the field of Pareto stud-
ies, simply in order to clarify certain aspects of his life and thought. This
is due mainly to the enormous dimensions these materials have attained
in recent years, together with the fact that Pareto’s name appears increas-
ingly to perform simply a tutelary function, while the person and his
authentic ideas become more and more obscure.
We have likewise sought to provide formal demonstrations which,
while as complete as possible, are also adapted to a very broad readership.

Turin, Italy Fiorenzo Mornati

 Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Roberto Marchionatti for the long discussions on

the various aspects of Pareto’s thinking covered in this book, as well as (in
alphabetical order) the Archives Cantonales Vaudoises (Vaud Cantonal
Archives) in Lausanne, the Archives de la Commune de Lausanne
(Lausanne Municipal Archives), the Banca Popolare di Sondrio (Popular
Bank of Sondrio), custodian of the Vilfredo Pareto archive held at the
Luigi Credaro library in Sondrio, together with Piercarlo Della Ferrera,
the chief archivist, for their patient support. Lastly, I must also express
my gratitude to Luisa Giacoma, lecturer at the University of Turin, for
her very helpful translations of German-language texts.

vii
 Contents

1 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne  1

2 Pareto as a Critical Observer of the Italian and Swiss

Political Scenes 41

3 Pure Economics 93

4 General Economic Equilibrium129

5 The Economics of Welfare141

6 From Free-Trade Propaganda to the Theory of

International Trade157

7 The Money181

8 Other Topics in Applied Economics201

9 The Economic Theory of Socialism221

ix
x Contents

10 The Law of Income Distribution and Various Statistical

Complements237

11 Initial Development of a New Sociology261

12 Further General Reflections on Politics273

13 Early Critical Reactions to Pareto285

Epilogue311

Index315
 List of Tables

Table 1.1 Pareto’s fiscal situation 7

Table 10.1 Earnings in Saxony for 1890 241
Table 10.2 Effective income earners and theoretical income earners in
Saxony for 1890 243
Table 10.3 First table of incomes distribution rearranged by Pareto 244
Table 10.4 First table to calculate the α coefficient 245
Table 10.5 Second table to calculate the α coefficient 246
Table 10.6 Comparison between original and calculated data 247
Table 10.7 A series of α coefficient 247
Table 10.8 First table for estimating the Chebyshev formula 253

xi
 1
Relations between Pareto
and the University of Lausanne

Pareto began his career as a university professor in Lausanne exactly three

years after his unfortunate enforced departure from the management of the
ironworks. This swift transformation was largely down to chance but was also
due to Pareto’s determination to seize any welcome opportunity for work, as
well as to the new intellectual skills he had acquired in the meantime.
Following his resignation, pending new opportunities in management
which appear not to have materialised, Pareto pursued his work in ama-
teur journalism, maintaining his former spirit of minority liberal activ-
ism, as we will see in some detail in Chap. 2. Pareto’s interest for pure
economics seems to have been sparked by his fortuitous contacts with
Pantaleoni together with their shared passion for radical liberalism, both
political and economic. Through Pantaleoni, Pareto duly made contact
with Walras and thereafter decided to devote himself systematically to
mathematical economics, which initially had represented for him simply
an original method of consolidating free-trade theories. His early publi-
cations in this field drew the attention of Walras, who had decided to
retire from teaching but had been unable, despite all his efforts, to find a
worthy successor, and who therefore resolved, urged by Pantaleoni, to
support Pareto’s candidacy.

© The Author(s) 2018 1

F. Mornati, Vilfredo Pareto: An Intellectual Biography Volume II,
Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04540-1_1
2 F. Mornati

We are able to reconstruct many of the phases of the complex official

relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne,1 corresponding
to the periods of his first contacts (Sect. 1.1), of his appointment (Sect.
1.2), of his succession (Sect. 1.3), of his role in the foundation of the
École des Sciences Sociales (School of Social Sciences) (Sect. 1.4), of his
teaching activities in political economy (Sect. 1.5) and of the history of
the institution itself in that period (Sect. 1.6).

1.1 First Contacts

In reply to a letter of homage written by Pareto, on the 15th of October
1892, Walras, who recognised his own limitations in regard to “formal
analysis”, expressed his hope that Pareto himself might be able to re-­
establish his own economic theories on a more advanced mathematical
basis, referring to recent articles by Pareto2 representing what Walras con-
sidered to be “the most serious and the most gifted work on questions
relating to mathematical political economy”. On the same occasion
Walras informed Pareto of his decision to stop teaching and to request
early retirement on grounds of ill-health.3
On the 23rd of October, Pareto thanked Pantaleoni, to whom he had
sent Walras’ letter,4 for having contemplated him as successor, adding,
however, that he considered himself to be “too little known to be cho-
sen”.5 In any case, on the following 3rd of November, Pantaleoni informed
Walras of his intention to insist with Pareto, whom he considered “the
person best-equipped to be able continue the tradition” which Walras
had initiated,6 that he should put himself forward as candidate. Walras
replied immediately that he too had Pareto in mind7 and that he intended
to ask the government of the canton to appoint an extraordinary profes-
sor for two courses (in pure and applied economics) to be taught directly
in the current academic year, in the hope that thereafter he could be
offered a chair definitively, stating that he would support “Mr. Pareto in
every way within [his] power to conclude these arrangements”.8
On the 7th of November9 Pareto confided to Pantaleoni that “if the
thing could be achieved, it would be a great honour” for him. However,
he needed to “find a way…. to accept this much-desired post” while
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 3

avoiding “grave consequences” in Italy.10 Thus, he answered Walras that it

would be “a very great honour” for him to be called to give courses in
Lausanne but that he could not come immediately, partly due to existing
commitments11 and partly because, were the trial period in Lausanne not
to lead to a definitive appointment, he would have to “organise things in
such a way as not to entirely forsake [his] activities [in Italy], so as to be
in a position to take them up again on [his] return”.12
In any case, on the 14th of November, Pareto assured Walras that, if he
were to be appointed in Lausanne, he would settle there “for good”,
because he was now convinced that the battle for free trade was lost in
Italy and consequently it would be preferable for him to dedicate himself
to the study of science. Lastly, he was confident that “[his] teaching would
meet with success” because “all the people who had heard [him] speaking
in public in French had told [him] that [his] diction was clear and easy to
follow”.13 Pareto added that he was interested in the opportunity in
Lausanne because the Italian government had prohibited him from giv-
ing courses in public, so this would allow him to “expound [his] ideas …
to a fresh audience each year”, especially given that he could not afford
“the luxury of publishing scientific work at [his] own expense”.14
On the 20th of January 1893, Walras informed Pareto that his chances
of success appeared good, assuring him that it was characteristic of the
minister responsible, Eugène Ruffy (1854–1919)15 to put off making deci-
sions for as long as possible.16 For his part Ruffy, on the basis of Walras’
letter in which he recommended Pareto as his successor (designating him
“one of [his] most brilliant disciples [and] the best-equipped to continue”
his teaching in pure political economy)17 together with the letter of appli-
cation sent to him by Pareto himself,18 had duly contacted the Swiss
Ambassador in Paris (Charles Lardy) to check the references communi-
cated to him by Walras19 (particularly in regard to the publishers of the
“Journal des Economistes” and of the “Revue des Deux Mondes”).
In the early Spring, having given up the prospect of the move to
Lausanne as lost in bureaucratic delays, Pareto commented that he would
“have been very happy if it had been possible”.20 Thus, it was with evident
enthusiasm that, instead, he was able to announce to Pantaleoni that on
the 19th of April, following an interview21 which had taken place at his
house in Fiesole with Ruffy and the Dean of the law faculty,22 Louis
4 F. Mornati

Grenier (1846–1919), “everything [had] been settled”23 and that, in

response to the wishes of his interlocutors, he would travel to Lausanne
at the beginning of May in order to “start teaching” straightaway.24 To be
precise, Pareto’s appointment was as “extraordinary Professor” for a period
of a year, with a promise from Ruffy that “if the results of [his] courses
[were] satisfactory”, he would be offered a chair25 at Easter 1894.
On the 24th of April 1893, the professors Grenier, Jacques Berney
(1863–1898), Heinrich Ermann (1857–1940) and Ernest Roguin
(1851–1939)26 were present at the meeting of the Law Faculty board,
which unanimously approved Pareto’s appointment as extraordinary pro-
fessor of political economy, expressing “the desire that, if possible, the
teaching of pure political economy should begin this summer”.27 On the
25th of April, the government of the canton duly appointed Pareto as
“extraordinary professor of political economy” for the two following
semesters at an annual salary of 4000 francs.28
A few days later, Pareto wrote to a friend in Geneva, the Italianist
Philippe Monnier (1864–1911), saying that he was very happy, both to
have been designated successor to Walras, which “far exceeded what [he]
could have expected”, and because he hoped to “find among the honest
and hard-working folk of Switzerland the tranquillity required for [his]
scientific studies”.29
On the 9th of May, the “Gazette de Lausanne” (the city’s most impor-
tant daily and the unofficial organ of its Liberal Party)30 informed its read-
ers that Pareto had arrived in Lausanne31 on the morning of the 8th of
May (a Monday) and that he would begin “his courses shortly”.32 This
same daily had previously informed readers that Ruffy and Grenier had
travelled to Florence “to seek a professor of political economy to replace
Mr. Walras, who is resigning”,33 adding that the professor whom the
University wished to appoint was “the Marquis Wilfredo Pareto of
Florence, who already has a reputation as a journalist”.34 The Lausanne
newspaper commented that “it would be a brilliant acquisition for
Lausanne. It is important that the chair hitherto occupied by the doyen of
a school, Mr. Walras, not be left in the hands of a mediocrity. Mr. Pareto
is a disciple of the master, whose health has obliged him to abandon teach-
ing. He is a supporter of free trade, which is very rare ­nowadays. We
express our most sincere hopes that the negotiations which have begun
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 5

with him will be successful”. On the 25th of April, the “Gazette” could
finally report that the canton government had appointed “Mr. Vilfredo
Pareto, engineer” as professor of political economy35 in place of Walras,
who had been granted his pension. On the same day, the “Revue” (the
official organ of Lausanne’s Radical Party) reported that, following the
resignation of Walras, “the State Council had called the professor Mr.
Vilfredo Pareto to occupy the vacant chair. Although young, Mr. Pareto
is already very well-known and is appreciated not only among econo-
mists, but also by all those who are interested in the absorbing issues of
financial and commercial policy”.36

1.2 The Confirmation

The lesser-known story of Pareto’s confirmation at the University of
Lausanne is also interesting from a biographical point of view, because it
demonstrates his ease in dealing with the authorities in a foreign country.
Felix Roux (1855–1940), the director of the École industrielle cantonale
(the state school for commercial studies) informed the government that
it was no longer possible to delay the solution to the problem of finding
a successor to Walras at the school. Further, referring to the fact that
Walras’ tasks included teaching activities at this school too, Roux said
that, even if this requirement had not been formally demanded of Pareto,
“nevertheless it would be of great interest for our school if the Department
could persuade him to take over the course, even if it involves making
some concessions”.37
The new minister of the public education, the radical Marc-Emile
Ruchet (1853–1912) considered Roux’s request reasonable, informing
him on the 2nd of April that he would “take the necessary steps with
Mr. Vilfredo Pareto to procure his valuable support in the teaching of
political economy at the École du Commerce and inform you concern-
ing the outcome of our endeavours”.38 On the same day, Ruchet duly
put out feelers regarding Pareto’s39 intentions, the latter replying to
the minister on the 4th of April,40 making his availability conditional
on an additional remuneration in recognition of the work he would be
obliged to forfeit, since the lessons requested of him, although elemen-
tary, would nevertheless require adequate preparation. Ruchet seemed
6 F. Mornati

disposed to grant all Pareto’s41 requests in full but, in the following

days, Pareto appeared to change his mind completely, demanding pro-
motion to full professor42 in return for simply performing the univer-
sity teaching, and on the 13th of April the government granted this
request.43
As early as the 14th of April, Pareto was once again forcing the issue,
thanking Ruchet for the promotion but also reminding him that it had
been agreed with Ruffy that this promotion would offer the same remu-
neration as that of the other full professors, and hence Pareto was able to
accept the existing extraordinary Professor’s salary of 4000 francs only on
a provisional basis.44 On the same day Pareto asked to be received by
Ruchet45 and this request was granted directly for the following 17th of
April.46 Only indirect evidence is available concerning the discussions at
this meeting. The administration had prepared a note indicating that, in
contrast with Pareto’s claim of receiving discriminatory treatment by
comparison with the other full professors, twelve of these (out of twenty-­
seven) received 4000 francs, three 4500, four 7500, one 5000, one 5500,
two 6000 and the other four less than 3000 francs.47
At this meeting, it is very likely that Pareto’s views were sought in the
matter of covering the position at the École de Commerce, as on the 19th
of April he wrote to Ruchet48 to inform him that his post-graduate
­student (in letters) Léon Winiarski (1865–1915)49 would be very happy
to take on the task and that he, Pareto, would contribute by passing on
“all the information he needs in order to … prepare his course properly”.
However, on the 23rd of April, Ruchet told Roux plainly that “we regret
to inform you that our approaches to Mr. Pareto have not borne fruit”,
while assuring him that the search for Walras’ replacement would go on.50
At the faculty board of the 25th of June 1896, with Berney, Georges
Favey (1847–1919), Erman, Roguin and Pareto present, the outgoing
Dean Berney proposed that, as was customary, the position should pass to
Pareto, as being the most recently appointed full professor. Pareto himself
“remarked that he feared he did not possess the necessary experience to
perform this task. He will accept only if the vice-Dean has the kindness to
assist him in the performance of the duties involved”.51 In the end, Roguin’s
willingness to offer his help induced Pareto to accept the mandate, in the
course of which he presided over the Faculty board meetings of the 6th of
November and 1st of December 1896, those of the 16th and 23rd of
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 7

June,52 15th of November and 6th and 17th of December 1897, and those
of the 12th and 31st of January, the 8th53 and 21st of February, the 4th of
March, 26th of April, 2nd of June, 12th of July and 30th of September
1898 before giving way to Favey as his successor in leading the faculty.

1.3 The Succession

In the spring of 1898, having just received his inheritance from his uncle
Domenico (who had died in Genoa on the 10th of March),54 Pareto
expressed his desire to stop teaching, initially as early as the 31st of December
1898. His hope was to find another liberal to replace him, but this appeared
unlikely because it seemed that “nowadays everyone is a socialist”.55
The decision to put an end to teaching, made possible by the fact that
he no longer needed to earn his living by working, was officially moti-
vated by his desire to put together the ideas needed to write the treatise
on sociology which he mentioned for the first time in this period.56
In truth, there were also important tax-related motives. In fact, Pareto’s
additional plan was to leave his position as professor while remaining in
the Vaud canton and living off his private income, in order to qualify
under the fiscal provision relating to “foreigners not practising any pro-
fession within the canton who by law are exempt from tax for ten years”.
He would be happy, if permitted under the terms of the regulation, to
give an hour of lessons per week free of charge, failing which he would
stop “teaching altogether” (Table 1.1).57

Table 1.1 Pareto’s fiscal situation

Year Assets Professional earnings Tax payable
1894 35,500 3800 105.76
1895 35,100 4430 114.81
1896 33,800 5050 122.20
1897 31,100 5700 160.56
1898 31,800 5150 148.16
1899 297,900 5090 943.58
1900 11,800 18.88
Source: Income tax rolls, registers for 1893–1901, Archives of the Financial
Directorate, City of Lausanne, figures in Swiss francs
8 F. Mornati

Thus began a long stand-off between Pareto, on the one hand, and the
University and the Department of Public Education, on the other.
The first person Pareto thought of to be his replacement was his ex-­
student Nicolas Herzen (1873–1929), who in 1896 had gained his doc-
torate in law, but whose predilection for roman law,58 which Pareto was
already aware of, soon revealed itself as irreversible. Thus, after briefly
fearing that his chair might go to the French literary economist Charles
Gide (1847–1932),59 who a few months earlier had given a series of lec-
tures in Lausanne, of which Pareto had been highly critical,60 on the
cooperative economy, Pareto started to think, initially with considerable
scepticism, about the possibility of simply requesting an assistant.61
For this position he thought of Vittorio Racca (1876–1957), a young
law graduate from the University of Parma who at the time was of social-
ist political leanings and who from the Autumn of 1898 would be in
Lausanne to assist Pareto with his preliminary documentary research for
the treatise on sociology.62
Next, possibly in an attempt to force the hands of the authorities, Pareto
wrote to Ruchet on the 27th of June asking him to accept his resignation
as of the following 31st of December, explaining this by reference to “the
scientific research for the treatise on sociology” which he was preparing.63
On the 16th of August, Pareto and the Dean of faculty Favey were received
by Ruchet, who proposed the solution of Pareto being allowed to avail
himself of a substitute.64 Thus, that same day, the faculty board suggested
to the Department that Pareto should be permitted to entrust to a person
of his own choosing the teaching of those parts of the course he thought
best for the length of time he desired. Racca was suggested for this position
on the basis of his familiarity with Pareto’s teaching and his shared concep-
tion of political economy.65 On the 14th of October, just before the start of
the 1899–1900 academic year, the canton government accepted this pro-
posal.66 Racca started his brief academic career in Lausanne on the 8th of
January 1900, speaking during the course on applied political economy on
the theme of non-personal assets, accompanied by Pareto’s hope that, as of
the following year, he would be able to substitute him “completely”.67
In any case, as early as the 11th of December 1899, Pareto had
informed Ruchet that he would forgo any remuneration on the part of
the university,68 with the explicit aim of “thus entering into the category
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 9

of foreign residents who, being neither born in the canton nor practising
any trade or profession, are not liable to taxes on personal assets”. Having
noted Pareto’s decision and after requesting the Lausanne municipal tax
authorities to “monitor and review Mr. Pareto’s position”,69 the can-
ton government decided, on the 20th of February 1900, to have Racca,
who had previously been paid by Pareto, paid an amount of 200 francs
per month of teaching70 directly by the university. The new head of
Department, the radical Camille Decoppet (1862–1924) tried unsuc-
cessfully to reverse this decision, proposing that Pareto should go back to
paying Racca.71 However, on the 23rd of March, following Pareto’s pro-
tests, the government decided to establish even more favourable terms of
remuneration for Racca, amounting to 2400 francs per year plus 50% of
the enrolment fees for his part of the course.72
In the summer of 1900, Pareto declared himself willing to decide, together
with Decoppet, “something definitive, with regard to” his academic posi-
tion,73 specifying that he wished only for “a modest salary” for his work,
simply because “life is too expensive in Lausanne” for him to “live there
without earning”. Before the change in his personal circumstances, he had
received 6000 francs in all from the university (5000 francs in salary and
1000 francs from course enrolment fees) and this corresponded to the total
figure he would now be required to pay in municipal and cantonal taxes if
he were to remain in Lausanne. Racca having taken over half of his hours of
teaching, “it is thus only right” for Pareto’s remuneration to be halved, but
for this to be possible, in practice it would be necessary for his salary to be
increased to 9000 francs.74 If the government should decide not to grant this
request, Pareto, in spite of “the links of affection and of gratitude” that tied
him to the university and to the Vaud canton, would be obliged to resign.75
Faced with Decoppet’s offer of 8000 francs (the maximum salary pay-
able at the university of Lausanne) for a full course (i.e. without the assis-
tance of Racca),76 Pareto answered that for the corresponding net salary
of 2000 francs he could offer at the most half a course. He therefore asked
Coppet “to accept definitively” his resignation, effective from whichever
moment the minister chose.77
Decoppet, notwithstanding, submitted Pareto’s request for a salary of
9000 francs plus the assistance of Racca to the government, at the same
time expressing his objections, both on the grounds that this would create
10 F. Mornati

“a precedent which would not fail to be invoked by numerous of Mr.

Pareto’s colleagues” and because “the law does not permit us to go up to
the figure in question”.78 However, the faculty board, faced with the pros-
pect of losing Pareto, voted at the meeting of the 2nd of November 1900
for the government to accept his final demands, that is, just one hour per
week of teaching, while supervising Racca’s teaching79 and retaining sole
responsibility for the examinations, in exchange for an annual gross salary
of 3000 francs plus 50% of the enrolment fees for his course.80 The gov-
ernment accepted this, maintaining for Racca the same terms as he had
enjoyed since the March before, but with the proviso that the appoint-
ment could be revoked by either party at three months’ notice after the
end of the academic year, which was prompted by the faculty’s reluctance
to allow the fact of deputising for Pareto to confer on Racca any rights of
succeeding him in his position, since the position should “remain the
preserve of an economist who had proved his mettle and who had a sci-
entific reputation comparable to that of Mr. Walras and Mr. Pareto”.
From the winter semester of 1899–1900 to the summer semester of
1903, the teaching work was divided between Pareto and Racca as fol-
lows81: Pareto taught applied political economy for three hours per week
in the winter semester of 1899–1900, in the summer semester of 1900
(real estate, production and commerce), in the winter semester of
1900–1901 and for one hour per week in the summer semester of 1901,
the winter semester of 1901–1902 (personal assets and theory of inter-
est), the summer semester of 1902 (production and economic crises), the
winter semester of 1902–1903 (division of wealth and modern socialist
systems) and the summer semester of 1903.
As for Racca,82 he taught one hour per week of applied political econ-
omy (socialist systems and taxation) in the winter semester of 1900–1901,
one hour per week of applied economics and two hours of the history of
economic theories (general theories of political economy and their his-
tory) in the summer semester of 1901, three hours of applied political
economy (of which two hours dedicated to real estate and equity assets)
and two hours of social legislation83 in the winter semester of 1901–1902,
three hours per week of applied political economy (of which two hours
dedicated to commerce and consumption) and two hours of social legis-
lation in the summer semester of 1902, three hours of applied political
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 11

economy (of which two dedicated to taxation and to socialist systems up

to the end of the eighteenth century) and two hours of social legislation
in the winter semester of 1902–1903, an hour per week of pure political
economy and two hours of history of economic theories in the summer
semester of 1903.
After a while, however, this arrangement ceased to satisfy for Pareto
due to the (for him) fundamental question of logistics, as it necessitated
a weekly return journey from Céligny to Lausanne, a journey lasting an
hour each way, which he deemed “a major sacrifice”, provoking an out-
burst of “if only that Racca could hurry up and become famous so that I
could retire definitively”.84
Thus, in the early summer of 1901, Pareto advised Racca against par-
ticipating in the selection procedure for a university in Italy because very
probably he would not be allowed to emerge victorious, partly due to the
scheming of other candidates and partly because the fact of “having been
in Lausanne” with him would constitute a penalising factor, while any
setback in Italy would penalise him in Lausanne, where “with a little
patience, he could end up as professor of Political Economy … in two or
three years’ time”.85
This arrangement which had been so painstakingly set up came to noth-
ing when, in October 1903, Racca suddenly failed to appear for the begin-
ning of the new academic year. Pareto’s reaction was to request the dismissal
of his assistant, declaring his willingness to begin the course himself but
asking, in view of his “scientific activities” and his “health issues”,86 to be
replaced as soon as possible, “at least temporarily”, but “on the same con-
ditions” as Racca, by Boninsegni, who “knows the subject in depth”.87
Finally, on the 29th of October, Racca got in touch, with a letter from
Athens addressed to the Dean, Roguin, in which he sought to justify his
non-arrival as being due to a shipwreck (disastrous for his health) and
promising on his return to Lausanne to make good the missed lessons.88
However, Pareto reiterated his request for a new assistant who would
devote himself “wholeheartedly and punctiliously to the teaching of
political economy and who would have a perfect understanding with the
titular professor”, going on to say that “the collaboration with Mr. Racca
deviated gradually from what it had been at the start” so that to resume
it would cause “serious problems for the teaching of political economy”.89
12 F. Mornati

On the 20th of November, the government accepted Pareto’s proposal to

authorise Boninsegni for teaching one hour per week under the supervi-
sion of Pareto, who would be paid the salary formerly paid to Racca and
who would be responsible for paying Boninsegni, while a decision regard-
ing the latter’s suitability to continue in the role would be taken in due
course.90
No details are extant regarding Boninsegni’s early teaching experiences
in Lausanne, which in any case met with Pareto’s approval and, towards
the end of the academic year,91 he proposed to the rector Grenier that the
new arrangement for the courses be confirmed for a period of two years,
renewable.92 On the 12th of July, the government authorised Pareto to be
partially substituted for a period of two years by Boninsegni, on whom
they conferred the title of professor responsible for courses (professeur chargé
de cours) and whose remuneration was to be paid directly by Pareto.93
For this two-year period, the organisation of the teaching was as follows:
Boninsegni in the winter semester of 1904–1905 taught one hour of
applied political economy (socialist systems), in the summer semester of
1905, two hours of the history of economic doctrines (history of political
economy), an hour of the science of finance (the state balance sheet) and
two hours of statistics; in the winter semester of 1905–1906 he taught
two hours of applied political economy (equity assets and real estate), an
hour of the science of finance (public debt and the general theory of
financial transactions) and two hours of statistics (the graphic method
and its applications) while in the summer semester of 1906 he taught
three hours of applied political economy (commerce), an hour of the sci-
ence of finance and two hours of statistics. Pareto, in the winter semester
of 1904–1905, taught two hours of applied political economy (socialist
systems) and, in the summer semester of 1905, an hour of principles of
sociology and an hour of pure political economy; in the winter semester
of 1905–1906, he taught two hours per week of applied political econ-
omy (population, the rate of interest) and in the summer semester of
1906, an hour of principles of sociology and an hour of applied political
economy (production, consumption).
However, January 1905 found Pareto once again contemplating retire-
ment.94 He was confident that Boninsegni was able to replace him at last,
since he taught “a substantial part already”. However, he noted that, on
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 13

the one hand, “this would depend on the authorities” and, on the other,
“he is competent but he doesn’t speak French very well, which is very
important here”.95 The question was taken up again in the summer of
1906 when the tax commission for the district of Lausanne assessed
Pareto’s earnings at 6800 francs, which he contested vigorously, as the
university paid him only 5400 francs, from which should be deducted
the 2400 francs he passed to Boninsegni and to which should be added a
“contribution from students” much lower than the 3800 francs required
to arrive at the “fantastical” sum calculated by the commission. This deci-
sion thus constituted “the straw that broke the camel’s back” which
­persuaded him to retire “irrevocably”. He begged the minister Decoppet
to accept his resignation as of the 1st of October 1906.96
However, once his anger had passed, Pareto declared himself still willing
to continue teaching for the winter semester of 1906–1907 so as “to give
time to find a successor”.97 The Dean, Simon de Félice (1867–1935), sought
to profit from Pareto’s apparent hesitation by pointing out to Decoppet that
it might be possible to persuade him to withdraw his resignation, if he were
permitted to teach only in the winter semester, which was less deleterious for
his health.98 At the beginning of the new academic year Boninsegni also
declared his candidacy for Pareto’s position, on the basis of the continuing
announcements of his resignation as well as of the three years of substitution
he had just completed.99 As for Pareto, he informed the new Dean André
Mercier (1874–1947)100 that he would be prepared to teach pure economics
and sociology, under whatever title the authorities “saw fit” to assign him,
residing continuously in Lausanne in winter for the 89 days allowed to him
by law “without being subject to the progressive tax on personal assets”. As
regards the “teaching of political economy with a mathematical and scien-
tific foundation”, he proposed Boninsegni, adding that he should also be
confirmed for the courses in statistics and the science of finance, while pos-
sibly being relieved of the teaching of social legislation.
At the department’s request, on the 14th of December 1906 the fac-
ulty expressed its approval for Pareto’s appointment to the chair in polit-
ical and social sciences (including pure economics and sociology), as
well as for Boninsegni’s taking the role of extraordinary Professor in
political economy.101 On the 8th of January the government nominated
Boninsegni extraordinary Professor of applied political economy, social
14 F. Mornati

legislation, science of finance and statistics102 and Pareto to the chair in

social and political science, with the obligation of teaching a single course
in the winter semester. His remuneration was to be 1000 francs plus 50%
of the enrolment fees.103 However, Pareto pointed out that the four hours
per week of lessons for half a semester (which would be his new teaching
commitment) were equivalent to two hours per week for a whole semes-
ter, that is, half of his existing teaching requirement, while the new salary
level proposed was only a third of that previously in force. Hence, for
1000 francs he could offer only two hours of lessons per week for three
months. If this was not acceptable, he would resign as of the 1st of April
1907.104 The Department accepted Pareto’s reduced availability in return
for 1000 francs.105 Thus, at least in theory, Pareto’s final teaching commit-
ments were as follows: an hour per week of sociology in the winter semes-
ter of 1906–1907 together with an hour of sociology and an hour of pure
economics in the winter semester of 1907–1908.106
On the 18th of September 1908, Pareto informed Decoppet of his
resignation, this time truly irrevocably, being motivated by a deteriora-
tion in his health.107 The Department requested Roguin, who was Dean
once more, to investigate the justification for this latest resignation, but
Roguin was obliged to report that Pareto was indeed lost to teaching,
proposing, however, to retain him among the teaching staff for the sake
of the prestige of the institution.108 The Department, having invited the
faculty board to make proposals for Pareto’s permanent replacement,
decided to advise the government to accept Pareto’s resignation for the
end of the current 1908–1909 academic year and to appoint him honor-
ary professor. However, due to the availability of Maurice Millioud
(1865–1925)109 to take over the course in sociology under Pareto’s super-
vision, and of Pareto’s willingness in turn to convert his resignation into
a request for a year’s sabbatical, on the 27th of October the government
granted Pareto the period of sabbatical requested, replacing him for the
coming winter semester with Millioud for sociology and with Boninsegni
for pure economics, for which each of them was to receive 500 francs.110
Pareto made only two further fleeting returns to teaching, first in May
1909, when he taught the last official sociology course (consisting of only
eight lessons ending on the 4th of June111) and then in May 1916, when
he taught another course in sociology but with no final exams.112
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 15

1.4  he Founding of the School of Social

T
Sciences (École des Sciences Sociales)
in Lausanne
In the context of Pareto’s official relations with the University of Lausanne,
pride of place must go to his role in the foundation of the École des Sciences
Sociales.
Alongside the normal teaching of political economy, from the summer
semester of 1891 to the summer semester of 1896 the University of
Lausanne also offered teaching in the history of civilisation and of eco-
nomic doctrines, social economics, philosophy of history and elements of
sociology (relating in particular to demography, social legislation, labour
history and social systems) for students of law and of letters. The
­“authorised professor” teaching these courses113 was Louis Jaquemot,114
who had held the chair in political economy at Geneva since 1885 (he
was Pantaleoni’s predecessor115) and who is now completely forgotten
(obscure personal issues with criminal ramifications brought his univer-
sity career to an end between 1896 and 1897), but who had been one of
the leading lights of political and cultural life in Geneva in the 1880s and
early 1890s. It was against this backdrop that the repeated attempts to
introduce a regular degree course in social sciences were made, culminat-
ing in success only in 1902.
At its meeting of the 5th of March 1895, following the death of the
philosopher Charles Secrétan (1815–1895), the board of the faculty of
letters proposed to the Commission Universitaire (the University
Commission responsible for academic matters, composed of the Rector
and the Deans of Faculty, henceforth referred to as the Commission) that
his teaching should be divided into two areas, one covering historical and
metaphysical subjects (to be taught by the above-mentioned Millioud)
and the other scientific and juridical subjects, for which a teacher needed
to be found.116 However, at the same meeting, a proposal was also made to
create a degree course in social sciences. On the following 30th of May the
boards of the faculties of law and of letters, sitting together for the occa-
sion, agreed to the choice of Millioud for the teaching of the philosophy
of history but did not agree regarding the other putative new course. The
16 F. Mornati

Commission proposed a course in physiological psychology to be taught

by Alexander Herzen, the faculty of letters wished to find someone able to
teach “scientific and juridical philosophy” while the faculty of law would
be happy with a chair in philosophy of law, to be entrusted to a jurist.
Professor Georges Renard (1847–1930), historian of French literature, ex-
comunard, socialist and friend of Pareto, then convinced the two faculties
to ask the government to establish a degree course and a doctoral pro-
gramme in political science, which they did but without success.117
The decisive attempt began at the law Faculty board meeting of the
2nd of December 1901, during which the suggestion of the lawyer
Tvakhterew from Odessa to create “special doctorates” was discussed.
Pareto then made his voice heard, saying that this suggestion was worthy
of consideration, expressing his views that it would be “expedient” for the
university to award qualifications in social sciences, particularly that of
criminal anthropology. The faculty approved and set up a commission of
investigation composed of the Dean, Erman, Roguin (who had sup-
ported Pareto’s position) and Pareto himself, which Millioud would be
invited to join in his capacity as Dean of the faculty of letters.118 The
commission, basing itself on a proposal made by Pareto (which has not
been traced), formulated a project119 which, drawing on resources which
were already available in the two faculties, could be immediately imple-
mented with a view to responding forthwith “to the needs and the wishes
expressed by a notable part of the student body”, as well as liberating the
university from “a marked sense of inferiority with regard to other insti-
tutions of higher education in our country and abroad”.120 More specifi-
cally, the commission proposed a new general degree course awarding
both degrees and doctorates, to cover, as obligatory subjects, general phi-
losophy, sociology, political economy (including demography and his-
tory of economic doctrines), basic notions both of public and private law
and political history. Optional subjects were to include a foreign language
(and its related literature), anthropology as referred to social sciences, his-
tory of religions, statistics, social legislation, geography as referred to
social sciences, the science of finance and international law. The parlia-
ment of the canton, prompted by the government, accepted the ­proposal,
to be introduced as a modification to the law relating to the university, on
the 17th of May 1902.121
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 17

Pareto played what was certainly a more important role in the first
reform of social studies at the university. During the preliminary work on
a new law for university, on the 15th of July 1910 the commission admin-
istrating the École des Sciences Sociales (which included Boninsegni,
Millioud, Roguin and the literary man Paul Sirven) proposed that the
school should become an École des Sciences Sociales et Politiques (School of
Social and Political Sciences) offering various degree courses, including a
theoretical/general course, an insurance course, a preparatory course for
consular and diplomatic careers and a preparatory course for journal-
ism.122 Asked his opinion by the Dean of the faculty of law Paul Rambert
(1866–1932), Pareto123 said that if the proposed practical degree courses
were to be introduced as an alternative to the theoretical one, the latter
would disappear, as being considered perfectly useless by the students. If,
on the other hand, it was thought that “the scientific study of social sci-
ences” could be cultivated at the university of Lausanne in order to fill a
gap across Europe for “this type of teaching”, then it was necessary to
make this possible by confirming the only theoretical degree course and
by placing the practical courses in the École des hautes études commerciales
(School for higher commercial studies) which was then in the process of
being set up (and which was inaugurated on the 15th of May 1911), with
which they shared “a common aim and methodology”. Pareto added that
the future of the study of social sciences at Lausanne seemed promising,
both because the courses at the École des sciences sociales were “very well-­
attended” and because Millioud seemed to him capable of “dispensing a
truly scientific teaching of sociology”. The school’s commission was in
agreement with Pareto’s view and on the 5th of May 1912 the govern-
ment created an École des Sciences Sociales et Politiques (School of Social
and Political Sciences), still under the aegis of the faculty of law but
finally independent, offering a single, theoretical degree course.

1.5 The Teaching of Political Economy

Pareto began his teaching program at Lausanne with a long experience of
public speaking behind him but never having actually taught before.
18 F. Mornati

Nonetheless, he had already given thought to the contents of the teach-

ing of political economy,124 writing to Walras that scientific demonstra-
tions were necessary only for the élite. Instead, in order to get the truth
“into heads which are sometimes extremely obtuse ….you have to repeat
things which are of an outrageous simplicity a hundred times”, as he
sought to do in the summer of 1891, with his anti-protectionist publica-
tions whose “value in scientific terms is nil”.125 Furthermore, having
understood immediately that his readers in political economy were not
familiar with mathematical analysis, Pareto, in the summer of 1892, wrote
articles for the “Monde économique” with the aim of “explaining mathe-
matical political economy to those who do not know mathematics”, which
cost him “great effort because [he] wished to be understood by all”.126 In
the same period, he wished to prove to an early critic, the Franco-German
economist Maurice Block, that he did not “need mathematics to make
[him]self understood”.127 In any case Pareto, at the time of his being called
to Lausanne, hastened to inform his friend Moneta, with evident enthusi-
asm, that he was going to Lausanne to teach “economic liberty”.128
The “Gazette de Lausanne”129 and the “Revue”130 informed their read-
ers that Pareto was due to give his first lesson on the 12th of May at 3 pm
in lecture theatre 2 of the Old Academy (Vieille Académie),131 on the
theme “the definition of pure political economy and its method of study”.
To the present day the only information we have on Pareto’s academic
debut is owed to the “Revue”,132 which reported that Pareto gave his les-
son in front of a crowded audience after having been introduced by the
Dean, Grenier. Pareto spoke of the application of mathematics to eco-
nomics, as had been so ably conceived and put into practice by his prede-
cessor Walras. The radical party daily, describing the excellent impression
made by the first lesson (lasting around 40 minutes, and “spoken rather
than read”, as recommended by Walras133), saw the new professor as “still
a young man, with a Mediterranean look, a pale complexion, black beard
and flowing and pleasant diction”, noting that he expressed himself “per-
fectly correctly”, finding “the mot juste without hesitation”.134 Pareto,
who planned to “dictate as much as possible of [his] lessons, as it seems
to [him] that this could facilitate the task of the students and it is not for
[him] a real difficulty”,135 decided once again to follow Walras’ advice by
including “as little mathematics as possible in the course”.136 In fact, as
 Relations between Pareto and the University of Lausanne 19

soon as he was appointed, he had asked Walras’ advice on the preparation

of the course,137 expressing his “extreme gratitude” towards his predeces-
sor for having already prepared “the course to be taught, divided into
lessons”, but leaving him “with complete freedom to do things differ-
ently, and better”.138
On learning, however, that Walras’ recommendations had done him a
disservice precisely because it was feared that, like him, he would give “les-
sons which were comprehensible only to the few” which consequently were
ill-attended, Pareto, while continuing to sing the praises of Walras, decided
he would “explain things in such a way as to be understood by all”. In this
way he soon gathered 22 students (increasing by the end of the course to
29, as against the 6 who had attended his predecessor’s last course139), who
to him “appeared to acquire a taste for what [he was] teaching them”140
even if “when they see an equation, they get scared”.141 To help the students
in their studies, Pareto also introduced the innovation of periodically dis-
tributing lithographed summaries of the lessons142 and, on a weekly basis,
getting them to give “lectures in which they explain[ed] economic theories”
while Pareto offered “any clarification they desir[ed]”.143
Walras immediately and courteously noted that Pareto’s course on pure
economics had been “very brilliant and very popular”.144 When, at the
faculty board of 29th March 1895, Erman wondered whether it might not
be a good idea to introduce measures obliging students who had to sit
exams to attend the relevant courses, Roguin, with Pareto’s explicit sup-
port, adopted a stance in favour of “complete liberty in this regard”.145
In November 1893 Pareto, beginning to take stock of this new experi-
ence, expressed his satisfaction that the authorities were “happy” with
him, where in Italy he would have been dismissed. If among his fifty-six
students “there were at least 10 or so who absorbed free-trade ideas, after
a few years [he] would have contributed something to the spreading of
the [free-trade] doctrine”.146 Similarly, in May 1894 he described the four
semesters of the course as an explanation of the “scientific principles of
free-trade”, imparted also in the hope that among the students “some
may in turn go on to teach these to others”.147
However, in the spring of 1896, Pareto was forced to acknowledge that
his students “know nothing of mathematics and are not curious about
political economy: they wish to know just enough for the exam and no
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hardtack and
coffee
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
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Title: Hardtack and coffee

or, the unwritten story of Army life, including chapters
on enlisting, life in tents and log huts, jonahs and
beats, offences and punishments, raw recruits,
foraging, corps and corps badges, the wagon trains,
the Army mule, the Engineer Corps, the Signal Corps,
etc.

Author: John Davis Billings

Illustrator: Charles Wellington Reed

Release date: December 28, 2023 [eBook #72532]

Language: English

Original publication: Boston: George M. Smith & Co, 1887

Credits: Emmanuel Ackerman and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file
was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HARDTACK

AND COFFEE ***
 GENERAL GRANT REPRIMANDED BY A LIEUTENANT.

Hardtack and Coffee

OR
The Unwritten Story of Army Life

INCLUDING CHAPTERS ON

ENLISTING, LIFE IN TENTS AND LOG HUTS, JONAHS AND

BEATS,
OFFENCES AND PUNISHMENTS, RAW RECRUITS, FORAGING,
CORPS AND CORPS BADGES, THE WAGON TRAINS,
 THE ARMY MULE, THE ENGINEER
CORPS, THE SIGNAL
CORPS, ETC.

By JOHN D. BILLINGS
AUTHOR OF “THE TENTH MASSACHUSETTS BATTERY”; PAST DEPARTMENT
COMMANDER
MASSACHUSETTS G. A. R.; FORMERLY OF SICKLES’ THIRD AND
HANCOCK’S
SECOND CORPS, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC

Illustrated
WITH SIX ELEGANT COLOR PLATES; AND OVER TWO HUNDRED
ORIGINAL SKETCHES BY
CHARLES W. REED
MEMBER OF NINTH MASSACHUSETTS BATTERY; ALSO, TOPOGRAPHICAL
ENGINEER ON GENERAL WARREN’S STAFF, FIFTH
CORPS, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC

BOSTON
GEORGE M. SMITH & CO.
1887

Copyright, 1887,
By John D. Billings.

Electrotyped
By C. J. Peters and Son, Boston.
berwick & smith, printers, boston.
 DEDICATION.
To my comrades of the Army of the Potomac who, it is believed,
will find rehearsed in these pages much that has not before
appeared in print, and which it is hoped will secure to their children in
permanent form valuable information about a soldier’s life in detail
that has thus far been only partially written, this work is most
affectionately dedicated by their friend,
The Author.
 PREFACE.
During the summer of 1881 I was a sojourner for a few weeks at a
popular hotel in the White Mountains. Among the two hundred or
more guests who were enjoying its retirement and good cheer were
from twelve to twenty lads, varying in age from ten to fifteen years.
When tea had been disposed of, and darkness had put an end to
their daily romp and hurrah without, they were wont to take in charge
a gentleman from Chicago, formerly a gallant soldier in the Army of
the Cumberland, and in a quiet corner of the spacious hotel parlor, or
a remote part of the piazza, would listen with eager attention as he
related chapters of his personal experience in the Civil War.
Less than two days elapsed before they pried out of the writer the
acknowledgment that he too had served Uncle Sam; and
immediately followed up this bit of information by requesting me to
alternate evenings with the veteran from the West in entertaining
them with stories of the war as I saw it. I assented to the plan readily
enough, and a more interested or interesting audience of its size
could not be desired than that knot of boys who clustered around us
on alternate nights, while we related to them in an offhand way many
facts regarded as too commonplace for the general histories of the
war.
This trifling piece of personal experience led to the preparation of
these sketches, and will largely account for the didactic manner in
which they are written. They are far from complete. Many topics of
interest are left untreated—they will readily suggest themselves to
veterans; but it was thought best not to expand this volume beyond
its present proportions. It is believed that what is herein written will
appeal largely to a common experience among soldiers. In full faith
that such is the case, they are now presented to veterans, their
children, and the public as an important contribution of warp to the
more majestic woof which comprises the history of the Great Civil
War already written. That history, to date, is a history of battles, of
campaigns and of generals. This is the first attempt to record
comprehensively army life in detail; in which both text and
illustrations aim to permanently record information which the history
of no other war has preserved with equal accuracy and
completeness.
I am under obligations to many veterans for kindly suggestions
and criticisms during the progress of this work, to Houghton & Mifflin
for the use of Holmes’ “Sweet Little Man,” and especially to Comrade
Charles W. Reed, for his many truthful and spirited illustrations. The
large number of sketches which he brought from the field in 1865
has enabled him to reproduce with telling effect many sights and
scenes once very familiar to the veterans of the Union armies, which
cannot fail to recall stirring experiences in their soldier’s life.
Believing they will do this, and that these pages will appeal to a
large number to whom the Civil War is yet something more than a
myth, they are confidently put forth, the pleasant labor of spare
hours, with no claim for their literary excellence, but with the full
assurance that they will partially meet a want hitherto unsupplied.
Cambridgeport, Mass., March 30, 1887.
 CONTENTS.
Page
CHAPTER I.
THE TOCSIN OF WAR.
The Four Parties—Their Candidates—Freedom of Speech
Abridged—Secession Decreed—Lincoln Elected—Oh,
for Andrew Jackson! Exit Buchanan—“Long-heeled
Abolitionists” and “Black Republicans”—“Wide-awakes”
and “Rail-splitters”—“Copperheads”—The
Misunderstanding—Northern Doughfaces—Loyal Men
of All Parties Unite—The First Rally—Preparation in the
Bay State and in Other States—Her War Governor—
Showing the White Feather—The Memorable Fifteenth
of April—“The Sweet Little Man”—Parting Scenes—The
Three-Months’ Men 15
CHAPTER II.
ENLISTING.
The President’s Error—“Three Years Unless Sooner
Discharged”—How Volunteer Companies were Raised—
Filling the Quotas—What General Sherman Says—
Recruiting Offices—Advertisements for Recruits—A War
Meeting in Roxbury—A Typical War Meeting in the
Country—A Small-Sized Patriot—Signing the Roll—The
Medical Examination—Off for Camp—The Red, White,
and Blue 34
CHAPTER III.
HOW THE SOLDIERS WERE SHELTERED.
The Distinction Noted Between the Militia and the U. S. 43
Volunteers—The Oath of Muster—Barracks Described—
 Sibley or Bell Tents—A or Wedge Tents—Spooning—
Stockading—Hospital or Wall Tents—Dog or Shelter
Tent Described—Chumming—Pitching Shelters—
Stockaded Shelters—Fireplaces—Chimneys—Door
Plates—“Willard’s Hotel”—“Hole in the Wall”—Mortars
and Mortar Shelling before Petersburg
CHAPTER IV.
LIFE IN TENTS.
Life in a Sibley—The Stove—The Pastimes—Postage
Stamps as Money—Soldier’s Letter—“Nary Red”—
Illustrated Envelopes—Army Reading—The Recluse—
Evenings of Sociability—Pipe and Ring Making—Home
Gossip—Music and the Contrabands—War Song
Revived—The “Mud March” Prayer 61
CHAPTER V.
LIFE IN LOG HUTS.
The Plan of a Camp—Inside a Stockade—The Bunks—The
Arrangement of the Furniture—Æsthetic Dish-washing—
Lighting by Candles and Slush Lamps—Candlesticks—
Night-Gowns and Night-Caps—The Shelters in a Rain
—“I. C.” Insect Life—Pediculus Vestimenti, the Old-time
Grayback—Not a Respecter of Rank—The First
Grayback Found—(K)nitting Work—“Skirmishing”—
Boiling Water the Sovereign Balm—Cleanliness—The
Versatile Mess-Kettles—No Magee Ranges Supplied the
Soldiers—Washerwomen—No “Boiled Shirts”—Darning
and Mending—Government Socks—Cooks—Green
Pine as Fuel—Camp Barbers—Future Tacticians 73
CHAPTER VI.
JONAHS AND BEATS.
The Jonah as a Guardsman—A Midnight Uproar—“Put him 90
in the Guard-house”—The Jonah Spills Pea-Soup, and
Coffee, and Ink—Always Cooking—Steps on the Rails—
Tableau—Jonah as a Wood-chopper—Beats—The Beat
 as a Fireman—Without Water, and Rations, and Money
—His Letters Containing Money always Miscarry—
Allotments—The Beat as a Guard Dodger—His Corporal
Does the Duty—As a Fatigue Detail—Horse-Burying as
a Civilizer for Jonahs and Beats—The Detail for the
Burial—The Over-worked Man—The Rheumatic Dodge
—The Sick Man—The Chief Mourner—The Explosive
Man—The Paper-Collar Young Man—Forward, Grave-
diggers!—Hurrah! Without the H
CHAPTER VII.
ARMY RATIONS.
Were They Adequate?—Their Quality—A List of Them—
What was Included in a Single Ration—What was a
Marching Ration?—Officers’ Allowance—The “Company
Fund”—“Hardtack” Described—Its Faults Three in
Number—Served in Twenty Different Ways—Song of
the Hardtack—“Soft Bread”—The Capitol as a Bake-
house—The Ovens at Alexandria and Fort Monroe—
Grant’s Immense Bake-house at City Point—Coffee and
Sugar—How Dealt Out—How Stored—Condensed Milk
—Company Cooks—The Coffee-Dipper—The Typical
Coffee-Boiler—Bivouac and Coffee—How the
Government Beat the Speculators—How a Contractor
Underbid Himself—Fresh Meat—How Served—Army
Frying-Pans—Steak from a Steer’s Jaw-Bone—“Salt
Horse” Not a Favorite Dish—Salt Pork and its Uses—
The Army Bean—How it was Baked—Song of the Army
Bean—Desiccated Vegetables—The Whiskey Ration—
A Suggestion as to the Inadequacy of the Marching
Ration 108
CHAPTER VIII.
OFFENCES AND PUNISHMENTS.
The Offences Enumerated—“Back Talk”—Absence from 143
Camp without Leave—The Punishments—The Guard
Tent—The Black List—Its Occupations—Buck and Gag
 —The Barrel and its Uses—The Crucifixion—The
Wooden Horse—The Knapsack Drill—Tied up by the
Thumbs—The Sweat-Box—The Placard—The Spare
Wheel—Log-Lugging—Double Guard—The Model
Regiment—Commanders often Tyrants by Nature, or
from Effects of Rum, or Ignorance—A Regiment with
Hundreds of Colonels—Inactivity Productive of Offences
and Punishments—Kid-Glove Warfare—Drumming out
of Camp—Rogue’s March—Ball and Chain—Sleeping
on Post—Desertion—Death of a Deserter Described—
Death of a Spy Described—Bounty-jumpers—Amnesty
to Deserters—Desertion to Enemy—Hanging of Three
Criminals at Once for this Offence Described—Number
of Executions in the War
CHAPTER IX.
A DAY IN CAMP. “ASSEMBLY OF BUGLERS.” “TURN OUT!”
“ASSEMBLY.”
How the Men Came into Line—A Canteen Wash—The
Shirks—“I Can’t Get ’Em Up”—“All Present or
Accounted For”—“Stable Call”—Kingly Cannoneers and
Spare Horses—“Breakfast Call”—“Sick Call”—“Fall In for
Your Quinine”—The Beats again—“Lack of Woman’s
Nursing”—“Water Call”—Where the Animals were
Watered—Number of Animals in the Army—Scarcity of
Water—“Fatigue Call”—What it Included—Army Stables
—The Picket-Rope—Mortality of Horses—Scarcity of
Wood—“Drill Call”—Artillery Drill—Standing Gun Drill—
Battery Manœuvres—Sham Fights—Drilling by Bugle
Calls—“Dinner Call”—“Retreat”—Scolding Time
—“Assembly of Guard”—The Reliefs—Fun for the
Corporal—Some of His Trials—“Next Tent
Below”—“Tattoo”—Reminiscences—Taps—“Put out that
Light!”—“Stop that Talking!” 164
CHAPTER X.
RAW RECRUITS.
A Scrap of Personal History—A Parent’s Certificate—The Lot 198
of a Recruit—Abused by the Old Hands—Flush with
Money—A Practical Joke—Two Classes of Recruits—
The Matter-of-fact Recruit a Final Success—The High-
toned Recruits—Their Loud Uniform—Scoffers at
Government Rations—As Hostlers—The Awkward
Squad—The Decline in the Quality of Recruits—Men of
’61-2—Unschooled Soldiers—Hope Deferred—“One
Last Embrace”—French Leave Furloughs—Life in Home
Camp—Family Knots—A Mother’s Fond Solicitude—
Galling Lessons of Obedience—Bounties Paid Recruits
—“I’m a Raw Recruit”—“The Substitute”
CHAPTER XI.
SPECIAL RATIONS. BOXES FROM HOME.
Sending for a Box—A Specimen Address—A Typical List of
Contents—Impatience at its Non-arrival—Its Inspection
at Headquarters—Its Reception at Camp—The Opening
—Box-packing as an Art—The Whole Neighborhood
Contributes—Soldiers Who Had No Boxes—The Box of
the Selfish Man—His Onions—“We’ve Drank from the
same Canteen”—The Army Sutler—His Stock-in-trade
—His Prices—The Commissary—Army Fritters—
Sutler’s Pies—Sutler’s Risks—Raiding the Sutler—What
a Sutler Lost near Brandy Station—War Prices in Dixie 217
CHAPTER XII.
FORAGING.
Strictly Prohibited at First—Two Reasons Why—The Right
and Wrong of It—Innocent Sufferers—Unauthorized
Foragers—The Destitution of Some Families—The
Family Turnout—Wantonness at Fredericksburg—
Authorized Foragers—Their Plunder—Foraging at
Wilcox’s Farm—Tobacco Foragers—The Cavalry in
Their Rôle—The Infantry—Incidents—Risks Assumed
by Foragers—Union Versus Confederate Soldier as a
Forager 231
 CHAPTER XIII.
CORPS AND CORPS BADGES.
What was an Army Corps?—How the Army of the Potomac
was Organized—Brigade and Division Formations—“All
quiet along the Potomac”—“Why don’t the Army
move?”—How Corps were Composed—Their Number—
Corps Badges—Their Origin—The Kearny Patch—Worn
First by Officers, then by the Privates—Hooker’s
Scheme of Corps Badges—Its Extension to other
Armies—The Badge of each Army Corps Described 250
CHAPTER XIV.
SOME INVENTIONS AND DEVICES OF THE WAR.
Improvements in Firearms—In War Vessels—Catch-penny
Devices for the Soldiers—Combination Knife, Fork, and
Spoon—Water Filterers—Armor Vests and Greaves—
Havelocks—Revolvers and Dirk Knives—“High-toned”
Haversacks—Compact Writing-desks Smoking-caps
and the Turkish Fez—Hatter’s Caps Versus Government
Caps—The Numbering and Lettering of Knapsacks—
Haversacks and Canteens—How these Equipments
Changed Hands 269
CHAPTER XV.
THE ARMY MULE.
Where Raised—Where the Government Obtained Them— 279
What They were Used for—Compared with Horses—
Mule Fodder—How a Mule Team was Composed—How
it was Driven—How Mules were Obtained from the
Corral—The Black Snake and its Uses—An Incident—
Mule Ears—His Pastimes—As a Kicker the Original
Mugwump—What Josh Billings Knows about Him—His
Kicking Range—How He was Shod—The Mule as a
Singer—Under the Pack-saddle—The Mule as a
Stubborn Fact—His Conduct under Fire—Captured
Mules at Sailor’s Creek—What Became of All the
 Mules?—The Mule Mortal—“Charge of the Mule
Brigade”
CHAPTER XVI.
HOSPITALS AND AMBULANCES.
The First General Hospitals—The First Medical Director—
Army Regulations Insufficient—Verdancy of Regimental
Surgeons—Hospital Tents—The Origin of Field
Hospitals in Tents—Their Capacity—No Ambulances
before the War—Two-Wheeled and Four-Wheeled
Ambulances—Organization of the Ambulance Corps—
The Officers and Privates—The Outfit—Field Hospitals
—Their Location—The Men in Charge—Captured
Hospitals—A Paroled Prisoner—A Personal
Reminiscence—Legs and Arms Unnecessarily
Amputated—Anecdote of a Heavy Artilleryman—The
Escort of the Wounded—The Insignia of the Ambulance
Corps—A Personal Experience—Hospital Railway
Trains and Steamboats—The Cacolet 298
CHAPTER XVII.
SCATTERING SHOTS. THE CLOTHING.
The Allowance—The Losses of Infantry—Clothing of
Garrisons—First Maine Heavy Artillery—Their First
Active Campaigning.—Army Cattle—The Kind
Referred to—Where They Came from—Wade Hampton
as a Cattle-stealer—Cattle on the March—Their Route
by Day and Night—The Sagacious Leader—The
Slaughter—The Corps Herd—Heroic Horses—Their
Conduct in Action—When Wounded—A Personal
Reminiscence—Anecdote of General Hancock—
Sagacious Horses 316
CHAPTER XVIII.
BREAKING CAMP. ON THE MARCH.
Marching Orders—When They Came—What was Done at 330
Once—The Survival of the Fittest—“Waverly”
 Correspondents—The Night in Camp after Marching
Orders Came—Camp Fires and Hilarity—“The
General”—The Wait in Camp—Forward, March!—The
Order of March—Corps Headquarters—Division
Headquarters—The Division Flags Described—Brigade
Headquarters—Brigade Flags Described—Battle Flags
—The Mule of Regimental Headquarters—His Company
—Light Batteries—Lightening Loads—The Chafed and
Footsore—Fording of Streams—The Same by Night—
Personal Reminiscences—“Close up!”—Marching in a
Rainstorm—Camping in a Rainstorm—Horses in the
Rain and Sloughs—A Personal Reminiscence—
Flankers—“Column, halt!”—Double quick!—“They’ve
found um”
CHAPTER XIX.
ARMY WAGON TRAINS.
Grant’s Military Railroad—The Impedimenta—An Army
Wagon—An Army Minstrel Troupe—The Transportation
of a Regiment—What They Originally Carried—Baggage
Trains on the Peninsula—Chaos Illustrated—The
Responsibility of Train Officers—What They had to
Contend with—The Struggle for the Lead—Depot of
Transportation—The Officers of the Quartermaster’s
Department—What Wagons Took Into the Wilderness—
The Allowance on the Final Campaign—Incident—Early
Order of McClellan—General Orders, No. 153—The
Beginning of the Supply Trains—What General Rufus
Ingalls Did—Meade’s General Orders, No. 83—Strength
of a Corps Supply Train—Of the Army—Its Extent—Its
Place on the March—A Reminiscence of the Race for
Centreville—General Wadsworth’s Bull Train—Its Rise
and Fall—Trials of a Train Quartermaster—He Runs
Counter to Meade and Sheridan in the Discharge of his
Duty 350
CHAPTER XX.
 ARMY ROAD AND BRIDGE BUILDERS.
The Engineer Corps—Their Duties—Corduroying—Trestle
Bridges—Slashing—Making of Gabions, etc.—As
Pontoniers—Xerxes as an Early Pontonier—His Bridge
over the Hellespont Described—Our Earliest Pontoon—
Bridges of Canvas Boats; of Wooden Boats—Pontoon
Bridge Material Described—Balks, Bays, Chesses, Rack
Lashings—Pontoon Train—Pontoon Bridge Building
Described—Taking Up a Pontoon Bridge—The ’62
Bridge over the Chickahominy—Over the James—
Pontoon Bridge Laying before Fredericksburg—The
Stability of such Bridges—Incident—Life of an Engineer 377
CHAPTER XXI.
TALKING FLAGS AND TORCHES.
Old Glory—Signal Flags—The Signal Corps—Its Use—Its
Origin—The Kit—The Talking—The Code—A Signal
Party—Sending a Message—Receiving a Message—
The Torch—General Corse’s Despatch—Signal Stations
—Lookouts before Petersburg—“Which one?”—What
Longstreet Said—What a Paper Correspondent Did—
Reading the Rebel Signal Code—Signal Station at
Poolesville, Md.—The Perils of Signal Men—Death of a
Signal Officer—At Little Round Top—Anecdote of Grant 394
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
1. General Grant reprimanded by a Lieutenant Frontispiece
2. Rending the Flag 15
3. A Bell-and-Everett Campaigner 16
4. Southerners discussing the Situation 17
5. A Lincoln Wide-Awake 20
6. “Nayther av us” 21
7. The Minute Man of ’61 23
8. Sweet Little Men of ’61 27
9. Adjutant Hinks notifying Captain Knott V. Martin 29
10. Captain Martin’s Company on its way to Faneuil
Hall 31
11. A Drum 33
12. A Dismounted Cavalryman 34
13. A War Meeting 39
14. A Bugle 42
15. On the Lookout 43
16. Mustering in Recruits 44
17. Readville Barracks (from a photograph) 45
18. Sibley Tents 46
19. A, or Wedge Tents 48
20. Spooning Together 49
21. The Hospital or Wall Tent 50
22. Officer’s Wall Tent with Fly 51
23. The Dog or Shelter Tent 52
24. Shelters as sometimes Pitched in Summer 53
25. Shaded Shelters 54
26. A Poncho on 55
27. A Chimney on Fire 56
28. A common Bomb Proof 57
29. A 13-inch Mortar 58
30. A Bomb Proof in Fort Hell before Petersburg,
Va. 59
31. A Sleeping Soldier 60
32. Two of a Kind 61
33. Sibley Tent—inside view 62
34. Writing Home 63
35. Stockaded A Tents 66
36. Drafting 68
37. The Camp Minstrels 70
38. Our Silverware 72
39. Building a Log Hut 73
40. Inside View of a Log Hut 75
41. Army Candlesticks 77
42. Pediculus Vestimenti 80
43. (K)nitting Work 81
44. “Turning Him Over” 82
45. Boiling Them 83
46. A Wood-Tick 83
47. Cleaning Up 84
48. A Housewife 86
49. The Camp Barber 88
50. The Musket on Hooks 89
51. “Beating It” 90
52. The Jonah Spilling Pea-Soup 92
53. The Camp Fire before the Jonah Appears 93
54. The Camp Fire after the Jonah Appears 94
55. The Unlucky Man 95
56. Going after Water 96
57. The Rheumatic Dodge 100
58. Water for the Cook-House 101
59. The High-tempered Man 104
60. The Paper-collar Young Man 105