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MIGRATION, DIASPORAS
AND CITIZENSHIP
Series Editors: Robin Cohen and
Zig Layton-Henry

POSTCOLONIAL
PORTUGUESE
MIGRATION
TO ANGOLA
Migrants or Masters?

Lisa Åkesson
 Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship

Series editors
Robin Cohen
Department of International Development
University of Oxford
Oxford, UK

Zig Layton-Henry
Department of Politics and International Studies
University of Warwick
Coventry, UK
Editorial Board: Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute, Italy;
James F. Hollifield, Southern Methodist University, USA; Daniele Joly,
University of Warwick, UK; Jan Rath, University of Amsterdam, The
Netherlands.
The Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship series covers three important
aspects of the migration process: firstly, the determinants, dynamics and
characteristics of international migration. Secondly, the continuing attach-
ment of many contemporary migrants to their places of origin, signified by
the word ‘diaspora’, and thirdly the attempt, by contrast, to belong and
gain acceptance in places of settlement, signified by the word ‘citizenship’.
The series publishes work that shows engagement with and a lively appre-
ciation of the wider social and political issues that are influenced by inter-
national migration and encourages a comparative perspective.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14044
 Lisa Åkesson

Postcolonial
Portuguese Migration
to Angola
Migrants or Masters?
Lisa Åkesson
School of Global Studies
University of Gothenburg
Gothenburg, Sweden

Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship

ISBN 978-3-319-73051-6    ISBN 978-3-319-73052-3 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73052-3

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018932754

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
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exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
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Printed on acid-free paper

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The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To Noa and Simon
 Acknowledgements

This book draws on the support from many persons in Luanda. I owe a
great and profound gratitude to my three excellent female research assis-
tants, who provided me with invaluable contacts and many insights.
Academic colleagues and friends at Universidade Agostinho Neto as well
as friends outside the academic circles offered me great hospitality and
shared their visions about how to navigate life in contemporary Luanda. I
also want to thank my Angolan and Portuguese interviewees who patiently
answered my many questions during conversations that sometimes lasted
for many hours. I would have liked to mention all of you by name, but the
obscure workings of the Angolan party-state and the long history of wide-
spread state control and repression made me decide to preserve the ano-
nymity of everyone who resides in Angola.
During my research visits in Luanda I was accompanied by Pétur
Skúlason Waldorff, Reykjavík University, and his collegiality and kindness
made my work much more easy and fun. At the initial stages of fieldwork,
Erika Eckeskog and Lena Sundh at the Swedish Embassy in Luanda
opened up for important contacts. I wrote the main part of the book dur-
ing the last months of 2016, when I was a visiting research fellow at the
International Migration Institute, University of Oxford, and I want to
thank colleagues and staff at IMI for providing such a great environment
for concentrated writing. I finalized the text during a stay at The Swedish
Institute in Athen’s guest house in Kavala, and also here I encountered
many nice people and a fantastic environment.

vii
viii Acknowledgements

Caroline Valente Cardoso, University of Gothenburg; Maria Eriksson

Baaz, Uppsala University; and Palgrave Macmillan’s anonymous reviewer
have carefully read and commented upon earlier drafts. I have benefitted
enormously from Carolina’s deep and detailed insights into the research
topic and Maria’s profound grounding in postcolonial theory.
The project has been financed by the Swedish Research Council.
 Contents

1 Introduction: Setting the Scene   1

Luso-Angolan History   7
Creoles, Assimilados and Settlers   8
Independence, Retornados and Civil War  10
Peace, Reconstruction, Economic Boom and Bust  11
Deep Entanglements: Contemporary Political and Economic
Relations Between Luanda and Lisbon  14
Trajectories of Portuguese Migrants in Luanda  16
Portuguese and Angolan Identities  22
Methodological Considerations  24
References  29

2 Postcolonial Encounters in a Lusotropical World  33

Hybridity and Ambivalence  37
Portuguese Postcolonial Studies and the Lusotropical Ideology  41
Lusotropicalism  42
Celebrating Hybridity (or Not): Sex and Race
in the Empire  43
Postlusotropicalism in the Shadow of a Lost Empire  46
Postlusotropicalism in Contemporary Luanda  48
Stories About the Colonial Past  48
Postlusotropical Positions and Contemporary Relations  52
References  54

ix
x CONTENTS

3 Mobile Subjects  57
Migrants?  59
Expatriates?  60
Return?  63
Returnees and Newcomers  66
Return as a National Re-conquest  67
Integrated?  69
North-South Migration and the Familiar Concepts of Mobility  73
References  74

4 Changing Relations of Power and the Party-State  77

The Party-State and the Angolan Business Owners  78
Securing Immigration Documents  79
Whiteness as a Marker of Potential Undocumented
Migrants  82
Encounters with the Traffic Police  85
Conflict-Ridden Business Relations  86
Corruption and Portuguese Business  89
Voices on Changing Power Relations  91
References  93

5 The Power in and of Labour Relations  95

Labour Relations in Colonial Times  96
Workplace Hierarchies  99
Portuguese Getting Jobs Without Proper Qualifications 101
Motives for Hiring Portuguese 102
Salary Differences 105
The Workplace as a Primary Arena of Postcolonial Encounters 107
References 111

6 Identities at Work 113
“The Laid-Back Angolan” 114
Cultural Racism 116
“The Angolan Reality” 117
The Postcolonial Legacy and Beyond 119
 CONTENTS
   xi

“The Ignorant Angolan and the Knowledgeable Portuguese” 121

“The Arrogant Portuguese” 125
Racism, Class and Arrogance 126
The Colonial Legacy and the Co-production of Identities 129
References 131

7 Conclusions: Continuity, Rupture and Hybridity 133

A Hybrid Space Fraught with Tensions 136
References 139

References  141

Index 151
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Setting the Scene

Abstract For the first time in postcolonial history, a substantial number of

migrants from a European ex-colonial power are seeking a better life in an
African ex-colony. This unexpected process has its origins in the conjunc-
ture of the financial crisis hitting Portugal and an oil-fuelled economic
boom happening simultaneously in Angola. Building on ethnographic
interviews, this book analyses how Portuguese migrants and Angolan resi-
dents reconstruct their identities and relations of power when they interact
in Luanda. At the forefront are questions about postcolonial continuities
and ruptures in a macro-context of radical change. The present chapter
provides a historical, political and economic background to the contem-
porary encounters between Angolans and Portuguese in Luanda. It also
describes the methods and material that the book is based on.

Keywords Portuguese migration to Angola • South-North migration •

Power • Identity • Postcolonial continuity and rupture • Luanda

For the first time in African postcolonial history, citizens of a former

European colonial power are seeking improved living conditions in an ex-­
colony on a massive scale. The long line of Portuguese women and men
outside the Angolan consulate in Lisbon is a telling sign of a new era. In
the queue, people from different walks of life wait anxiously for the

© The Author(s) 2018 1

L. Åkesson, Postcolonial Portuguese Migration to Angola,
Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73052-3_1
2 L. ÅKESSON

c­ onsulate to open its doors. The majority of them have their hopes pinned
on acquiring an immigration document that would allow them to earn a
secure income in Angola. The queue outside the consulate indicates a
reversal of migration flows. Up until the early 2000s, many Angolans
moved to Portugal in search of personal security and a stable livelihood,
but now migrants move from the former metropole to the former colony.
An indication of the magnitude of this reversal is that in 2013 economic
remittances from Angola to Portugal were 16 times the remittance trans-
fers in the opposite direction (Observatório da Emigração 2016).
This unexpected event in European-African relations has its origins in
the accidental conjunction of Angola rising1 and Portugal falling. In 2008,
the North Atlantic financial crisis hit Portugal with the force of a gale.
Drastically decreased salaries, massive unemployment and deep uncer-
tainty soon overshadowed the life of many Portuguese, and a prolonged
recession begun. In 2013, one fifth of the population was unemployed,
the minimum salary was 485 euro and a normal age pension was less than
500 euro (Instituto Nacional de Eststística 2016; Portugal 2015). Most
Portuguese experienced a rapid decline in their social and economic situa-
tion, and many found it impossible to sustain themselves and dependent
family members. Simultaneously, a flow of international and Portuguese
media reports described a rapid economic development in the former col-
ony of Angola. Various sources made estimations of two-digit gross
domestic product (GDP) growth rates, and the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD) reported a record macro-­
economic growth of 27% for the year 2007 (OECD 2011: 52). The pro-
longed civil war had finally come to an end in 2002, and a few years later
the state had launched a comprehensive infrastructure reconstruction pro-
gramme. The oil-fuelled economy controlled by the party-state was char-
acterised by “turbo-capitalism” (Schubert 2016a), and in combination
with a lack of experienced professionals in most sectors the economic
boom created a high demand for skilled and semi-skilled labour. Owners
of Portuguese companies threatened by economic failure also came to see
Angola as an opening, and many of them hastened to develop trade and
business relations with Angolan economic interests. In a short period of
time, this development created new and fortified economic ties and depen-
dencies at multiple levels between the two countries.
Global discourses on migration as well as international migration
regimes tend to build on and reinforce the image of economic migrants’
border crossings as solely taking place in a South-North direction. This
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 3

book unsettles this idea by looking at the contemporary Portuguese labour

migration to Angola, which arguably is a novel historical development. As
such, it challenges stereotypical understandings of contemporary mobility
and makes us remember that the directions of people’s migratory trajecto-
ries largely are unforeseen. In the 1990s and early 2000s, public debate
and migration research in Portugal had been preoccupied with the inte-
gration of citizens from the former African colonies (e.g. Machado et al.
2011), but in the second half of the 2000s the discourse changed. Also, in
relation to the field of international migration studies, contemporary
European labour migration to Africa represents something new. While
there is a wealth of literature on international economic/labour migra-
tion, this literature is mainly focused on South-North migration and, to a
lesser extent, South-South labour migration. However, there is of yet little
research on economic migrants moving North-South. Moreover, the
existing literature on North-South migration tends to focus on privileged
travel and so-called “expatriates” (e.g. Amit 2007; Hindman 2013;
Leonard 2010). Estimates indicate that between 3% and 6% of all migrants
move from the North to the South and that China and Brazil are impor-
tant countries of destination (Laczko and Brian 2013). While Portugal
constitutes a specific case in Europe because of its severe economic crisis
and its history as both a colonial power and a country of emigration, it is
possible that North-South migration will increase in the future. Such new
movements will give rise to new questions that need to be addressed
within the vast research field attending to international migration, and this
book represents a step in that direction.
The need to secure a reliable income is a reality shared by economic
migrants all over the world and also by the Portuguese in Angola. Often,
their main motive for migrating has been to get out of unemployment or
precarious employment conditions in Portugal and thereby avoid social
degradation. Some were heavily indebted, others wanted to be able to
keep their house in Portugal or continue financing their children’s studies.
In Angola, they have identified possibilities of finding a stable job and
comparatively higher income and often also socio-professional advance-
ment. Some of the migrants have opted for earning enough money to raise
a family or to sustain family members left behind in Portugal. Thus,
acquiring a status as a legal immigrant and successfully integrating into the
labour market is the goal for most of these migrants, as for other interna-
tional labour migrants. Yet, like other international migrants, the
Portuguese do not always obtain these objectives, and they often find
4 L. ÅKESSON

themselves in a subordinate position in relation to powerful representa-

tives of the Angolan party-state. What is special in this case, however, is
that the Portuguese migrants’ inferior position in relation to the Angolan
party-state is combined with a position of symbolic power grounded in the
Portuguese historical identity as coloniser.
Thus, this is a case of ex-colonisers moving to the ex-colony. In the
African context, there is no other example of a high number of people
moving from a European ex-colonial power to an ex-colony on the conti-
nent. On a global scale, there is a limited European migration to Latin
America ex-colonies. Some Portuguese have left for Brazil (Marques and
Góis 2016) and there is a recent Spanish migration to Ecuador, Bolivia
and Colombia (Laczko and Brian 2013). In this last case, however, many
of these migrants once left Latin America for Spain, and now they are
returning to a country where they are perceived to be a part of the native
population. As I will make clear, some of the Portuguese are actually also
returning to Angola where they grew up as children to Portuguese settlers
in colonial times. Thus, they are returnees, but they are hardly considered
to belong to the native population.
This book explores everyday postcolonial encounters (Faier and Rofel
2014) between the Portuguese ex-colonisers turned migrants and the ex-­
colonised Angolan “hosts” in the Angolan capital of Luanda. The thrust
in the chapters to follow is an analysis of how the Luso-African ­postcolonial
heritage interplays with the recent migration from Portugal to Angola in
the (re)construction of power relations and identities. In doing that, the
book proposes an interpretation of the Angolan-Portuguese relationship
as characterised not only by hierarchies of power but also by ambivalence
and hybridity. Arguably, the identities of the ex-colonised Angolan and the
Portuguese ex-coloniser are mutually constituted and constructed out of
a history of interdependence. This history has been marked by deeply
unequal and often violent power relations, yet it has produced two tightly
interwoven identities and a sense of intimacy between the two, though of
a very fraught and conflictive nature. The Angolans and Portuguese who
meet in Luanda are well known to each other; when they meet, they con-
struct their identities interdependently.
The focus on power relations and identities implies that inquiries into
postcolonial continuities and discontinuities are central to this book. In
researching continuities and ruptures, I take the “post” in “postcolonial”
to signal both “continuance” and “after”. On one hand, many of the colo-
nial relations of power are still in place, not the least in terms of inequali-
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 5

ties between Angolans and Portuguese with regard to accumulation of

cultural and symbolic capital (Bourdieu 2005). On the other hand, enor-
mous social, cultural, political and economic changes have taken place in
both Angola and Portugal since Angolan independence in 1975, and these
clearly rule out any notions about the postcolonial period as simply an
ongoing and continuous process in relation to the colonial past. As Stuart
Hall remarks, the postcolonial not only is “after” but also “goes beyond”
the colonial (1996a: 253) and in that process new identities and power
positions emerge.
Explorations of identity constructions play a key role in postcolonial
studies, highlighting the ways in which identities are relational and shaped
by shifting power relations (Hall 1996a). Identities are made and remade
through discourse and practice; they are fundamentally relational and
shaped in interaction with important others. It is only in relation to its
“constitutive outside” (Hall 1996b) that identities can be construed. In
Luanda, it was obvious that Angolans’ and Portuguese’ talk about the
Other also reflected understandings of Self. This implies that while I use
the terms Angolans and Portuguese throughout the text, I do not see
them as fixed and essential categories. Rather, I use this categorisation “to
evoke contingent and relational formations of meaning and practice that
are constantly being made and remade” (Faier 2009: 8).
Colonial power relations continue to shape the production of power in
the interplay between the ex-coloniser and the ex-colonised. Power per-
meates identities through the meanings we provide to Self and Other,
shaping practice in various ways (Eriksson Baaz 2005). In the present
study, power relations are conspicuously unstable and contested. The
dominance of the Portuguese ex-colonisers is broken as they are depen-
dent on being accepted on the labour market and among business partners
in the former colony. But power relations cannot be reduced to the ques-
tion of access to economic resources; they are also created through the
ongoing production of cultural ideas. These ideas, in turn, are informed
by the colonial history and its articulation with the changes taking place in
the postcolonial era.
In researching everyday postcolonial encounters, I have chosen to espe-
cially attend to identities and power relations at workplaces. There are a
number of reasons for this. First, contacts between Angolans and
Portuguese in Luanda were often limited to workplaces. The Angolans
and Portuguese I met talked often about their lack of contact with people
from the other category outside the workplace. Thus, their relationships
6 L. ÅKESSON

were often of a detached kind rather than characterised by friendship and

conviviality. Second, the search for improved living conditions and a secure
salary is a main cause of migration, but despite this, mainstream migration
studies have paid relatively scant attention to migrants’ work and work-
places (Olwig and Sørensen 2002). In particular, qualitative research into
the work and workplaces of skilled migrant labour is unusual (for excep-
tions, see Fechter and Walsh 2010; Leonard 2010), and most of the peo-
ple I interviewed can be classified as semi- or highly skilled. Thus, my
analysis of how Portuguese migrants and Angolan residents relate to each
other at workplaces contributes to a field of migration studies that is rela-
tively under-researched. Third, workplaces are key sites for the construc-
tion of identities and power relations and consequently they offer a critical
site for studies of how differences are made and privileges are achieved. As
argued by sociologist Pauline Leonard:

Difference is legitimized and normalized through work: both through

explicit practices – such as the allocation of who does what work, how, who
can go where, who can talk to whom, and when, and how; as well as through
the discursive underlying mentalities which frame the ‘doing’ of work. Work
is both economic and symbolic and discursive…. (2010: 30)

As I will demonstrate, in both colonial and postcolonial Angola the

organisation of labour has been absolutely crucial for the uneven access to
privileges. At workplaces in colonial times, strict boundaries were drawn
between the three groups of “natives”, assimilados (Angolans categorised
as “civilised” by the Portuguese) and Portuguese, and today boundaries
between Angolans and Portuguese are still in place. These boundaries are
shaped through (enormous) salary differences and through the delegation
of work tasks and positions of power. Workplace identities are also created
through discursive practices and constant comparisons between Self and
Other.
The book’s focus on work and workplaces resonates with many
Portuguese migrants’ understanding of the meaning of their sojourn in
Angola. Many of these migrants do not see Angola as a place to live but as
a place to work and earn money. They describe their move to Angola as
squarely related to work life. Whether they have emigrated to get out of
unemployment, secure a better income or advance in the career this is all
work-related. Yet the radical physical displacement necessary for the new
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 7

employment has far-reaching consequences, as it changes the migrants’

entire life world (cf. Hindman 2013: 11f).
In the following, I will first provide a historical background to Angolan-­
Portuguese relations and an overview of the recent development in the
two countries, followed by a representation of the Portuguese migrants in
Luanda. The chapter concludes with a presentation of research methods
and material.

Luso-Angolan History
In 1484, the first Portuguese expedition arrived in the territory of what
today is Angola. Nearly five hundred years later, in 1975, Angola gained
its independence. This event had been preceded by 13 years of colonial
liberation war, which came to an end in 1974 as a consequence of the left-­
wing peaceful revolution in Portugal, the so-called “carnation revolu-
tion”. The revolution brought about the demise of Europe’s longest
continuous twentieth-century dictatorship, which between 1932 and
1968 was headed by the infamous António de Oliveira Salazar, who
founded and led the Estado Novo (“New State”). When Angola and the
other Portuguese colonies in Africa became independent, “Portugal was
the longest reigning colonial power of the world and the poorest nation of
Europe” (Feldman-Bianco 2001: 478). In line with this and borrowing
from the postcolonial vocabulary, Feldman-Bianco and other postcolonial
scholars describe colonial Portugal as a “subaltern empire”.
Among the five African colonies (Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau,
Mozambique, and São Tomé), the Portuguese came to consider Angola
the “crown jewel” because of the colony’s wealth in natural resources. Yet
the Portuguese presence in Angola developed slowly, and as late as 1904
Portugal controlled only 10% of the territory (Soares de Oliveira 2016).
The frontiers of the colony were not finally fixed until the 1920s. Up until
the twentieth century, the white population in Africa remained very small
and consisted mainly of male convicts who sometimes stayed on as com-
mercial agents and fathered mestiço children (Birmingham 2015). This
slow process reflects the fact that it was not until Salazar’s regime that an
actual Portuguese colonial enterprise was set up in Africa. And, paradoxi-
cally, the African colonies became fundamentally important for the econ-
omy and self-representation of Portugal only after the start of the African
independence movements in the years following World War II.
8 L. ÅKESSON

Creoles, Assimilados and Settlers

Despite the scarce presence of the Portuguese in the Angolan territory,
there were two enclaves that were under Portuguese rule for centuries,
namely the slave trade ports of Luanda and Benguela. In these enclaves,
Afro-Portuguese communities were born which much later would come
to play a central political and cultural role in independent Angola. These
multiracial communities have been labelled Creole and consisted of people
who spoke Portuguese, were loyal to the metropole and held key trade
and administrative positions (Soares de Oliveira 2016). The Creoles
thought of themselves as civilised and thereby different and superior to the
rest of the Angolan population, and they were clearly a hybrid product of
Portuguese colonialism. When Portuguese participation in the scramble
for Africa started in the late 1800s, the number of white settlers increased
and the Creoles gradually lost their positions to them. This loss was the
first impetus to the formation of a particular Angolan nationalism among
the Creoles. Much later, the Creoles’ version of nationalism would become
a significant political element and also a highly disputed marker of social
and cultural capital in postcolonial Angola (ibid.).
Although the Creoles lost their standing as local rulers of Luanda and
Benguela to white settlers, they were still privileged in relation to the big
majority of the Africans, as the colonial regime granted many of the
Creoles a status as assimilados. This set them off from the absolute major-
ity of the population, which was classified as “natives”, and thereby not
part of the Portuguese nation. Only about 2% of the Angolan population
were classified as assimilados and given the right to Portuguese nationality.
The requirements for this status were that one should read, write and
speak Portuguese fluently; earn wages from a profession or trade; eat and
dress as a Portuguese; be Christian; and maintain a standard of living and
customs similar to the European way of life (Bender 1978: 150). However,
the Portuguese postcolonial writer Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2002)
argues that the Portuguese emphatically did not see the assimilados as
Portuguese. Blackness was a marker of this difference, and this marker did
not allow for more than an ambivalent and hybrid Creole identity.
Several historians (Valente Cardoso forthcoming) agree that Portuguese
access to forced labour was the main driver behind the implementation of
the Estatuto dos Indígenas (Statute of the Natives), which was a set of legal
document regulating the rights—or, rather, the lack of rights—for the
native population. The Estatuto dos Indígenas was not repealed until the
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 9

beginning of the 1960s when the first Angolan uprisings against the colo-
nial regime took place and it classified all black people as “native”, with the
exception of the few assimilados. “Natives” were required to pay a “head
tax” in Portuguese currency, and in order to be able to pay this tax, people
were forced to work for minimal salaries for a colonial employer. Moreover,
indígenas could easily be categorised as “vagrants” and then they were
subject to non-paid forced labour (Ball 2005). As I will discuss in Chap.
5, the workings of this colonial regime of forced labour still reverberate in
contemporary Luandan workplace relations.
The massive inflow of Portuguese settlers to Angola took place during
only the last two decades of colonial rule. In 1950, the population classi-
fied as “white” was less than 80,000 individuals, but in 1973 it amounted
to 324,000 persons (Castelo 2007: 143). From the 1950s onwards, the
colonial regime was pressured by mounting international critique as well
as by the Angolan anti-colonial uprising, which started in 1961. In
response to this, the Salazar regime started to promote Portuguese settle-
ment in order to “substantiate its 1951 proclamation that the colonies
were really ‘overseas provinces,’ while also coping with rising socio-­
economic and demographic pressures within Portugal itself” (Lubkemann
2002: 192). Before that, the regime had counteracted the possibility of a
rapidly growing white population in Angola, as it wanted to prevent
Angola from becoming “a new Brazil” with a strong white population
demanding independence. In the 1960s, however, settlement became a
strategy to counteract Angolan liberation.
Many of the Portuguese migrants I met in Luanda were actually chil-
dren of the Portuguese settlers who arrived in the 1950s, 1960s and
1970s. These Portuguese settlers came from all over Portugal. Before the
mid-1960s, the majority were male, but as family migration successively
became more common, the numbers of males and females levelled (Castelo
2007). In a sense, the war for independence functioned as a kick-start for
the growing Portuguese settler community. Supported by the colonial
regime, the settlers developed and modernised the Angolan economy and
simultaneously kept black Angolans away from any form of influence or
professional work. When Angola finally became independent, the coun-
try’s private sector “ranging from multinational extractive industry to the
puniest of country stores, had been almost completely in the hands of
Europeans” (Soares de Oliveira 2015: 132). Thus, the lack of profession-
als was acute in all sectors and at all levels, and this lack was not remediated
during the 27 years of civil war that came after independence.
10 L. ÅKESSON

Independence, Retornados and Civil War

Although the Angolan fight for independence started in the early 1960s,
it did not affect the main cities severely until 1972–73. As most of the
Portuguese settlers lived in these cities, they could, with relatively few
disturbances, go on with their lives until the very last years of the colonial
occupation. In Portugal, large parts of the population had become increas-
ingly weary of the drawn-out colonial wars, and on the 25th of April 1974
a group of military officers carried out a peaceful coup d’état. A few
months after the coup, negotiations on decolonisation were initiated. In
Angola, the three liberation movements—MPLA, UNITA and FNLA2—
began to move towards the cities, where they met in armed battles. Efforts
to set up a unity government failed, and when Angola became indepen-
dent in November 1975, civil war had already started.
For the Portuguese settlers, the arrival of the independence movements
in the cities and the escalating civil war brought about a threatening sce-
nario. Between late 1974 and early 1976, the majority of the white
Portuguese left en masse. Some fled to South Africa and other African
countries, but over 300,000 left for Portugal. Among middle-class
Luandans, there are mixed memories of the rapid departure of the
Portuguese. Some lament that Portuguese families, from one day to
another, had to leave everything behind—”even the food on the table”—
whereas other describe Portuguese acts of revenge before departure. For
instance, there are Angolan testimonies about Portuguese working in the
construction sector who blocked the Luandan sewage system with cement
before leaving. In Portugal, the returning settlers were labelled retornados
(returnees), and together with those who returned from the other colo-
nies, they contributed to a sudden growth of the Portuguese population
by 5% (Lubkemann 2002: 190).3
In independent Angola, the MPLA, through use of force, had got hold
of governmental power and the largest cities but was under constant mili-
tary threat. The Angolan civil war soon became a proxy arena for the Cold
War. The Soviet Union supported a large Cuban force to help the MPLA,
while the US backed South African troops on the side of UNITA. Yet, at
the same time, Western oil companies set up business deals with the MPLA
regime. In an absurd consequence of this, oil installations financed by
Western capital were defended by Soviet-backed Cuban troops against
attacks from US-supported UNITA. This exemplifies that although the
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 11

superpowers were involved in the Angolan war, they had very little notion
about what was happening on the ground.
The FNLA movement lost most its influence soon after independence,
while UNITA, led by the cunning Jonas Savimbi, became a long-lived
enemy to the MPLA government. In practice, Angola throughout many
years consisted of two distinct “societies” (Messiant 1994, 1995 in Soares
de Oliveira 2015) or “states” (Pearce 2015), governed by MPLA and
UNITA, respectively. Throughout the war, MPLA controlled Luanda and
the other major coastal cities, whereas UNITA dominated the southeast
and the rural parts of the central highlands. Other parts of the country
were under constant dispute, and in 1993, when UNITA was at the height
of its military influence, it controlled 80% of the Angolan territory (Soares
de Oliveira 2015: 15). With regard to the Luso-Angolan history, it is
important to note that UNITA based much of its ideological resistance on
a view of MPLA as led by Creole offspring of the former colonisers (Pearce
2015: 13). Savimbi portrayed the MPLA government as an elite regime
led by a “non-Angolan” minority and he built this upon “deep-seated
town-country divisions and a sense of victimhood and social resentment
against Luanda and its Europeanised elites” (Soares de Oliveira 2016: 74).
This division between a supposedly native and rural African movement
and an urban Luandan elite imagined as racially mixed and “portugicised”
arguably played a more important role in the civil war than the ethnic
dimensions, which during the war was foregrounded by many interna-
tional commentators (ibid.).

Peace, Reconstruction, Economic Boom and Bust

By the end of the 1990s, MPLA intensified its military campaign against
UNITA. The war escalated and the number of internally displaced people
reached more than three million (Bettocchi and Jamal 2002).4 In 2002,
government forces finally managed to ambush and kill Savimbi. Both sides
interpreted his death as a final military victory for the MPLA armed forces,
and at last peace came to the Angolan people.
After nearly 40 years of war, the lack of infrastructure and public insti-
tutions was nearly total, and the MPLA government embarked on a large-­
scale reconstruction programme financed by the oil revenue. Almost
everything needed to be (re)constructed: roads, railway, ports, hospitals,
schools, water and electricity provision, sewage, and so on. In addition,
the government financed numerous showcase projects, such as football
12 L. ÅKESSON

stadia, new airports, a new parliament, and, not the least, numerous glim-
mering high-rise buildings in the city of Luanda. These investments came
as a life saver to Portuguese construction companies, which by 2008 were
in acute crisis. In a short period of time, the major Portuguese construc-
tion companies redirected many of their activities to Angola and soon
Chinese and Brazilian companies followed them. This implied that the
first comprehensive wave of post-war Portuguese migration to Angola
consisted of construction workers.
The post-war development in Angola has been totally dominated by
the MPLA party, which has gained an absolute majority in four consecu-
tive elections in 1992, 2008, 2012 and 2017. To ordinary people in
Luanda, the MPLA party, the Angolan state and the heavy bureaucracy
constitute one unified body, which they sometimes call o sistema (the
­system) and which many non-elite actors believe is run behind the scenes
by foreigners and mulattos. This body is headed by President José Eduardo
dos Santos, who has managed to stay in power since 1979.5 The govern-
ment’s grip is fundamentally based on its control of three key institutions:
the system of patronage supporting the economic activities of the Angolan
oligarchs, the army and security apparatus, and the state oil holding com-
pany Sonangol (Sogge 2011). The relations between the president, the
army and the MPLA party are stable, and members of the political-­
economic-­military elite seldom find it worthwhile to challenge the estab-
lished order. Outsiders with a voice in the public space are few, and the
party-state has managed to entice many of its opponents into more secure
and enriching positions. This is true, for example, with regard to former
UNITA military officers (Schubert 2016a; Soares de Oliveira 2015).
The oligarchs’ investments tend to focus on rapid profits rather than
long-term sustainable production, and many international economists
would characterise the Angolan capitalists’ businesses as “an evolved form
of rentierism” (Soares de Oliveira 2015: 137), but in Angolan official dis-
course, the clients of the patronage system are invariably termed “entre-
preneurs”. In a speech in 2013, the president defended the elite’s economic
activities by referring to these as “primitive accumulation” and arguing
that Angola was undergoing the same kind of economic transformations
which had occurred in Europe “hundreds of years ago” (dos Santos 2013);
thus, a Marxian rhetoric mixed with the colonial evolutionary idea that
Africa “lags behind”. The inner circle of Angolan investors consists of only
some hundred insiders plus their family members and friends (Soares de
Oliveira 2015: 140), and Portuguese business people and managers have
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 13

to relate to these powerful Angolans in their roles as company owners,

business partners and clients.
The president’s control over the armed forces, which are amongst
Africa’s largest; the presidential guard; the intelligence services and the
police, has only got stronger over the years, and their importance as guar-
antors of the stability of the party-state is fundamental (Soares the Oliveira
2015: 46; 2016). Former UNITA generals have been incorporated into
the army and the police, and the armed forces are currently led by General
Sachipengo Nunda, who during the war was a UNITA officer. The
­economic future of all higher officers is secure, to say the least. Besides the
high remunerations they receive in consequence of their service in the
army, they are guaranteed a place among the rent-seeking oligarchs. In
everyday Luandan discussions about the wealthy elite and its shadowy
businesses, “the generals” are recurrently mentioned. As long as this con-
tinues, the hypothesis of any armed unrest seems far away. The peace
between MPLA and UNITA appears to be stable.
The political and economic importance of Sonangol, the Angolan
national oil company, is eloquently described by Soares de Oliveira when
he outlines the fundamentals of the MPLA regime’s historical approach to
power:

President José Eduardo dos Santos (JES) wrested control of the oil revenue
stream and carved out a parallel state centred on the presidency and the
country’s opaque yet capable oil company, Sonangol. In time, this gave rise
to an oil-driven, internationalized political economy and global networks of
support and patronage. This provided JES with an unprecedented degree of
discretionary power, allowing him to sideline the state administration, the
party apparatus and all other structures of potential influence across Angolan
society. (2015: 25)

The emergence of the strong oil industry represents a break with the
colonial past, as the recruitment of international managers and technical
staff into the industry has become globalized. Males from all over the
world flock to Luanda to reap benefits from the production of the black
gold. The oil sector’s importance for the Angolan economy is testified to
by the fact that, in 2014, oil represented around 95% of the total value of
exports and more than 65% of government revenue (International
Monetary Fund 2015). In 2013, the Sonangol group was ranked as
Africa’s second largest company (The Africa Report 2013). Yet develop-
14 L. ÅKESSON

ment benefitting the large majority of the Angolan population has never
been on the company’s agenda.
The oil revenue and, to a much lesser extent, the income from the dia-
mond business led to an extraordinary growth in Angola by the second
half of the 2000s. According to estimations from the OECD (2011: 52),
Angola was, for couple of years, one of the fastest-growing economies in
the world, and GDP growth rates were 20.6% in 2005, 18.6% in 2006 and
as much as 27% in 2007. For those who wanted to earn fast money, the
late 2000s and the early 2010s were golden years in Angola, and during
these years the inflow of Portuguese migrants grew rapidly.
The macro-economic boom in Angola came to a full stop by the end of
2014 when the international crude oil price drastically decreased. In the
beginning of 2015, the government cut public investment by 45%. The
same year, Bank of America halted its supply of dollars to Angola, presum-
ably in reaction to allegations about Angolan banks being used for financ-
ing “terror organisations”, among them Hamas. In consequence of this
development, projects financed by the state came to a standstill, the
Angolan currency (kwanza) was devaluated, the lack of hard currency
became acute and banks entered into crisis. For the Portuguese migrants,
this meant that salaries were paid with delay or not at all. Moreover, it
became increasingly difficult to send remittances to family members in
Portugal as access to hard currency became highly restricted. The golden
years appeared to be over this time around, and many Portuguese had to
return to Portugal, particularly those who had dependent family members
or debts (or both) in Portugal. Those who had their closest family mem-
bers in Angola as well as a reliable employment often chose to stay, as
conditions in Portugal continued to be bleak.

Deep Entanglements: Contemporary Political

and Economic Relations Between Luanda and Lisbon

In his 2013 state-of-the-nation address, President Eduardo dos Santos

praised Angola’s favourable relations with other nations and then he
uttered the brief sentence: “Only with Portugal, sadly, things are not
good”. Probably, his critique had to do with Portuguese investigations
into leading Angolans’ alleged money laundering and fiscal fraud in rela-
tion to some of their investments in Portugal. I was in Luanda at the time
of the president’s speech and witnessed the shock waves it sent through
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 15

the Portuguese community. Portuguese top politicians also reacted

strongly. Portuguese President Cavaco Silva was on an official visit to
Panama, but immediately after José Eduardo dos Santos’s speech he called
a press conference and said that there was a “misunderstanding” and that
the Angolan leaders “merit all our respect”. This “understanding” was
nothing new in Portuguese politics. All the major political parties have
historically rooted ties with either MPLA or UNITA, and the personal
connections between the leading families in the two countries are
manifold.
Arguably, Cavaco Silva was not concerned only about the welfare of the
Portuguese community in Luanda, the Portuguese companies that were
economically active in the country and the comprehensive export of
Portuguese products to Angola. The Portuguese president’s reaction also
had to do with the importance of Angolan investments in Portugal.
During the boom years, Angolan business interests invested heavily in
Portuguese key sectors, such as banking, telecommunications, media and
energy. Consequently, an angolanisation of the Portuguese economy
became a fact.6
In the book with the telling title Os donos Angolanos de Portugal (The
Angolan Owners of Portugal), Costa et al. (2014) account for the Angolan
political and economic elite’s investment in Portugal. They criticise the
country for keeping the doors open to Angolan PEPs (politically exposed
persons) using Portuguese investments as a way of laundering their money,
which, they argue, would not have been possible in other European coun-
tries. An OECD report directed the same kind of criticism towards
Portugal (OECD 2013). It is notable that the Angolan elite mainly
invested in enterprises that both symbolically and economically consti-
tuted the hearth of Portuguese economic life. This led one commentator
to remark that “Maximizing financial returns is not necessarily the point
here; some observers see instead Angolan elites gaining satisfaction in
lording it over the former colonisers in Lisbon” (Sogge 2011: 89).
In the same vein, I heard stories about Angolan oligarchs going shop-
ping in Lisbon and literally buying everything in their favourite shop and
afterwards reserving all the tables at some luxury restaurant and ruling
over the place for one night. Yet the Angolan elite’s interest in “buying”
and “owning” Portugal was seemingly not only driven by a postcolonial
desire to dominate but also founded on a certain attraction to the country
and its cultural heritage. Portugal is a preferred holiday destination for the
Angolan elite. In Luanda, government ministers and other influential
16 L. ÅKESSON

­ ersons send their children to the extremely expensive Escola Portuguesa

p
de Luanda (The Portuguese School in Luanda). The Portuguese state
owns this school and it strictly follows the Portuguese curricula, which, for
example, implies that history is taught from a Portuguese perspective.
Thus, leading figures in the former movement for independence send
their children to a school where they learn the Portuguese version of the
colonial wars. Another example of the deep entanglements between the
elite in the two countries is Angolan business leaders’ preference for work-
ing with Portuguese advisers. The most cited example is Isabel dos Santos,
who is the president’s daughter, Africa’s first female dollar billionaire and
since 2016 the chair of Sonangol and who supposedly surrounds herself
with hordes of Portuguese managers.
Moreover, the leaders of the MPLA party-state do not celebrate an
“African” heritage. Rather, they see their country as a product of the his-
tory of Portuguese colonialism, although they certainly continue to cele-
brate Angola’s independence. In the MPLA version of Angola, the
experience of Portuguese rule, Portuguese education and the Portuguese
language have unified the country (Soares de Oliveira 2016: 78).
References to precolonial times as well as to ethnic differences are absent
in the rhetoric of the MPLA leaders. Arguably, the portugisation of Angola
is profound and long-standing and has been instrumental in shaping cul-
ture and politics in the country.
As mentioned, the “MPLA nationalism” with its historical ties to
Portuguese rule and the Creole communities is ideologically opposed by
UNITA, and many people in Luanda argue that the MPLA is dominated
by a handful of “mulatto” families who are willing to give up the country
to foreigners. The recent inflow of Portuguese migrants is sometimes seen
as a sign of the governments’ support of foreigners, and many Luandans
believe that all Portuguese migrants enjoy favourable protection directly
from the president. This is definitively not a view shared by the majority of
the Portuguese migrants, who tend to believe that it is only the most privi-
leged of their compatriots who enjoy such support. As I will make clear,
the Portuguese community consists of many different categories.

Trajectories of Portuguese Migrants in Luanda

In Portugal, emigration has been a historically significant factor shaping
society and identity, which means that the outflow of migrants to Angola
is just another chapter in a long and comprehensive history of emigration.
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 17

To be Portuguese has for centuries been to leave for another country or to

have family members living far away (Brettell 2003), and the feeling of
saudade, which can be translated as “longing” and “nostalgia”, has been
described as an emotion that defines the Portuguese “soul” (Feldman-­
Bianco 1992). Massive out-migration started already in the mid-1800s.
Between 1850 and 1930, nearly two million Portuguese left the country
for the Americas, and Brazil was the primary destination. After the Second
World War and until 1975, an additional two million people out-migrated,
mostly to Northern and Western Europe, and France was a leading desti-
nation (Pires et al. 2010). Today, Portugal has the highest proportion of
emigration in the European Union (EU). More than two million
Portuguese live abroad, which means that more than 20% of the Portuguese
nationals have left the country temporarily or permanently. Since the
North Atlantic financial crisis hit Portugal in 2008, a veritable mass depar-
ture has taken place, and in 2013 and 2014 more than 100,000 persons
left annually, principally to the UK, Switzerland, France and Germany
(Observatório da Emigração 2015). One of the many effects of this is that
the country has had a negative population growth rate in recent years and
that the population is ageing.
According to people I interviewed, it was around 2011 that the
Portuguese definitively became a visible group in Luanda. The same year
Portuguese Prime Minster Pedro Passos Coelho urged young unemployed
Portuguese to leave the country for Angola or Brazil. Yet the Portuguese
constituted only one element of the growing non-Angolan resident popu-
lation in Luanda. Business agreements, particularly in the construction
sector, between the Angolan government and China and Brazil had
resulted in an increase in immigration of citizens from these countries.
Media have reported about more than 250,000 Chinese workers in Angola
(Visão 2012) and 30,000 Brazilians (Agência Brasil 2014). The reliability
of these figures is uncertain, but they indicate the significance of the
Chinese and Brazilian migration to Angola. In addition, there are many
migrants from Southern, Western and even Eastern Africa. In difference
to the Chinese and the Brazilians, these migrants generally have arrived
without a labour contract, and they often live under precarious conditions.
As they sometimes are undocumented, their numbers are impossible to
tell.
Also with regard to the Portuguese, statistics are characterised by
“poor numbers” (Jerven 2013). Whereas the Portuguese union of con-
struction workers argued in 2015 that there were more than 200,000
18 L. ÅKESSON

Portuguese working only in construction in Angola, according to the

Angolan migration authority SME (Serviço de Migração e Estranjeiros, or
Migration and Foreigners’ Services), 44,761 Portuguese citizens lived in
the country in 2011 (Candeias et al. 2016: 212). In 2014, the Portuguese
consulate in Luanda reported that 126,000 Portuguese had registered
themselves at the consulate. So, basically, numbers are uncertain. Another
way of looking at the Portuguese presence and their participation in
Angolan economic life is to follow the development of monetary remit-
tances from Angola to Portugal. Remittances began to increase rapidly in
2005, which indicates that migration from Portugal to Angola started to
become important around 2004, which was the year when the post-war
reconstruction program took off. Between 2006 and 2012, remittances
increased by at least 30% every year, except in 2011. In 2012, the remit-
tances from Angola to Portugal were 18 times larger than the money sent
in the opposite direction. In 2013 and 2014, however, remittances dwin-
dled, and in 2015 they were “only” 11 times larger than the amount sent
the opposite way (Observatório da Emigração 2016). Probably, this
decrease reflects the effects of the 2014 “oil crisis” for the Portuguese
migrants. Some have left Angola and for those who have stayed it has
become harder to send remittances. A third way of depicting the
Portuguese presence is through the number of Portuguese companies in
the country. Again, statistics are uncertain, but in 2014 the Portuguese
ambassador in Angola estimated that 2000 companies financed by
Portuguese capital were operating in Angola and that 9000 Portuguese
companies were exporting products and services to the country (Kitari
2014).
The only quantitative study that exists on the Portuguese migrants in
Angola has been carried out by a team of Portuguese and Angolan
researchers (Candeias et al. 2016). Their surveys have partly been filled
out by self-selected respondents, which influences how representative
their sample is. Nevertheless, some of the results are interesting and tie in
with my impressions. For instance, they establish that the majority of the
migrants are male and that they often migrate individually, also when they
have a partner and children in Portugal. The fact that 75% of the study’s
participants send remittances to Portugal is an indication of strong trans-
national family connections. In socio-economic terms, the study describes
a heterogeneous group; among the Portuguese, there are highly paid
senior professionals, middle-class people who often have a specialised
technical training, and working-class labourers, the last category consist-
 INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE SCENE 19

ing mainly of construction workers. The study also shows that the major-
ity of the Portuguese see their sojourn in Angola as temporary and that in
most cases they had secured a job in Angola before leaving Portugal.
Moreover, it demonstrates that some of the Portuguese have been moved
by their company, when it has downsized or closed its activities in Portugal
and instead tried to establish itself in the Angolan market. Thus, some of
the Portuguese have been sent abroad by their employer and thus not
migrated individually.
Some of the Portuguese in Luanda mentioned that they did not see
themselves as a member of a Portuguese “community”. They pointed out
that there were Portuguese working and living in many different neigh-
bourhoods in the logistically complicated megacity of Luanda and that
there were few natural meeting points. The only Portuguese association in
Luanda is the Associação 25 de Abril, which mainly attracts elderly people
with ideological roots in the Socialist Party and the Portuguese Carnation
Revolution in 1974. In fact, some of the Portuguese I met also talked
about an absence of solidarity among their compatriots and compared
themselves in a negative way to the Brazilians in Angola, whom they
believed were more supportive of each other. Yet, despite this alleged
absence of “a community”, people I interviewed often talked about their
impressions of other Portuguese in Luanda, and different groups some-
times criticised each other.
In general terms, internal divisions among the Portuguese migrants are
based on class differences. One group that constantly was pointed out by
members of the middle class as sharing certain, often negatively defined,
characteristics consisted of the construction workers. The first group
would criticise the second group for being uneducated and simple, and it
was quite clear that tensions based on socio-economic hierarchies were at
play. In particular, the construction workers’ relations to Angolan women
were criticised by middle-class people. A common belief was that all con-
struction workers had Angolan girlfriends and that they often preferred
young women. There was a lot of gossip about construction workers’
catorzinhas (“fourteen-year-old girls”) and also about workers having one
family in Angola and another in Portugal.7 Commonly, people working in
construction would not refute such rumours but rather insist on being
better integrated into the Angolan society than the “snobbish” middle-
and upper-class Portuguese. This attitude was common not only among
manual labourers but also among some of the highly educated males
working in the construction sector, who argued that they had more
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